From Rome to Byzantium: The Fifth Century AD

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First published 1998 by Routledg(, II New (:ener Lane, London EC4P 4EE SimuJraneou.~ly

published in the USA and Canada by Routl«lge, Ine. 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY lOool Reprinted io 1998

Cl 1998 Michaei Grant Publications Limited The right of /l.l ichael G rant Publications Limited to be identified as the Author of this Work has been asserted by him in accordance with the C"pyright, Designs and Patents Act J 988 Typeset in Garamond by J&L Composition Ltd, Filey, North Yorkshire Printed and bound in G reat Britain by Biddies bd, G uildford and King's Lyon All rights reserved . No part of this book may be rt"printed or reproouced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter inv('nted, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without JX'rmissioo in writing (rom the publishers. B~;tiJh Lib~a')'

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ISBN 0-415- 14753-0

FROM ROME TO BYZANTIUM The fifth century

AD

Michael Grant

London and N ew York

CONTENTS

Usl

..

of i/hu/ralions

vu .

Introduction

ox

1 Rome and other cities

I

2 The divided empire

8

3 Constantinople

II

4 The fail of Rome

17

5 Finance and the armies

30

6 Eas t and

37

WCSl

7 The eastern emperors

49

8 Empresses

60

9 Religion

67

10 Literature

77

11 Architecture

81

12 Th e human and divine fo rm

105

v

I NT ROD UC TIO N

118

Epilogue

Appendicu

I Constamine I the Great and after 2 Africa, Spain , Gaul 3 Justinian I and before

Notu Lists

141 1 Roman emperors (western and eastern)

2 Po pes (fifth century) 3 Events

Bibliograp1!Y

122 129 132

I Latin

179 181 181 184 188 191

2 Greek 3 J\ilodern

Index

197

.

.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Figures 1

T he walls of Constantinople, erected in the time of T heodosius n (41 2) 2 Gold s(Jlidu/ of Honorius, i\1ilan AD 396 3 Stilicho on ivory diptych, Tesoro dclla Catedrale, Manza 4 Gold solidus of Valencinian Ill , Rome AD 425 5 Gold wlidus of Ramulus 'Augustulus ', AD 475-{) 6 Po rtrait statue of Arcadius 7 Gold solidus of Theodosius n, Constantinople AD 443 8 Gold solidus of Leo I, T hessaloruca AD 457- 74 9 Bronze of Zeno, Rome AD 489-91. 10 Bronze of Anastasius, Constantinople 11 Wing of ivory diptych: the Barberini ivory 12 Gold solidus of G alla Placidia, Ravenna AD 425-30 13 Gold solidus of Pulcheria, Constantinople AD 415-20 14 Gold S()/idus of Aclia Eudoxia, Constantinople AD 423 15 Gold solidus of Aelia Verina, Constantinople AD 457- 74 1G Gold Inmims of Ariadne, Constantinople AD 474-91 17 Statuette of an empress 18 The Church of Santa Sabina on the Aventine Hill, Rome 19 The Church of San Giovanni e Paolo, Rome 20 The Mausoleum o f Galla Plaeidia, Ravenna 21 The Church of S. Giovanni Evangelista, Ravenna 22 The Baptister}' of the Orthodox, Ravenna 23 The Church of St John Studios, Constantinople 24 The Church of St D emetrius, Salonica 25 The Church of the Acheiropoietos, Salonica 26 The Church of the H oly Mary, Ephesus 27 The E ast Church of Alahan, western Cilicia, Asia r-,1inor 28 The church at Dag Pazari, south-eastern Asia .l\-fjnor 29 T he church at Q al'at Sim'an, north-western Syria ..

\,11

15 18 41 45 46 50 51 53 SS 56 58 61 62 63 64 64 65 82 83 84 85 87 88 89 90 92 94 96 97

L I ST O F ILLUSTRATIONS

30 31 32 33 34 35

36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44

Gold plague showing St Simeon Stylites T he church of D eir-el-Abiad, Egypt A leaf from a 'consular' diptych in ivory Floor mosaic from the church at Mopsuestia (Misis), Cilicia Mosaic fro m a church floor at Elaeusa (Aya~), Cilicia Painting in the funerary chapel of El Bagawat in the Kharga Oasis, Egypt Head of Eutropius Colossal head of Constantine the Great, Palazzo Capitolino '·lead of Constantine the Great or one of his sons Relief of T heodosius I on base of obelisk in the Hippodrome, Constantinople Mausoleum of Theodoric, Ravenna Mosaic in the Church of S. Vitalc, Ravenna, depicting the emperor Justinian I Mosaic in the Church of S. Vita1e, Ravenna, depicting the empress T heodora T he Church of Santa Sophia, Constantinople Church of S. Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna

. 98

100 108 112 113 114 liS 123 124 127 130 133 133 137

139

The author and the publisher wish to thank the following for their help in acguiring permissions; the Bibliothegue Byzantine, Paris, the Warburg Institute, London, the Conway Library, the Courtauld Institute, London, the Classical Institute, London and Thames & H udson Ltd. Every effort has been made to contact copyright holders and wc apologise for any inadvertent omissions.

Maps 1

2 3 4 5 6

Italy and Sicily T he western provinces North Africa Eastern Europe Asia ~finor T he east

2 6

19 32 33 39

V111

I N TR O D UC TI O " T

Bpantium figures vcry lit de in our own talking points. It was dismissed by Gibbon and his Victorian successors as a decadent, dark, oriental culture given up 10 intrigue, forbidden pleasure and refined cruelty. I While most schoolboys of my generation knew the key figures in republican or imperial Rome, wc would have a hard time S2},jng much about Byzantium other than that Constantine was its re-founde r, and had a vision which inspired him to make Christianity the empires official religion. See also the Epilogue for more on this subjecl. But meanwhile it may be added that me fifth century AI\ with which this book is concerned, is one of the least and most imperfectly known of all history. We are often told that the western Roman empire ceased to exist during rhat period. But who can explain, although some have tried, why the eastern empire did not cease to exist, but on the contrary, continued to exist, governed from Constantinople. as the Byzantine empire. for nearly a thousand yean 10 come (with an intermission during the thirteenth century)? Despite the determined efforts of expertS since the late 19205, the Byzantine empire is still not sufficiently appreciated or understood in western countries. This is partly because of chauvinist biases, which lay great emphasis on pelty western SlateS and statelets, and ignore the fact that the empi re ruled from Constantinople was infi nitely more powerful, and was, indeed, by fa r the most important state in the world west of India and China. This situation is reAected in the educational system today, which says hardly anything about the Byzantine empire. Our prowestern prejudice is paramount. If the B}'zantine empire as a whole is neglected, how much greater is the neglect o f the fifth century, when that empire survived the fatal threats to the west and set itself up as the most impressive unit in Europe and western Asia? Virtually nothing, except about the fall of Ro me, is said about the fifth century, and yet that was the period when this great eastern empire survived its birth pangs and continued to Aourish. Onc of the reasons wh)' so comparatively little is known about the eastern empire is our ignorance of Asia r>.linor. 2 On the map (p. 33), that .

"

INTRODUCTION

seems a single unit, whereas in reality it is as complex and divef'Se as a whole continent, and had already been complex and divef'Se for centurie~, including the fifth, in which Asia J\..1inor was unscathed by Rome's fall, remaining the heart of the eastern empire and the core of Byzantine rule. Here, then, is a further, special reason why this latter is misunderstood and underestimated, because so little is known about Asia t-.linor mday.3 Ancient AsiarvLinor was full of rich, fine and stable commercial cities. This is what Pausanias, in the second century AD, had m say about its west coast, centred upon lonia: 'lonia enjoys the finest of climates, and its sanctuaries are unmatched in the world ... . The wondef'S of lonia are numerous and not much short of the wondef'S of Greece itself.'4 The Ionian cities played a considerable part in the dawn of the imperial Christian faith. For example, Pergamum (Bergama) maintained its intellectual leadership and became an important missionary centre. T he Aegean coastlands were at first dependent on Constantinople, but their long tradition enabled them to strike out for themselves, in very varied fashion. Elsewhere in Asia Minor, too, there was considerable activity. PeTga (Munana) in Pamphylia was still prosperous, and Myra (Kale) was the capital of the independent province of Lycia at the time of Theodosius 11 (408- 50). Side ('Pomegranate'; Selimiye) revived in the fifth century. Prusias ad Hypium (prusa, Brusa) in Bithynia was prosperous. But there was also a good deal of individual activity in the central, inland part o f the peninsula. T he employment by Leo I (457- 74) of officers and soldiers from the bandit country of Isauria is particularly famous, and led to the creation of important churches and monasteries in the region. Angora (Ancyra) in Galatia, too, enjoyed a good deal of wealth. Cappadocia had already given the world talented bishops, the 'Cappadocian Fathers', in what was a productive but traditionally backward areas (now the terrimry of Cappadocia had been divided into two provinces, Prima and Secunda). 'I am convinced', said Norman l3aynes guite rightly, 'that the essential condition of the prosperity of the later Roman empire was its possessIon of Asia Minor - that reservoir alike of money and of men.'" Let us consider what in fact happened during this period. In 395 T heodosius I, having gained control of the whole empire, died, leaving the west to his son Honorius and the east to Honorius's elder brother Arcadius, both very yo ung. In the west, Honorius ruled until 423, moving from Mediolanum (Milan) to Ravenna in 402, and suffering the sack of Rome by the Visigoth Alaric in 410. Thereafter, following a brief interlude, Valentinian Ill, the son of Constantius III and Galla Placidia, was western emperor from 425 until 455, during the latter part of which time there was a grave danger from the HUllS, whose king Anila was, however, defeated in 451 by the Roman general Aetius, subscguently murdered by Valentinian III (454), who paid for the crime with his life. Then followed,

,

INTRODUCTION

with the support of the German commander of the day, a rapid succession of short-lived western emperors, terminating in Romulus Augusmlus, who was deposed in 476 by the German Odoacer (Odovacar), whereupon the western empire ceased to exist. Odoacer became king of Italy, and was succeeded by the Ostrogoth T heoderic (or Theodoric) (493-528) . ~kanwhile, the eastern empire had managed to evade external threats, under Arcadius (395-408), Theodosius 11 (408-50), Marcian (450-7), Leo 1 (457-74), Zeon (474-91) and Anastasius I (491 -5 18). It is worth while to investigate why this eastern empire did not fall, while its western counterpart did. 7 One difficulty that we are bound to experience in considering that question is that the fifth century was a deeply religious period. People were very much concerncd with what the true, defensible character of Christian belief was, and this is reAeeted in the evcnts that occurred. The resultant situation has been described by A.H.M. Jones: il is difficult to make any generalisation which is both true and significant about the religious temper of an age, but it may at least be asserted with some conlldellce that the later Roman empire was intensely religious. Sceptics and rationalists. if the), existed, ha\'e left no mark on history and literature. All, pagans and Christians alike, believed, and it would seem believed intensely. in supernatural powers, benevolent and malign, who intervened actively in human affairs. All were anxious to win their aid and 8 favou r, or to placate and mastcr them, as the case might be.

The same point was made by Averil Cameran: 'Christian doctrines themselves, together with the many permutations on which Christians were d ivid ed, aroused the passionate feelings of contemporaries in JUSt the same way as social and political issues do toda)'.'9 T his makes the period hard for us to comprehend, because such an attitude is inconceivable, and not easy to understand, in our own time. In those days, however, religious beliefs had great dynamic force: even if they mean little now. Indeed, religion seemed the only source of stability and permanence in an unstable world. The writer Procopius (born (. 500) was onc of the few people who thought it best to avoid Christological debate: '1 hold it to be a sort of mad folly, he said, research into the nature of God. Even human nature cannot, I think, be precisely understood by man; still less so can the things that appertain to the nature of God. So let us shun the peril and pass these ques tions by in silence, if only to avoid casting doubt to

INTRODUCTION

on things revered. For I personally will say nothing whatever about God except that he is altogether good and holds thinb~ .In h·IS power. W As against this view, consider how St Gregory of Nyssa (c. had found the public - much more typically:

AD

330--95)

Every corner of the city is thronged with men arguing on incom~ prehensible subjects. Ask a man how many oOOls a thing costs, and he dogmatises on generated and ungenerated E ssence. Enquire what is the price of bread, and you arc answered, the Father is g reater than the Son, and the Son is subordinate to the Father. Ask about you r bath, and you arc told, the Son was created out of nothing. I I That sort of conversation would certainly not happen today, and the fact that it happened then creates a gulf between the fifth century and ourselves which is virtually impossible to bridge. The people o f that time seem quite different from ourselves, or from anyone we meet or know. And the rulers were correspondingly pious; agnosticism practically did not exist, as we have seen. For these various reasons it is hard to reconstruct what really happened during the fifth century AD. 12 The present book is an attempt to rec tify this situation, and to look behind the smog-corroded urban blight of the present Constantinople to locate its early soul. This is nOt an easy task. For onc thing, as W.B. Anderson observed, 'the sources available for our knowledge of the fifth century are meagre and often obscure, and the attempts of modern historians to reconstruct the facts show marked dive rgencies,.D Yet there is little doubt that during the fifth century the emperor at Constantinople was the richest monarch in the world - and 14 the refore wo rth studying. Yet, as we have seen, that century is not a readily accessible period, being remote from our consciousness and grasp of events, preoccupied with matters that scarcely concern us now, badly served by our existing sources, and seen lopsidedly, when seen at all, because of our preference fo r the west. Yet the fifth century is worth persevering with, not only for its own sake but because it lies at the heart and origins of our modern civilisation, which would not have been at all the same without it. Finally, may I add onc or two personal notes. I have allowed myself some repetitions. I have inserted these deliberately, because the subject is complicated, and J felt my readers would be helped if 1 said certain things mo re than once. And I have introduced a good many quotations from ..

'"

I NTRO D UCTION

modern sources. I have done this because, although Byzantium, as I have said , is unden::stimatcd in the west today, a certain amount has nevertheless been said about its early years : and it would be a pity if this were forgotten. Among other things, the actual course of events has been narrated by earlier writers. And I have not anempted to do so once again. This book is rather a series of comments on some of the situations that existed and arose. I am very grateful to Mr Richard Stoneman of Routlcdge and his colleagues and staff, especially Leigh Wilson, Coco Stevenson and Sarah Brown, for their help. I also owe thanks to Mrs Maria Ellis and Dr James Crow and Mr Paul Jackson, of the Library of the Hellenic and Roman Societies and the Reader Services of the British Lib rary, for very useful assistance. And, as always, I appreciate very warml y the aid I have received from m}' wife. I also want to thank the following publishers for the quotations from books published by them which I have included: Barnes & Noble; British Museum Publishers; Halt, Rinehan & \X/inston; Meridian Books; i\'lcth uen; Murray Uohn); Johns Hopkins University Press; Oxford University Press; Princeton University Press; Redman (Alvin)i Routledge; Ullstein Blicher; University o f Oklahoma Press (Norman); Unwin (L. Fisher); Vario rum; Weidenfeld & N icolson. Michael Grant Ganaiola, 1997

XIII

1

ROME AND OTHER CITIES

It was nothing new for emperors to consider and decide that Rome wouJd not do any longer as the political and military centre of the empire. Panegyrists plaintively felt that Rome should once again become the imperial capitae but there was no chance that this would happen. In consequence, there was a long pre-Constantinian history of the planting of imperial headquarters in other cities. As Herodian had already observed in the second century AD, 'Where Caesar is, there Rome is.' 2 Yet Rome was still all-powerful at that epoch. In the third century, however, Gallienus had established his headquarters at Mcdiolanum (Milan), when his father Valcrian had gone east to fight the Persians. 3 Mediolanum was conveniently equidistant from the northern frontier and Rome - and the location of major road crossings from the provinces and northern I taly was more appropriate than Rome for combating the Germans on the Rhine and D anube. Rome was a long way away from them, and was easily Cut off from the sea. For all practical purposes, therefo re, the capital moved out of the city. The walls o f Rome were greatly strengthened by Aurelian (270-5),4 but its role as political and miliary capital of the empire was over. 'The old empire ... of Rome and Italy as queen of the provinces was dead o r dying.'" It was not at Rome, for example. but at Mediolanum, that Maximian felt it necessary to rule;6 while his senior colleague D iocletian only visited Rome upon a single occasion, namely his twentieth anniversary (vicennalia).7 The ancient city, as capital of the empire, was already an anachronism. And in 4 10 it was sacked, by Alaric I the Visigoth. The event appalled St Augustine. And it caused great distress to St Jerome, far away in Palestine. I was so stupefied and dismayed tha t day and night that I could think of nothing but the welfare of the Roman community. It seemed to me that I was sharing the captivity of the saints, and I could not open my lips until I received some more definite news. All the while, full of anxiety, I wavered between hope and despair, 1

ROr.IE AND OTHER CITIES

Map I haIr and Sicilr

torturing mrself with the misfortunes o f others. But when J heard that the bright light of all the world was quenched, or rather that the Roman empire had lost its head and that the whole universe had perished in one city, then indeed 'J became dumb and humbled myself and kept silence from good words: 8

2

ROME AND OTHER CITIES

The British or Irish theologian, or 'heretic' Pelagius was equally disturbed. It happened only recently, and you heard it yourself. Rome, the mistress of the world, shivered, crushed with fear, at the sound of the blaring trumpets and the howling of the Goths... . Everyone was mingled together and shaken with fear; every household had its g rief, and an all-pervading terror gripped us. Slave and noble were one. The same spectre of death stalked 9 before us all.

Yet in spite of the disaster - and, indeed, even after the nnal demise of the western empire in 476 - Rome remained highly privileged, and it was also still the spiritual and cultural and traditional centre of the world.

Jt remained the centre of western society, and its refugees were particularly vocal and influential. Above all, Rome was the symbol of a whole civilization. Tt was as if an army had been allowed to sack Westminster Abbey o r the Louvre .... Rome symbolized the security of a whole civilized way of life. To an educated man, the history of the world culminated quite naturally in the Roman empIre, just as, to a nineteenth century man, the history of lo civilization culminated in the supremacy of E urope. In addition, Rome even now remained the home of the senate. But the character of that body had changed. It decided nothing - it was the emperors who decided everything; nor were they necessarily keen to be near the senators. T hese were largely rich landowners, who were, it is true, extremely influential: though often they did not bother to come to the meetings of the senate at all, but stayed on their enormous estates. T he tradition of their opposing the emperor still existed - and some emperors were afraid of it - but it had greatly diminished. So if the rule rs no longer ruled from Rome, where were they? 'Where Caesar is, there Rome is', as we have seen; and Caesar was in a good many diffe rent places. Mediolanum has already been mentioned: the new concept of imperial defence had also made Aquileia and Verona more important. Tt was right that Mediolanum (like Verona) should become a (olonio Callieniana,11 because Gallienus (253-68) was based there, making it his capital, as we saw. In 268 Aureolus was proclaimed emperor in the Cityl2 (though he did not last). Aurelian (270--5) fortified Mediolanum at the same time as he built the walls of Rome; traces of his construction are still visible. 13 Mediolanum was rising as a g reat political centre, largely because of pressure from the Germans, but also for the other reasons that have been stated. Maximian, it may be repeated, reigned there; and he abdicated there (305; for a time); Valentinian 11 (375--92) moved his coun to the 3

ROME AND O THER CITIES

city. Ambrose was bishop of Mediolanum, and it was lhere that he won his great victory for the Church. 14 But Mediolanum was not the only imperial centre in north Italy. Aquileia and Verona have been mentioned, and Gallienus, when he established his residence at Mediolanum, had his military headquarters at Ticinum (Ticino), which, moreover, replaced Mediolanum as a mint unde r Aurelian (274). In 402 the emperor Honorius decided to establish himself at Ravenna, where there was landward protection from the marshes, and easy maritime facilities in case escape to the east became necessary. The later story of the monk Fulgentius is also illuminating. One day in the year 500 the African monk Fulgentius, later bishop of the small town of Ruspe, fulfilled a life's ambition in visiting Rome .... Rome, centre alike of law and the tradition of human authority and of Christian orthodoxy and primacy, had beckoned to him. He had read in the pagan poets their eulogies of this city, elevated to the status of a goddess, to be revered and justly revered throughout the world. But whal he saw amazed him. 'How wonderful', he is said to have exclaimed, 'must be the heavenly Jerusalem, if this earthly city can shine so greatly!,1 5 Fo r Rome was the centre, the city, the lawgiver, the fact that had dominated and made the world men knew. From Iraq to Wales, from the Baltic to the Sudan, she had fashioned and left all in her image. On the countryside her language had left the placenames men used; in the towns men lived by her organization, her law, her peace. 'What was once a world, you have but one city', a poet of the previous century, Rutilius Namatianus, had declared. 16 T he good monk, from the small white towns on the edge of the desert ... could yet know that he was at home. All this was the work of time. Rome was now in the thirteenth century of her foundation, and in the eleventh of her domination, a matter to move men's · mm ds·m awe. " For one thing, Rome was the headquarters of the Pope, who now became increasingly important. And, as we have seen, it was still the meeting-place of the senate. Another very important centre in the west was Augusta Trevirorum (Trier) on the River Mosella (Moselle). Not only was it the capital of the diocese (group of provinces) of Gaul, and residence of the Prefect, 4

ROME AND OTHER CITIES

containing one of the best universities of the west (attended by St Jerome), but it was the capital of Constantius r Chlorus (305-6), who contracted for the construction of his fleet there, and it remained the capital of his son Constantine I the Great until 312; then he moved to a fifry~ room villa-palace on the Mosella, five miles out of the city. Subsequently, Augusta Trevirorum still figured as an imperial town for at least another century. IS Valentinian I (364-75) made the place his headquarters for operations against the Germans, and his son Gratian (c. 380) lived there. During the same period Arelate (Constantina, Aries) also became more important; 19 Constantine had lived in that city as well, in addition to other places. One of them was Naissus (Ni~), where he had probably been born. He often visited the tOwn later, and erected splendid buildings within its precincts. It was probably the earliest permanent military camp in Moesia, possessing great strategic significance. In 314-15, however, Constantine had moved his headquarters to Sirmium (Sremska Mitrovica)/o which was a road junction and the most important strategic centre of the Danube region, containing arms factOries, a fleet station and an imperial mint. It had been, for a time, the residence of Marcus Aurelius (161 - 80) and Maximinus I T hrax (235-8) and others. Claudius Gothicus (268-70) mopped up the Goths from his base at the imperial palace at Sirmium, which was also where he died. Possibly Aurelian (370-5) came from the place. and it profited from the encouragement of grape-growing by Probus (276-82), who had been born the re.21 Maximian was a peasant's son from Sirmium, and his senior colleague D iodetian spent much time at the place, promulgating numerous Jaws. Galerius resided for a long time at Sirmium; it was his 'favourite ciry,.22 Cons tantine, too, moved his administration from Augusta Trevirorum and Mediolanum to Sirmium, and he had seriously though t of Dving his name to the last-named town, if his first war against Licinius had proved decisive (which it did not). It was from there, perhaps, that 24 Licinius promulgated the Edict of Milan, published at Nicomedia. But subsequently Constantine, who transferred his headquarters from one place to another - includin~ Thessalonica (SaJonica), which was strong and had served as a capital S - moved from Sirmium to Serdica (Sofia) (3 17/18). He Liked the Balkans, because the region was pivotal for the army; he enlarged the already existing palace at Serdica, and seriously considered the place as a possible imperial capital, declaring that it was his Rome.26 But Serdica had disadvantages as well as advantages, and Constantine finally opted for somewhere c1se. He did not fancy going out of Europe, because of the threat from the Germans. So the ancient and wealthy cities of Antioch and Alexandria did not attract him, despite their imperial connections, intellectual ferment, and loud noises regarding ecclesiastical affairs? 7 Nor did Nicomedia

5

ROME AND OTHER CITIES

G E R /I." A NY

CALI.IA

III SP"N I A 1A"ACO~ . ~' "

o

-

Map 2 The .....cstern provinces (lzmit), which had been the capital (and place of abdication) of Diodetian; and Galerius, too, had resided at Nicomedia. It had a great deal in its favour, including a good harbour, large fertile territories, and a position on the trunk road from the Danube. But it was tOO far away from the northern frontier, being in Asia r>.linor; and there were other things against it 100. 28 Its position has been estimated as follows: T he dawn of late antiquity even saw it [Nicomedia] become capital of the Roman empire, a role it was to maintain for a generation. Events of the fourth century, however ... brought this moment of glo ry to an end, as the city resumed its old role as a major provincial centre.... T he foundation of Constantinople, only sixty miles away, sealed the fate of Nicomedia forever,

ROME AND OTHER CITI E S

though not immediately.... IConstantinople] created a far more powerful rivallhan Nicaea [lznik] had ever been, and permanently de prived the city lof Nicomedia] of its ephemeral glory.29 To sum up, it had been clear long before the fiflh century began that Rome, however great its prestige, could no longer effectively be the political or military capital of the empire. So the emperors, who made wherever they went their capitals fo r the time being, tried a good many other centres. But none of them proved really satisfactory until Constantine I the Great fastened upon Co nstanti nople - which is the theme of the third chapter o f this book . T he second chapter, which will now follow, deals with the division of the empire which seemed to have become inevitable.

7

2

THE DIVIDED EMPIRE

The doc,rine. ,hcn, ,h,! ,h~ empi« wu too Wge for > single mUl to gov.rn was oot new. !t h.d. 10. 10 do, os we h ..,•• een , with rhe fac, rh .. the n,,"hern (.... "'eU os the ",,"cm) frontier """ dangerous ond li>.bk tu d.maging .'plo,ion.. A, [ wrote on a previous occasion,

it h.d long been f.l! rh>! ,h. empire ..."" loo I. rgc, .00 it. frontie .. wo men.cing. ID be controUed by one man. In o.mr wonb, the pr.tCtkal divi.ion "f the empire intO 'wo J"M" ~ alre.dy uken plote. M1Icu. A"",liu. (161-80) h.d been oo",,,,ou, of ,hi. "'hen he..,m hi, junior coUe.gue Luc iu. Vern. to [he ••". Then Val.rirn (253-61) ocled .imil:uly. though in the of'PO'itc dw! ''I' :un. ,~.w 01 ~"" .li'n~ • uo .pun} J O U"!''''A!P pu. lI"!-'"u)llu> JO .~ro ... 'A!p ,.np pm::>qW :I"1>Oj ''''''00' .","1 .noJ ,tp ":>o"",od o. ~0'l'" ''{l ,('1 P[1'O> ''I ,.'" ..... jmJ :mp='u:) lOll' ~"UOAI'" :>UQ ... '...... .11'0'0 .\.IlA .woll ""N '.l,p • U! 'I!"'! >w"lI Jl ·u"!l!'lN";.t .. )dw!j UJ~pow. JO U!I ~'fl dn Utu " ' " !'''!d~ :xp '1'

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rise as ecclesiastical capital, not only at Rome but at Antio could do '0; but h. PUt Rome in the ,hade. Th. fin:ol decade, of the ",fiJi and I",,,in,,, with • mud gave w:oy to the Genn.n kingdom of Odo.ccr in 476. t2

Tho •• hi' lOrum ",ho "'l!""d oh. y.ar 476 .. the )'= of ,he faU of the empire have something of. poin', Alrhough Od~e" recognized lhe .uthoriry o f the cmpr::tor in Constan,inople, he WlS "m only the command.,. o f the Genn:rn wldiefS . .. igned to the defence of Itoly. Afri .. hid be.n los, to the Vandal., and G.ul and S","n were under the J. !orvcd the Grcc.,. Oricntol culture which sh. herself inherited, and for pm.... i.Jing a setUn~ in which Christianity, hcr own heir, could COme inw being. For more than twO thou.and years 'he " ... tern "..,rld has been taught and irupired by Rame. And rot, in the fifth century, and mort puticularly in 476, Romc foll. Roman civili •• uon did not die a naturo! death. It "'20 murdered. Vet prople all.cked by W21 govemmcm'. Ago.in, un",i •• currency manipulation. in the third century had led to inll.tion ond to spiral. of rising pri.,,", ",hich could only be hpt in check by an elabora'e .nd Sleadily inc ...... ing system of .ta'e con'roIs. Finolly, founh.ceotury kgislation !Coded ." «gul... to the de,ail 'he activitie. of ""cry citiun."

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out and "'c" .plit up - and the ~ .... urvivcd ...hile the ",c.t did nor. Gcza Alfoldy W2S another ",ho summed up the ",,,,"Iion... foUow •• covering. snuf.c.orily wide fi.k!: In the ~llIpire of the e ... ciKulll"""«S we'" beu.r: the.e wu oot . udl • thorough .Iienation of . ocicty frum the S... e .. had occurred in th~ .....,st. Th~, ....... c!oo.c relationship betwe.n the emperor of the e.., and the landowning upper ........ pamcubrly the .cnat ••, Con.t2ntinoplc. The Church of the =t wu very much bound up with the ... te and supported it energetieolly. In general the eiti •• of the ... t ,till poue.ued • foirly sound economic potential. Thu. cven thc curial ordcr in the vlLriou. cities of the ..." ..... nor only Ics. ~k. but 0.150 .upponcd the ...le more than in th~ wc, .. Moreuv... th~ mmpulsory inheritance of urban occupation. did not Ipply in thc C,". by and large. Abov~ all. .h c cmpire of the eOSt wu much bener protected ag:oinst the boorharian. than the .....,".m .mpi... Thu. it w.. • pared mU.pse.""' So the eastern empire .urvived but the western empire did no,. But this chapt« h .. been concerned. ornong other things. with onc difficult and .wlcw-.rd qu •• Iion. Whcn the """cm Rorrurn empire f.n, could the ...,_ em empire have done more 10 •• v. it? You can rak. onc view or the "ther. Eilher the dcc~ne of the wc".rn "",pi" had gone o.1logcther 100 fir. and nothing on earth could ha"e propped il up, or.)"oo may conclude. o.1temative!y. thal if Constantinople. which W2S inc ...sirlgly 11 odd. with Rome. Mcdiolanum and Roverut2. (both politically and spiritually). had internned more decisively and effectively. On I variety of occ..ion •. Ihe western empire might have been saved, or., I""'t its eoUapse might have been posrponed. Pc"orully. I .dhere somewhat re the former eonclu.ion. It ..cm. 10 me tlu •• once th. division of the empire had ulr.cn plac •• the ",e" w" bound to .uccumb before thc c.. t did .

.

7

THE EAST E R N E MP E R O RS

Curiously enough, although the C2StCm empire survived these horrors overcoming even the hazard of excessive taxation - its emperors during this period, like those of the west, are mostly not very exciting, although they, o r their advisers. succeeded in keeping their state in existence. They arc Arcaclius (395-408), Theodosius 11 (408--50), Marcian (450-7), Leo I (457- 74), Zeno (474-9 1), and Anastasius I (491-518). The permanent division of the empire into east (which survived) and west (which did nor) dates from the time of Arcadius in the east and Hooorius in the west (395),1

Arcadius and Hooorius ... became the founders of rwo sub· empires in the east and west respectively. Though, in strict law, Arcaclius and Honorius remained joint rulers of an undivided realm, in actual practice they became independent of each other, so that the history of the eastern and western divisions henceforward ran on separate lines?

In contrast [Q his western counterpart Arcadius - although mocked at the time fo r the lack of military skill and interest, and, nowadays, for the persistence of VICTORIA on his coins - successfully got rid of the G erman Gainas (a 'miracle' made possible, as we have seen, by another G erman Fravitta, helped by the Patriarch). And the successor of Arcadius, Theodosius 11, at least under guardianship (his ministers were Runnus and Eutropius [395-9], both attacked by Claudian, and Anthemius, from 408), was not so bad as he has sometimes been painted, considering that, in his last years, the empire was threatened by three powerful enemies, who were success fully fought off. Theodosius 11 seems to have been well educated and humane, though untalented and lazy and something of a bigot. But it can be argued that his policies did something to distance the eastern empire from the western decline. Then,

49

THE EASTE RN E MPEROR S

Fig,m 6 Probably Arcadiu5, eastern emperor 39S-40S. National Archaeological Museum, Istanbul. (Arcruvi A1inari/ Andenon)

50

THE E ASTERN EMPERO R S

Figllrt 7 Gold IOlidlls of the eastern emperor Theodosius 11 ,408-50, attributed to the emperor's eastward journey in 443 after securing peace with the Persians. (Photograph: Michael Grant)

Theodosius 11, responding to Placidia's appeal to help her fouryear-old son Valentinian III to ascend the western throne [425], struck a hard bargain: he would help, and would remove a usurper who had intervened Dohannes, 423- 5], on the condition that a large strip of central Europe, bordering the middle D anube west of Singidunum (Belgrade), must be transferred to his territory.... This 'cooperation' was celebrated by the last coinage of Constantinople ever to show onc of the emperors in the company of his western colleague. Theodosius [I and his successors also assisted the west against the German invaders of north Africa Gaiseric and his Vandals - on at least three occasions. But ... it seemed better not to pour too many troops down the drain ... . The last cooperative enterprise in which the two Roman empires both had a share was the legal code o f T heodosius n, published in 438 ..3 Theodosius 11 was succeeded in 450 by Marcian. Since the death of the younger Theodosius lll], the domestic repose of Constantinople had never been interrupted by war or 51

THE EASTERN EM PER O R S

faction. Pulcheria (Chapter 8] had bestowed her hand, and the sceptre of the east, on the modest virtue of Marcian. He gratefully reverenced her august rank and virgin chastiry; and, after her death, he gave his people the example of the religious worship that was due to the memory of the imperial saint. Attentive to the prosperiry of his own dominions Marcian seemed to behold with indifference the misfortunes of Rome. And the obstinate refusal of a brave and active prince to draw his sword against the Vandals was ascribed to a secret promise wruch had formerly been exacted from him when he was a captive in the power of Genseric IGai seric]. ~

Marcian was a retired military officer of no distinction ... who had been 'domestic' [personal assistant] [Q Aspar (German general 424-71], and one of his first acts was [Q appoint one of Aspar's sons, Ardaburius, magilJt r miliJllm fNr OrienJtm [?>Iaster of Soldiers in the East]. There can be little doubt that Aspar arranged Marcian's election by the senate and the army, probably with the co-operation of Pulcheria Augusta [Chapter 8], who consented to marry the new emperor and thus confer upon him the hereditary prestige of the T heodosian House, wruch was sorely needed at this moment of dynastic exhaustion. The new emperor ... re fused to pay Anila his subsidy. 5 This rash gesture of defiance, which might have involved the European p rovinces of the empire in even deeper ruin, turned out luclcily, for Attila was too busy with his western schemes to retaliate at once, and died before he had time to take his revenge. Or, it might be argued, Marcian had deliberately turned him against the 6 west instead of against himself. But our sources for the reign of Marcian arc poor. He was, however, clearly bmh pious and courageous. And it was beginning to be clear that the troubles of me eastern empi re were less perilous than those of the west. As fo r the next eastern emperor, Leo I (457-74), he had little formal education; but, as Gibbon indicates, there were points in his favour. This emperor, the fi rst of the name of Leo, has been distinguished by the title of the Great from a succession of princes who gradually fixed in the opinion of me Greeks a very humble standard of heroic, or at least of royal, perfection. Yet the temperate firmness with which Leo resisted the oppression of his benefactor {the German general Aspar, d. 471] showed that he

52

THE EA STERN EMPE ROR S

Figure 8 Gold solidus of the eastern emperor Leo I (457-74). Thessalonica (Salonica) : a mint as well as an imponant regional capital, formerly an imperial residence. Leo is described, like other eastern emperors, as PERPET(U"S), rather than as the more common p(ilu) F(tlix). (pho tograph: Michael Grant)

was conscious of his duty and of his prerob~tive .... It was impossible that the reconciliation of the emperor and the patrician [a title accorded to Masters of Soldiers] could be Sincere, or, at least, that it could be solid and permanent.7 Leo I had sound common sense and a mind of his own. Consider, too, what A.H.M. Jones has added: The eastern emperor Leo I acted decisively by replacing his G erman troops, whose loyalty he doubted, by people from Isauria (bordering on Pisidia and Pamphylia), who had previously been known for their brigandage in that area. This brought them to o rder, and made them civilised subjects of the eastern emperor, like many other peoples of this highly diversified and heavily populated peninsula.8 Although the eastern ruler Leo I may not deserve the title of 'the Great', he was distinguished by remarkable talents: his mind was enlightened, he was active and wise and knew how to attain his ends. His piety is said to have been sincere, but his conduct

53

THE EASTERN EMPERO R S

towards Aspar lwho helped him to come to the throne] has left an indelible stain upon his memory. Although himself illiterate, he appreciated literature and science, and when reproached by one of his courtiers for having given a pension to a philosopher he is reported to have replied: 'Would to God I had to pay no other people but scholars!,9 Nevertheless, he refused to recognise the last competent emperor the west ever produced: namely Majorian (457- 61). And his help to the west, by (partially) backing Julius Nepos, is questionable (Chapter 5) . $0 while there are points in his favour, there are others against him. In addition to those just quoted, It is oftcn stated that Leo freed the eastern empire from the menace of German domination. T his would seem to be an overstatement of his achievement. He finally succeeded after fourteen years in ridding himself of his patron, Aspar, and ensuring that the throne should pass to his favourite, Zeno, and his grandson Leo. But he left to his successors the problem of dealing with the Gothic federates in Thrace and Macedonia. Financially his rcign was ruinous. On the great Vandal expedition of 468, which proved such a disastrous failu re lsee Appendix 2], he spent all the accumulated reserves in the treasuries of the praetorian prefects, the /argitioneJ [Iargesses], and the TU pnt'ala [personal estate of the emperor], amounting to 65,000 lb. gold and 700,000 lb. silver. It is not surprising that after trus he was driven to the ruthless confiscations of which Malchus [c. 500] accuses him. Leo I was soon followed by his son-in-law Zeno (474-91). Zeno's position was extremely precarious. Save as son-in-law of the late emperor he enjoyed no domestic prestige, and even here he had rivals. His mother-in-law Verina [Chapter 8] detested him. . .. By the senatorial aristocracy Zeno was hated and despised as an upstart, and as an Isaurian he was unpopular with the mass of the people and of the army. Nor was he the man to win the respect of the army by his personal qualities; he was not physically an impressive figure, and he was no hero . .. . Finally, the treasury was extremely low. Zeno's reign was as a result punctuated by a series of revolts, and it was only by adroit and unscrupulous diplomacy that he . c 10 manage cl to survIve IOf seventeen years. J. B. Bury had already tried to dissect the strange personal qualities of Zeno, and the acute difficulties that he had to face.

54

THE EASTERN EMPERO R S

FigJlrt

9 Bronze COin of Zeno, eastern emperor (474-91). Rome. Zeno is described as 'Always the Augustus', SHtl'ER AVG(JlIINI). (photograph: Michael Grant)

Historians of the time vent their feelings by describing him [Zeno] as physically horrible and morally abominable, and he was said to be a coward .... If the Emperor was able to cope with foreign foes by negotiation or arms, his position amid a hostile court and people was highly precarious .... A modern historian who was perhaps the first to say a good word for Zeno observes that 'the great work of his reign was the formation of an army of native troops to serve as a counterpoise to the barbarian mercenaries' - and goes on to remark that the man who successfully resisted the schemes and forces of the g reat T heodoric (Theoderic) [Ostrogothic king of Italy, 493-526} cannot have been wholly contemptible. And even from the pages of a hostile contemporary writer we can see that he was not so bad as he was painted. He is said to have been in some respects superior to Leo, less relentless and less greedy. He was not popular, for his ecclesiastical policy of conciliation did not find general favour, and he was an Isaurian. But he was inclined to be mild; he desired to abstain from employing capital punishment. [YetI in fiscal administration Zeno was less successful than his predecessors.... We are told that he wasted all that Leo left in

55

THE E ASTERN EMPE ROR S

the treasury bv donatives to his friends and inaccur.lcy in checking h·LS accounts. " Unfortunately, tOO, Zeno's decree the H molikon (481 -2). though aiming to end the discord between emperor and pope, actually caused anger at Rome, even if it reconciled moderate lvlonophysites. L2 The Emperor Zeno died in 491. The day after his death he was replaced by Anastasius [11. appointed by the widowed Augusta Ariadne, who married him within a month [Chapter 81. The choice was popular at first, but before long Anastasius's ecclesiastical policies stirred up the wr.lth of (part of the] population of Constantinople. Some vociferous monks (called 'The Sleepless' because of their perpetual chanting) were fanatical o n the subject. The new emperor was inclined towards opinions that were popular in Nexandria and Syria, but at least initially he considered it his duty to support the H tnOfikon. u Jones has this

to

say about Anastasius I;

Anastasius was a man of somewhat puritanical piety.... [But his] great title to fame is the financial rehabilimtion of the empire . ... Anastasius seems to have achieved his results mainly by careful measures to prevent peculation and cut out waste. . . . It is a measure of Anastasius's financial achievement that. despite ... substantial fiscal concessions. and despite three major wars, he left. after a reign of twenty-seven years, a reserve in the treasury of 320,000 lb. gold. 14

PigNrt 10 Bronze coin of Anastasius I, eastern (BY1.antine) emperor 491-5 18, an

example of the new, larger, bronze issues of which the introduction in 498 traditionally marks the end of the Roman coinage and the beginning of the Byzantine series, with its use of Greek lettering. The reverse depicts the seated figure of Constantino polis, with her foot on a prow, acco mpanied by the letter M, the Greek numeral 40, which shows this to be a piece of 40 Nllmmi. (British Museum)

56

THE EASTERN EMPERO R S

Here is a further, more personal comment about Anastasius I: Anastasius had one blue eye and one black one .... He was intelligent and highly cultivated, given neither to those outbursts of cruelty nor to those sudden fits of ungovernable rage that had characterised so many of his predecessors. His chief defect was an almost pathological parsimoniousness a failing which, combined as it was with a strong puritanical streak, made Constantinople a duller place to live in than its inhabitants could ever remember.ls However, Bury thought that Anastasius deserved more credit than he received: Personally, Anastasius was generous and open-handed .... His parsimonious resourcefulness, stigmatised by his successor Justin fT], was entirely in the interests of the state. And the general tenor of his policy was to finance the empire by economy in expenditure, and not to increase, but rather to reduce, the public burdens. This feature of his administration corresponded to his character. Though resolute and energetic, he was distinguished . . . by his mildness. . . . Ifhe had not held heretical opinions, historians would have little but praise for the emperor Anastasius .... [But] partly through his religious policy and partly through his public economy Anastasius failed to secure the goodwill of various classes of his subjects. 16 The eastern empire had shared in many of the western horrors, and survived them, while its people overcame all the hazards. Moreover, A long period of comparative tranquillity followed [after Theodosius 1], during which east Roman emperors found leisure to continue the work of internal reorganization .... But the separation of the eastern empire from Italy inevitably caused it to lose its Roman character. The Byzantine monarchy, which grew insensibly out of the east Roman empire, was a Hellenistic kingdom, with a Christian Church and a Roman lawbook. . . . From the middle of the third century the Roman empire ran a course which led to its disappearance in the west and to its transformation into a Greek kingdom in the east. 17 The eastern empire's reaction after the fall of the west remains a little mysterious. Zeno, it would appear, officially assumed control over the

57

T HE E AS T E R N E M PE R O R S

Figure " Wing of ivory diptych: the Barberini Ivory. Paris (Louvre). T he mounted emperor is likely to be Anastasius I or Justinian J. (Musee du Louvre, Paris. Agence PhotographiCJue de la reunion des musees nationaux - Chuzeville) whole empi re; and O doacer os tensibly recognised this. H owever, Zeno later encouraged T heod erie to destroy him. Were Odoaccr and Theoderic kings? T h eir coins say they we re, bUl this remains a slightly misty area. 18 So does the assumption of 'cultural continuity'. Wh at can be said , how-

58

Til E

E"'STI'~N

EMPE ~O~S

ev"r. ;. tlu.t. oJthough Odou"', arm)' cOMilled mainly uf Danubian Gennan., the holi.n .ristocr:aey ret:ained i" po.ition, with no gre .. cUmag" dune, There were :oh", it is true. """ius GoI/wnuJr, yet civil poSts wen: re.erv.d fur Roman,," .nd Latin lite",tu. . .upp ..... d Guthic. It may be cuneluded th., the wellem wotld continued on ito .......y, 'with diff• ..,nt blood in its vein.'."" nu. ch.pter h.. tried to show why the ....tern empi,.. unlike the w... em empi .. , surviv.d, although it> emperor> during the initial periool _ covering the fifth century _ wCre not u"tst2t1dingly di,tinguish.d. But they did . t kast bave fairly long reigns. unlike their wcstern cull~e. (after VoJeminian Ill). Mo.eo,·er, they we .. not dduged wi,h ",utpe"', although at time. (for example under Zcnu) it bc:c:m>o:: nec"ssary to deal with them. ".1:'e mu" end. then ... "'e ""vn: although the e .... rn cmpem .. o f the fifth cen,ury who guided their empire inro By..",ine time .. even if nOl wholly inefficient, wet. nor ou",."dingly gr... " nevenhd ... 'he)' .. igned fur quire .u bo'antioJ period.; and ,umehow Or uther th" ea"ctn empire. unlike its watcm counttjl ,~

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u! ....:>Jdw, U.,IS., ~, 01 SI". "'4 NOlO ,.uOl'[I! '''fl""z1g U! JOI""J In1"...oo • J=l!"w;u A'!{I pm: ~"i!i.u"",:>In!J'j:>.Jd "'l'0""'d "I' Ol ',."", 'ql)O -,,,,:>fts eould not be wmpelled in ,uch • WO)'. Pope Leo I had failed to do 00 when he isoued hi. T..... (0. 23 below).:ond the "'''ern emperor uno found the .ame when, in • brave .ttempt at compromise, he isoued in 481/2 No dccroe the f/,M/j!M/ (adopting the wo,k of two p .. rician., An.iu.:md Pet~r Mongu.). 'nu. w., meant to be conciliatory, bu., fa, ftom pUlling an end to .on«m'e,,;".. it eucerb. tcd them, So th:ot its """ authoro. OS wc h.ve .een. we'e e".omtnunica!ed by ,he Pope, and Con":mtinc', dream of Christian uniry WU OI>W truly ..... end. Onc of the few 'here,ie" which ,till rings • bell tOO.y wu Anani,m. from which Unit.ri.ni. m i, de.«nded. J\lost e.. tern Chri,tian, .upportcd it. most wc.g1irut the cor",?" tion .nd tyranny of an effete and incompetent regime. 'he foct is only partly intelligiblc ... niumph of PeI.gian ideolag)·. Nowher. cl .. . , that time could be found the hunun idcted." In hi. ~ "fl'l1IJ1 liN Pt/ugiilIlJ, Jeromc ."ocked him and hi, fol· lower, for • Long [imc. '0 imperio1 unity, es pecially in AIe,andri. and among thc Ilg)l,tian m..... and in Syri., were the Monoph).. itcs, protagoni". of. doctrine of . single divine Nature t1ut accentuated the divinity of Jesu. at the cost o f his humani ty. They were att.cked by ,he government and deno"", ..d 11 the Council of Chalccdon (451 ), bu, the emperor Zeno (474-91) "'ther f.voured their view.,"" and Annt .. iu, I (491~518) was a piou, Monophysite. The prod ucts o f ,he comroversies

~EI.I GIO r-.:

thus c.usgy (Chapt.r 8). Prodw . on the other hand ( •• which the court wo.... hippcd at a church nilttcd .fter MOf}·. The emperor A,eodiu. (395-408) :also found i, n""e"Of}' to MonWli,m. the prophetic movement .h.. h. d emerged in Phrygi. (A,", Minor) in the second cen,ury hI) and hooJ subse'lucndy gained greot strength. md indeed became :on organi.ed Church with • hierarchy of i.. own. ·It waS not' ...id E.R. Dodd., 'until the reign or Ju.tinim [I; 527_ 65J th.o.t th~ 1:0" Montoni". locked them.dv~. into their churchel ""d burn.d themselves to de.,h .... ther than foll into the h:ond, of .hci r f.llow· ,,",OOllS. C·- '" Anoth« very divi.iv< clemen., and "n$ 4""l ,nn "!"W>1 ' x>p '! log '''~w' ''1' JD Il"J ''1' JOJ '''I~A''OP''~ 'P'W"I'I ~ '(11""'4 ""~ " ,~, o. 'UOU'WDU''1d UJ>,,,, "Il",u,wtponJ ~ ~!"wa. '! "d\ll;-t U! woq U,~ :,iUtA"'1 "'A ',"'''' '4' 01 'wo, o'fl' 1"'4 ,n'l - ,lI.wulIUd '0; uOl4"J lIu!",,,,lI ~4' "'I p,lI"no:>UJ U! ")l"lnllU,d w""olml0l'l 1IU!p'""4 pur ,u!,,'A ""!"'A. 4'!'IlIDW

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- ~p!' "'>OA" "! J" O>J".J!d JOJ 'P""U! ',wo"f no '(I'" 01 'A"4 "'" '~JO'" '!4' •.,..od 'DU Of' ,'" >;"'!' 'J "'4' JJo l",!,~od I"'" [I'I""""!:I inally lay beneath a tower, of which only a fragment is still extant. 27 Churches at Olba Diocaesarea (UraUzuncaburs:) in Cilicia Campestris (plain) were likewise built out of temples (sec Ankara [Angora) above).28 And there is a fifth -century Church of the Virgin Mar}' (fo rmerly a temple) at Cennet Cehennem (the Corycian Cave), five miles west of Corycus, at the bonom of the chasm, 70 merres 95

ARCHIT ECT URE

rlgllre 28 This church at Dag Pazari (?Dalisandus) IS onc of the great fifth ctntury churches in mountainous inland south-eastern Asia i\'linor. The stump of masonry on the left-hand side of the entrance is all that remains of a tower which formerly crowned the end of the nave. ( rhe Conway Library, Courtauld Institute of Art) down; and there are a dozen early Byzantine churches at Coryclls itself KiK'·)" · (K or!gos, z a es! . The basilica at Side (Selimiye) in Pamphylia was erected on the site of temples of Athena and Apollo, and, in the same place, there is another church of the fifth or sixth century. At Myra (Demre) in Lycia, the Church of St Nicholas is a little complicated, because new portions were added to an original fifth -century church in the eleventh century. There was also a fifth-cemury church at Miletus (Balat) in lonia. Syria, too, was full of church buildings, of monumemal styles and filigree delicacy, and music. Much of the architecture is by no means easy to see today, although rural Syria, on the whole, is better known than the towns (even if it is a mistake to think that western architecture was largely derived from the countryside of Syria). At Amioch itself, for example, few early churches have been found. But outside the city there are a good 3o many; some of them are listed by Krautheimer. Onc notable example is Qal'at Sim'an. It is not far from Antioch, although there is a modern fromier, almost impassable, in between, so that Q al'at Sim'an is more easily approached from Aleppo (the anciem Beroea).3!

96

A RCH I TECT U R E

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hgHn 29 The church at Qal'at Sim'an in norrh-wt:stern Syria. Late fifth centur)".

(Photograph: Richard SlOneman) Qal'at Sim 'an was a very large mo nastic establishment, and we can still gee its baptistery, church and g uest-room s. The chu rch itself was a crosssh:rpt:d lIIar!;'nlllll based on a central octagon, containing the pillar on which the saint had stood for so long. The roof was of timber. " 'hat is most important and peculiar is that the arms of the cross were framed b!' four basi licas, each open at o ne end to the central octagon. Rich mould · ings outside - and particularly on the windows and doors - co mributed to a powt:rful articulation, and the whole exterior was far more impn:ssive than the exteriors of western churches. So the fou r fl anking basilicas at Qal'at Sim'an, each equipped with aisles, led into tht: central mart/ n'IIJ!1. T his J!lar~)'!illlJj. it wo uld seem, waS originallr timber-domed . It contained the pillar on the TOp of which St Simeon Stylites had so famously spent the last fo ur decades o f his life.32 This building was so magnificent and ambitio us - the most grandiose example of the new phase of ecclesiastical buildings - that, alThough ordinary paris h or monastic church e~ could not hope to model themselves on it, it established in its region a tradition of monumentality com bined with many classical feat ures, but also in many respects novel, which (although later studied by Muslim architects) remained llni'lue and unparalleled in the Roman and Christian architectu re of the fi fth century and bespo ke the p rovision of eastern imperial fund s. It is still uncertain whether there was a single dome o r m ore than one. \X'hat is sure, ho wever, is that this complicated design envisaged th e housing of large numbers of pilgrims

97

ARCHITECTURE

Figltrt 30 Gold plague from Syria, of the sixth century, part of a reliquary casket. St Simeon Sty lites is shown as having outfaced the Devil, who appears in the shape of a huge snake. (l\lusee du Louvre, Paris. Agence Photographique de la reunion de~ musees nationaux - Herve Lewando...n;ki)

(often drop-outs) who Aocked to the site. 33 T he immense reputation of SI Simeon made Qal'at Sim'an a major centre of the pilgrimage which was so fashionable in the fifth century, being encouraged (as far as the west was concerned) by Pope Leo I the Great (440- 61). Mention should, in addition, be made of a church at Kasr (Qasr) Ibn Wardan in the Syrian desert, though its fifth-century date is not certain. There were also large, multiple pilgrimage churches at Gerasa Oerash), including the Church of the Prophets, Apostles and f'..fartyrs (465) - built in the shape of a cross on square, with the four arms subdivided into nave and aisles by thirty columns - and St George, with an interesting circular plan.

98

AR CH I T ECTU R E

T he churches o f Gerasa are extraordinarily impressive - through their size, through their number, and through their tendency to group several structures within one prccinct. . . . The principle o f grouping. . . may well be due to the impact of the building complexes which had grown on Golgotha Oerusalem] since Con. , . 34 stantme s time. The cathedral at Bostra (BoHa) likewise had an intcresting circular plan. T here is also an important fifth -century church on Mount Gcrizim. This was the emperor Zeno's Church of the Mother of God. It is octagonal, but on the eastern side an apse extends out of the side o f the octagon, while the other sides each contain small door-porches; between them are chapels. T he octagon itself carries four pillars, above which an ambulatory runs right round the building. Above the ambulatory was a pyramid (or, some would say, dome) made of wood. The church was, in essence, a centralised ",artyt1IJ"', although it was endowed with novel, clever features, as one might expect in a foundation in which the emperor himself appears 35 to have played a leading part. So these inland countries of the near east reveal striking and distinctive architectural styles. In Egypt, too, there was a cathedral at Hermupolis (Deir-el-Abiad, 'The \xrhite Monastery', near Sohag, c. 43~0), with a three-lobed sanctuary transept and aisles, combining the inAuences of Constantinople and Italy in what has been considered a novel church type. To this day the structure is extraordinarily impressive. Enclosed by huge walls, slightly sloping and built of beautifully cut large stone blocks, it has the grandeur of an Egyptian temple or, for that matter, of a Roman fortress . Within the tall rectangle of the enclosure, the church is preceded by a narthex [porch] and Ranked by a long hall on the south side .... Inside the church, colonnades rise from high pedestals and were surmounted by a second, lower order.. .. Profiles and capitals are crude but clearly reveal their classical ancestry, and the scanty remnants of the pavement are composed of splendid white marble and red granite plagues. T he chancel is laid out along grandiose lines. . . . The lay-om then, is clear, despite the thorough remodellings the structure has undergone . .. . The trefoil [threelobed] plan itself ... may well date from about 400 when the great abbot Shenoudi [Schenoudi, SinouthiusJ founded the monastery?6 T he large Abu Mina Church in the Mareotis (Maryut) desert of Egypt (a long-aisled basilica combined with a cross) was financed by Arcadius and

99

/\RCIlITEC T U RE

Fig"" J 1 The: Dci r-el-Abiad, '\,('hitc: Monas tc:ry ', nc:ar Soh3g in southc:rn Egypt. (. 440.

100

ARCH!TECTURE Th eodo~ius

11. It was near Alexandria, and of cou rse Alexandria played a

leading role in east Roman and Byzantine ecclesiastical arthitecture.

17

There were also palaces, or large houses, built for the emperors - imperial residences - at all the capitals where they lived or stayed,38 and the establishment of Constantino~le as a great city involved the building of important roadways and fora. 9 T he building of walls was also significant. It can, perhaps. hardly be described as art : rather as an important aspecT of military defence although, as we shall see, aesthetic considerations were not forgotten. But, however wall -building is defined, it was a very notable element in fifth-centu ry achievement. Pride of place must be given to the walls of Constantinople itself (Chapter 3), uf which the reconstruction was ordered by Theodosius IJ and carried out by his Praelorian Prefect Anthemius (413)_40 Anthemius demolished the earlier walls of C:onstantine I the Great in order ro construct his new version - extending 1,520 metres west of the Constantinian walls, and very nearly doubling the size of the city, which had already greatly exceeded the size of the old Byzantium. Better than anything else, the building of the new land walls of Constantinople attests to her position as an architectural centre of the first rank in the decades at the turn of the fifth century. Four and a half miles long, the main wall rises to 30 ft.; it is 16 ft. thick and preceded by an advanced wall and a 60 ft.-wide moat. Ninety-six towers, square o r polygonal in plan, project from the main wall, and six major gates gave access to the city.... The whole is remarkably well preserved. It gives a splendid idea of the working organization - the main wall was apparently completed in little more than a year - and of fifth-century military engineering, and of the building techniques of Constantinople at the time. \\!hile Roman fortifications as a rule had been limited to a towered main wall and a moat, the insertion of an advanced wall creates, perhaps for the first time in military history, a double enceinte. ... The walls of Constantinople are one of the great H sights of the late antil.J.ue world: They are not only in themselves impres~lve, they are perfectly expressive of all that the city STOod for. ... As we drive along the walls from the Golden Gate on the Marmara [Propontis] to the Wooden G ate on the Golden Horn, we can grasp, as we never could from books, the might and majesty of a bulwark that protected the culture centre of civilization from tidal waves of barbarism for ten centuries_ These long lines of walls and towers rising tier above tier from 101

ARCHITECTURE

sea to sea - their alternate courses of grey stone and red brick shattered here and there by earthquakes and siege engines, overgrown here and there with ivy and trees, and green under the aquamarine blue of a Constantinople sky - these walls [are] still grim and warlike in their ruin, their long history written on them in inscriptions and hurried re pairs in the face of the enemy.... On the Marmara the walls are flanked by a great medieval fo rtress, the original Strongylon or Kuklobion (the Round Fort), dating from Zeno (486) .... The Inner, or Great, Wall was the main defence. It is thirty to forty feet high, and thirteen to fifteen feet thick. It carried a battlemented parapet five feet high, and was ascended by flights of steps • runrung up stone ramps. [The wall's] ninety-six towers are about sixty feet high and of all shapes, from square to octagonal. They are, in structure, separated from the wall, as required by the principles of fortification. Each tower has two floors: the lower a store-house or arsenal, the upper a guard-room. On the roof were the military engines. Between this Great Wall and the outer wall is an inner terrace (peribolos), sixty feet wide. The outer wall is from three to six feet thick, and about thirty feet high. The lower part forms a retaining wall for the inner terrace, the upper is an arcade, with a rampart over barrel vaults. lts towers rise about thirty feet above the terrace, and arc alternately square or crescent; variations upon these forms being the result of hurried repairs. Beyond the outer wall, again, is the outer terrace, sixty feet high, and sheltered from the moat by a baulement six feet high .... The moat is also sixty feet wide, and was probably at least thirty feet deep.... T he gates are alternately military and public; the former admitting only to the fortifications, the latter to the city highways.. .. Originally the Theodosian Walls continued along their own line across to the Golden Horn. T he next emperor to Arcadius, Theodosius fl I, 408-50], was the builder of the walls. The city had by now reached its full growth, filling the present girdle of the sea and land-walls; though it was not to reach its full grandeur until Justinian [1]. The walls were building from [412- ]413, under Anthemius, regent of Theodosius. Tn 447 an earthquake threw most of them down, just when that tidal wave of barbarism, Attila and the Huns, was sweeping down on the city. It was one of the great crises in the history of civilization, and the city rose to the emergency. (\Ve are told that] the walls were rebuilt in two months .... The citizens not only rebuilt the single wall of Anthemius, but added a second wall with 192 towers 102

A RCH I TECT U R E

and a moat, which tremendous task was carried out by an interesting combination of socialism and the sporting spirit. T he money was raised by a capital levy. Th e two great factions of the Greens and Blues, co rrespo nding to our Radicals and Tories, started building in competition with onc another from different ends, and proved their equal enthusiasm and efficiency by meeting almost 42 exactly in the middle. Is it not as if li fe itself during the great, dangerous, all-encompassing metamorphosis leading from Antiquity to the J\liddle Ages, armours and encloses itself in these massive blocks and unbreakable rigid systems in the spheres of state and religion? Thus Rome and Constantinople, and behind the limes the whole Roman empire, at this period literally armoured and enclosed themselves within the hard shell of the most powerful fortifications of antiqui ty. Is it not as if life itself, both of the spirit and of the body, sacri ficed liberty and mobility to security and permanence? \"'(/ho knows if the seed could have survived without this firm shcll?43 Great importance, toO, as has recently been realised, should be attached to the Long Wall~ of Thrace, which may well have been erected before AD 469, although they are usually ascribed to Anastasius I (491 - 518). The monument known as either the Long Walls of Thrace or the Anastasian WalJ lies 65 km [nearly 41 miles] west of Is tanbul and runs from the coast of the Black Sea. ... Originally the wall was 45 km ]28 miles] long. But less than half of that length survives above ground .... [n front of the wall was an outer work and a d eep ditch and associated with it are a system of forts mostly obscured in deep woodland. As it survives, it is the most monumental linear fortification dating from antiquity in continental Europe, comparable only with Hadrian's Wall [in Britain: AD 122-6] in its complexity and preservation. Yet compared with the Roman WalJ in Britain almost nothing is reco rded of the structure of the Long \Valls, and there has never been a detailed surveyor excavation. [t is clear, however, that until the death of Marcian [4571 there was a very real concern [at the eastern court] for the security of the Danubian provinces and T hrace, and that this was reAected in an active building programme .... T he fro ntier no longer lay on the D anube bank ... the Long Walls were symbols that 'the laSt frontie r' was within two days' march o f Constantinople itself . .. T he verd ict o f P roco pius [historian, sixth century] on the Long

103

ARC HIT EC T URE

\X'alls was that they were a failure, and that they were doomed to faiL But even a superficial review of the history of the Long Walls in antiquity reveals that the system succeeded in repelling the majority of its attackers during the later fifth and sixth ccnturies .... Gibbon was right to describe the Long Walls as 'the last frontier', but they were not defences of last reso rt - for that, the empire had to rely on the fortifications of Constantinople. 44 Thessalonica (Salonica) also received new fortificati ons at this time. 4S There were also important walls, of the same period, at Corinth, the Isthmian \X'alls. Later, these were estimated as continuing for 3,750 m with 130 small tOwers, 19 large ones, and three castles, but it is uncertain how far this is applicable to the fifth century. Procopius refers to a garrison of 2,000 men for a defensive wall at Thermopylae, of which the reconstruction has been assigned (Q the first rears of the fifth cemurr There was also a mud -brick wall al Nicopolis ad Istrum (ad Haemum), in the T hracian Chersonese, and there was also a wall at Nicopolis in Epirus (Paleopreveza). It has been suggested that at many other places, too, there were walls erected in the early part of this epoch.46

104

12 THE HUMAN AND DIVIN E FO RM

Architecture was not the only interesting an during the exuberant and vital fifth cemu ry. Let us consider, for example, portraiture. Here, as in other respects, things are not what the y were. A morc hieratic, less realistic portrait was now in fashion, with emphasis on the emperor's relationship with the Almighty. This tendency, although now accentuated, was nothing new. It had already shown itself in the previous century, under Constantine r the Great (306-37). Constaminc's enormous ma rble head, seven times life-size, now 10 be seen in the courtyard of the Conservatori 1Tuscum in Rome . . . was part of a statue of which the fabulous dimensions alone

were deeply impressive. And, furthermore, it has mobilized the remains of classicism to infuse a sinister, imposing touch o f realism into its hieratic pattern, which is reinforced by surrealistically, transcendentally huge upward-gazing eyes, and formidably aloof, exaggerated, scarcdy mortal-looking features. An effort is being made to show a man in close contact with God .. . . In certain respects, the head looked back to the earlier empire. But much has changed .... T he old plastic language ... had largely been jettisoned .... Life had stiffened into impersonality; and people arc no longer individuals. But they are not yet entirely abstractions. T hat final and total spiritualisation was the work of Constantine. From now on the magnified faces of emperors stare immobile, with eyes surrealistically enlarged, into a distant world we cannot see - just as Constantius 11 ]337-61J moved not a feature when he proceeded through Rome. These heads, built up with a minimum of detail into a system of concentric arches including the arching brows that stress the steady gaze, are cult objects like the colossal statues of Persian monarchs, and Christian icons of the future . .. . T he unapproachable gravity of this hypnotic gaze into unending space {was the

105

•

0-

~

THE H u rl,lAN AND DIVINE FORM

principal feature of] the 'divine face', the 'sacred countenance', in which the artist of the Christian epoch saw a mirror reflecting the eternal order.... This new artistic style had reached its decisive 1 stage under Constantine. Yet, thereafter, Byzantine stone sculpture was rare, because of Christian distrust of the graven image. Moreover, particularly in respect of this fifth century AD, the subject has been imperfectly studied, partly because so much of the eastern material is undiscovered, or at least unreported. There is, however, a certain amount of stone statuary at Istanbul (Constantinople). For example, onc of the best portraits to have come down to us is a bust there attributed, without complete certainty, to Arcadius. 2 There is also a good head of an Augusta. 3 But portraits of imperial women are hard to identify. There are, in addition, some interesting heads of private citizens: a bust from Ephesus (Selj:uk), considered to represent the minister Eutropius (under Arcadius and Theodosius 11), is outstanding. 4 Furthermore, there is an especially fruitful series of ivories (often of rather Hellenistic character): As a rule, it is very difficult to determine the place of manufacture, as the objects could be transported over long distances. Moreover, in many groups it was also easy for the artist to change his abode. For example, someone who carved ivory needed few tools in addition to the material, so he could travel without great expense from Alexandria or Constantinople to Trier [Augusta TrevirorumJ if he saw possibilities of earning money there . .. . lA particularly valuable series consists of those known as the consular diptychs.] They arc usually dated . . . they thus provide points of contact for classifying other ivories and further works of small-scale art. These are tablets connected by hinges (dip(yhot/) on the insides of which the new consuls or other high officials announced to colleagues in office and dignitaries their accession to office (the original inscriptions are always lost). The outsides were decorated with various kinds of representation. Those which show the consul enthroned at the opening of the circus races, animal baiting or theatre performances which he gave at his accession arc particularly impressive. The consular diptychs and related pieces were made in Constantinople and Rome and perhaps in other places. 5 Important personages make their appearance on these diptychs, notably not only Stilicho but also Ariadne, the wife of Anastasius I (491-518). And so does the emperor Honorius (d. 423). The best representation of 106

THE HUMAN AND DIVINE FORM

Honorius, however, with his wife Maria, is provided by a pearl cameo. 6 AJaric l, too, is to be seen on a gem. These imperial or regal figures had become Roman consuls. The consulship was the only anCient Roman magtstracy which survived with any importance into the late empire. To hold the office was a mark of distinction bestowed only on the noblest aristocrats and most distinguished imperial officials ... it was hard to attain .... The most important function of the (Wo annual consuls was the provision of Games seven times a year, and the colossal expense involved 0ustinian once spent the e, most 'heretic, ', toO, ,,-ere tolerated. Valen,inian wo> one o f the few emperors who ~.mly ",fu."d ,ue in ,heological controve .. ie •.. ,. Valen. had • more complicated theological .itu.tion to deal with in the cast, where opinion Wlt> n ill much divided.'

,0

'0

,id..

But Valens enCOllntercd a cri,i, in 376. The .d,=dng Hun. had c.u . ed • panic among the S.,ma!ian and Germ:rn ,rib.. of ""uth Ru .. i>., v.st numbers of whom c'''''ed into the empire, 50me with impcriol

'"

APPENDIX 1

thin&"J were not going very well. Theodosius I had to move there, to deal l4 with (Wo usurpers, Magnus Maximus (383-8) and Eugenius (391-4), the nominee of Valentinian lI's Master of Soldiers Arbogasl. Theodosius I was called in to deal with both of them: he defeated Magnus Maximus at Siscia (Sisak) and PoetOvio (ptuj), and executed him at Aquileia, and then he defeated Eugenius and Arbogasl at the battle of the Frigidus (Vipacco) . Less than five months later Theodosius, having reunited the empire, died at Mediolanum (Milan),'!; beq ueathing the rulership to his sons, Arcadius, aged seventeen, whom he had left in Constantinople, and Honorius, who was only ten, and was brought to Italy by Theodosius. They were both not only youthful, but fe eble; the real ruler of the empire, in the west, was Stilicho, the Master of Soldiers, a fri end of the late emperor Theodosius, and in the east Rufinus. Why did Theodosius take the disastrous decision of leaving the empire to Arcadius in the east, and to Honorius in the west? Granted that he had performed a unique feat by uniting the empire, which was, otherwisr:, doomed by military and administrativr: necessity to be divided into two. But why leave it to his vr:ry yo ung and incompetent sons? - as we already asked with regard to Constantine I. We may dismiss the view that Theodosius JUSt did not care; he may not have fully deserved the title of 'the Great', which was awarded to him (because of his piety) by ecclesiastical histo rians, but he was nOt that kind o f cynical fool. On the other hand, like most pcoplr:, he was a believr:r in his family, and their keen supportr:r, and hc could back this natural inclination by a conviction that d ynastic policy alone was the kcy to imperial survival. And so, as was stated in Chapter 2, he sanctioned and solidified the already existing division of the Roman world between western and eastern empires; and by the time that this book truly begins, at the o nset of the fifth century, the twO governments - even if striCt lebralists still declared that they rcpresented a single unit - were in fac t sr:parate, under Honorius at Mediolanum and then Ravcnna in the wcstr:rn empire (which was destined to last only until 476), and under his elder brother Arcadius at Constantinople in the cast.

128

APPENDIX 2 AFRICA, SPAIN, GAUL

All these three areas, which had belonged to the western Roman empire, succumbed to the 'barbarians' before Rome itself felV unlike the provinces of the east, which remained under the imperial control of Constantinople, at least for the time being. North Africa was onc of the culturally and commercially most active

parts of the western empire. Based on Carthage, it kept Latin going, and at a time when both Latin and Greek literature were otherwise at rather a low ebb it produced the great Latinist Augustine. Augustine was also active in stimulating the Church against schismatics, notably the D onadsts, who flourished in Africa (Chapter 9) . Nevertheless, the country remained p rosperous - Alaric's scheme to invade north Africa

after his sack of Rome came to nothing - and a decisive stage in the collapse of the western empire was marked when Carthage was conquered in 429 by Gaiseric, king of the Vandals, who found it an easy prey, since the defensive system o f the city was suited to nothing more than policing and the suppression of sporadic tribal revolts. Canhage became the capital of Gaiseric and his successors, and in 442 the Vandals were recognised as the masters of north Africa. Of all the striking events which the fifth century saw in Europe, writes E.A. Thompson, none was of mOTe consequence for the political life of the Mediterranean than this Vandal conquest of north Africa. And this conquest split the Mediterranean into twO parts. Once north Africa was lost, the days of the western empire, as a political entity, were numbered. So this is another reason fo r its fall .2 T he Vandals were also a great threat in the Mediterranean area as a whole. Not only did the Vandals have at their disposal the men and material wealth of A frica, which they were to control until the Byzantine reconental. on a .cal •• !e" construction, o r reconmuctlon. in Justinian [', Ital), was San Vital. in the ..me dty, Sm Vital. is . n ...entiol1)' B),zanon. church with an ..,.noally B)'Z.ntine mo,aic decoration imide it, eVen if certain c.. tem and ccnain cla.. ical cl.men", con be i.obted by rn02tl. of • carcf..t "ylistic anal)'.i •. The main .ps. of San Vital. (526-47) is occupial by • very beautiful mmpooition •• bowing Ch";,, enthronal upon the orb of h• • ven, The "."ment ;, b .. ical[y idealistic and n.tom,tic. and ,he colouring i. particularly f,n h ""d lovd)" The paneb .. the ,idc of th.ion. CIao.;c.l .nd ... tcm ide.. arc here

APPENDIX 3

Figurt 44 Church of S. ApoIlinare Nuovo, Ravenna, built in 490 br Theoderic in honour of St Martin. ( rhe Photographic CoIltction, The \,\Iarburg

Institute) once more blended .... The lovely processions of saints at a lower level are [0 be assigned to the third period, that of Justinian I. They were set up soon after 561 when the church was rededicated as an Orthodox instead of an Arian sanctuary. T he character of the ruler who inspi red all this magnificence is worth considering. Weak-willed and vacillating as he could often be, Justinian was - with anyone except his wife - an autocrat through and through. He possessed in full measure the faults which are all [00 frequently associated with absolute power: the vanity, the quickness of temper, the occasional bursts of almost paranoid suspicion, the childish jealousy of anyone (though it was usually Belisarius) who he feared might threaten his prestige. On the other hand, his energy astonished all who knew him, while his capacity for hard work was apparently without limit. Known within his court as akoimeloJ (the sleepless) he would spend whole days and nights together pondering on affairs of state, attending personally to the minutest details, wearing out whole successions of secretaries and scribes as the sky darkened, then lightened, then darkened again outside the palace windows.

139

APPENDIX 3

Such, hc believed, were the duties imposed br God upon an emperor; and he performed those duties with conscientious dedication and - at least until the verr last years of his life - with unfailing efficiencr.... He must also move Out among his people, dazzling them with a majesty and magnificence that reAected the glory of the empire itself. . . . He worked ceaselessly, indefatigably, as few rulers in historr have ever worked, for what he believed to be the good of his subjects.... More than any other monarch in the history of Byzantium, he stamped the empi re with the force of his own character; centuries were to pass before it emerged from his shadow. 15 A.I-I.M. Jones, tOO, offers a fairly favourable opinion of Justinian I. \'';/hatever may be the verdict on his policy and achievements, there can be no doubt that Justinian was a commanding personality and a most conscientious emperor. He was lucky in being served by a number of able generals and ministers, but he had at least the merit of having picked them out and promoted them, oft en from very humble posts, and he directed their policy and commanded their unswerving loyalty. His own abiliti es were not perhaps of the first order, but he used them to the full in the se rvice of the empire. He was immensely indus trious, regularly working far into the night, and his legislation shows that he took an active interest in all departments of government and had a remarkably detailed knowledge of their complexities. His laws also show that he was deeply concerned fo r the welfare of his subjects, and strove to give them honest governors, protect them from fiscal extortion and assure them uncorrupt justice. Justinian had two major passions which overrode all other considerations. He was in the first place a Roman to the core. It was his boast that Latin was his native tongue ... . His second passion was religion. He was an earnest Christian. 16 Yet Justinian I, for all his ability, seemed withdrawn, and lacked the common touch. There was also a fearful plague during his reign: although for that he cannot be blamed. But he left the Treasury exhausted, and the economy ruined, and his eastern empire (the only onc that had survived) on the verge of collapse. A somewhat cheerless period followed him, even if its miseries have been exaggerated. Nevertheless, it is as a prelude to the remarkable achievements of Justinian that the whole of the fifth century can be regarded, and often has been regarde; cl " though that has often unduly prevented the consideration of the century in its own right. 140

NOTES

I NTRODUCTION I Gibbon (Thr Dedint and Fall of the Roman Empire 11776----881, Ch, 32) took a gloomy view of the Byzantine empire which, it seemed to him, 'suh~jsted in a state of premature and perpetual dc ,he odmini",.,ion i> 'e< fr>.m< ....". ,,[ ,he hUJ;< «l;n«; >n< , ...... "" (.« ,....1< 4). ""pi« ,ho ;"",=,pl. w.. ,.rab~,he:d •• he: "Cnd c;ty of ,he: cmpirc ..... Thc"aIocic. (S2locic.). which "'.. O[ fre. from bllIme, 'The ""ble.', .aid J.B. Bury W-1J RM.", 192, 1900. pp. l29ff.l. 'pu' .hd, m if i. i. Correct to de,c~be .he ",tWtl u middle loo Bibli.ogt2phy, Sce Gibbon, DttIHtt a&J T"",," Ch. 3~, Gibbon (IJ.dJ'", ~&J hIIj ralk Alari.', .ucc....,.. 'AdoIphuo'. Haywood, W cff«tiv" • • , much dcb:>«d by cOflr< Ronun Army' (EQn, ,u,dir,"} /:.'N"/,,. j()()....IOOO). The arm)" n«< near th< motley :un... ed by ,h. , .. ·c,~lcCt"'.. Cam88. 7 10. l)ow""y. I""" H_~w F...pi,.. p. 81. A lot dO" of !he !heo< agoin"

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NOTES TO PP. 46 -5 1 Gaiseric the Vandal. But the dday in appointing the western emperor Anthemius (467-72) was largely due to negotiations with the eastern emperor Leo I, who had probably never recognised f..hiorian (457-61) officially, although Ricimer made futile attempts to get him to do so (Leo wanted his own nominee, Anthemius, to be appointed). However, efforts to stress the differences between east and west must not be exaggerated (R. MacMulIen, Corruption and tb, Decline of Rome [l988J, p. 246, 'no 75). But our whole knowledge of the period is very inade1dus (Vipaeeo) in 394, in which Theodosius I defeated the western usurper Eugenius and the !>.laster of Soldiers Arbogast, who committed suicide after the battle. Although nominally a Christian, Eugenius had sympathised with the pagan revival. It was once again in the interests (he hoped) of unity that Theodosius I had issued a stringent edict against paganism (see G. Young, COIutarllinoplf [1992J, p. 32). 5 Augustine favoured the destruction of pagan temples, and Jerome violently attacked the dead pagan Porphyry (uf Tyre jEs -Surj, or Batanea jprobably NugraJ, r. ,0,0 232/3-r. 305); and John Chrysostom (r. 354--407) often spoke against the pagans. Sec now IN.n Kell y, Go/dm Mouth (1996) ; cf. Orosius, Historirs agairl!1 Iht Pagam. But Proelus (410/ 12- 85: see Bibliography) still hoped for toleration of paganism. It had received a boost during the brief rei.l-,JT1 of the pagan Julian the Apostate (36 1- 3). 6 \'(le know little about the beliefs of ordinarr pagans at this time. But the Olympian gods increasingly failed to satisfr people's aspirations (sec n. 2 above). These gods could be regarded as symbols; if so, paganism might be made to look a tolerant form of monotheism. lambliehus of Syria (2nd century) gave the Sun the place of honour among the 350 deities; for Sunworship see also M. Grant, nJt Antoninu (1994), p. 76. Sec also J.H . Smith, Ht Death of Classical Paganim/ (1976), p. 3, cf. p. 2. Herbcrt, Pagarl Rdigion, p. 82), wrote as follows: The adoration of the Sun, so not only scripture, but Homer, Hesiod and the ancient historians tell us, was both ancient and univep.;al. It was ge nerally thought that the Supreme God had made heaven his home (as immortal things afe suitable to immortality). And the pagans could not think of anything more conspicuous or worthy of worship and adoration.

157

NOTES TO PP_ 6 7 _68 ~

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1952, 1968 (1954)

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