Protestantism, Poetry and Protest (St. Andrew's Studies in Reformation History)

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Protestantism, Poetry and Protest The Vernacular Writings of Antoine de Chandieu (c. 1534–1591)

S.K. Barker

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

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Protestantism, Poetry and Protest The Vernacular Writings of Antoine de Chandieu (c. 1534–1591)

S.K. Barker

Lancaster University, UK

© S.K. Barker 2009 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. S.K. Barker has asserted her moral right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work. Published by Ashgate Publishing Limited Ashgate Publishing Company Wey Court East Suite 420 Union Road 101 Cherry Street Farnham Burlington Surrey, GU9 7PT VT 05401–4405 England USA www.ashgate.com British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Barker, S.K. Protestantism, poetry and protest : the vernacular writings of Antoine de Chandieu (c. 1534–1591). – (St Andrews studies in Reformation history) 1. Chandieu, Antoine de, 1534–1591 2. Protestantism in literature 3. Protestantism – France – History – 16th century 4. Religion and literature – France – History – 16th century 5. France – History – Wars of the Huguenots, 1562–1598 – Literature and the wars I. Title 284.5’092 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Barker, S.K. Protestantism, poetry, and protest : the vernacular writings of Antoine de Chandieu (c. 1534–1591) / Sara Barker. p. cm. – (St. Andrews studies in Reformation history) Includes bibliographical references (p. ). ISBN 978–0–7546–6491–8 (alk. paper) – ISBN 978–0–7546–9444–1 (ebook) 1. Chandieu, Antoine de, 1534–1591. I. Title.

BX9419.C53B37 2009 284.2092–dc22

EISBN 978-0-7546-9444-1 (EBk.V) ISBN 978–0–7546–6491–8

2008050393

Contents List of Tables   Acknowledgements   Abbreviations   Conventions   Introduction   1

The Life of Antoine de Chandieu  

2 Establishing a Church (1555–1560)   3 4

vii ix xi xiii 1 13 51

The Conspiracy of Amboise and the French Reformed Church    87 ‘Armez-vous pour vostre Poësie’: Chandieu, Ronsard and Polemical Poetry   109

5

Creating a French Protestant Ideal  

161

6

Chandieu and Internal Threats to the Protestant Churches  187

7

‘Mes yeux ne sont fontaines sourdans du rocher de mes peines’: Poetical Expression and the Crisis of French Calvinism  

8

‘Sa solide erudition est redoutee de tous les aduersaires de verité’: Chandieu’s Practical Experience of Protestantism   243

209

Conclusion   

281

APPENDIX A: Antoine de Chandieu – Life and Times   APPENDIX B: English Citations of Chandieu   APPENDIX C: Chandieu’s Surviving Correspondence  

287 299 305

Bibliography  

307

Index  

329

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List of Tables 2.1 Reformed Confessions of the Sixteenth Century

68

4.1 Ronsard and his Protestant Critics  

128

5.1

Chandieu’s Martyrs  

177

8.1

Prose Meditations  

248

8.2 

The Articles of the Response à la Profession de Foy

264

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Acknowledgements The research that forms the foundation of this work has been conducted over several years, firstly as a graduate student at the University of St Andrews, latterly as a research fellow with the St Andrews French Vernacular Book Project in Paris. The work could not have come to fruition without funding from two bodies. An AHRC scholarship provided the initial funding for the Ph.D. research undertaken at the University of St Andrews as part of the French Vernacular Book Project. A second scholarship from the Bourse Française in Geneva allowed me to spend several months in the autumn of 2003 as a guest of the Institut d’histoire de la Réformation. Both grants, and both institutions, had an immense impact on my work, and I am grateful to be able to offer thanks here. In Geneva, the members of the Institut, especially Nicolas Fornerod, Irena Backus, and Reinhard Bodenmann, ensured my time there was both profitable and enjoyable. The staff of the Bibliothèque Publique et Universitaire de Genève, the rare books room of the Bibliothèque Cantonale et Universitaire in Lausanne, the Universitätsbibliothek in Basel, the Bibliothèque Publique et Universitaire of Neuchâtel, the British Library, Palace Green Library at the University of Durham, Special Collections at the University of Edinburgh, the Bibliothèque nationale de France, the Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, the Bibliothèque Sainte Geneviève, and the Bibliothèque de la société de l’histoire du protestantisme français in Paris all went out of their way to help my research run as smoothly as possible. Special thanks must go to Marianne Tisoli of the BPU and the Musée Historique de la Réformation in Geneva, for her help inside the library and her friendship outside it. I was privileged as part of the St Andrews French Vernacular Book Project to visit libraries, archives and collections across France, Luxembourg and Switzerland: my understanding of the early modern book world grew out of the rich resources that are housed in these institutions. The Reformation Studies Institute in St Andrews was a happy home for several years, its members providing an informative and welcoming atmosphere in which to pursue research. In particular, Dr Alexandra Kess, Dr Matthew Hall, and Dr Michael Springer were all willing to share their expertise over coffee or in emails – their particular contributions are noted in the text. Dr Bridget Heal gave me excellent advice on revising the thesis. As part of the St Andrews French Vernacular Book Project, I was very lucky to work alongside a tight-knit group who were supportive and challenging



Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

as necessary. Dr Alexander Wilkinson, now of University College Dublin, and Dr Malcolm Walsby have been both excellent colleagues and good friends over the last five years. Philip John has been a good friend, a good colleague and an understanding flatmate. In the Department of History Isla Woodman and Claire Eldridge have proved unstintingly supportive. The staff and students of Leeds Metropolitan University have been similarly generous as I have completed this monograph. At the heart of the Institute and the Project, I am extremely grateful to Professor Andrew Pettegree for the help and advice he has shared with me over the years. It was he who introduced me to Chandieu, and set the wheels of this book in motion. He consistently guided and challenged me as a student, and has continued to be generous with his time and advice as I expanded the initial research into this book. His exacting standards and insatiable thirst for knowledge continue to inspire. Jane Pettegree has frequently welcomed me to her home, and happily talked literature at any given opportunity. Further afield, I would like to thank Professor Stuart Carroll for his comments on the thesis, and his sustained interest in my work. As an undergraduate at the University of Durham, I was nurtured by Professor Jennifer Britnell and her belief in my work at such an early stage will always be appreciated. Chandieu’s work consistently celebrated the role of friends and family in sustaining his mission. I can readily identify with his sentiment. Deborah Anderson Gallant, Alexandra Sarma and Charlotte Schriewer have debated, distracted and discussed as required by the author. International research has seen international support. Katie Edwards, Giora Sternberg and the Prevot family in Paris, and Mette Skotte Holland in Geneva have provided vital assistance at key stages. My family has been consistently supportive, if sometimes slightly baffled, by my love of French history. I would especially like to thank my aunt Elizabeth Barker – for supplying spare rooms, slap up dinners in interesting places, trailing round exhibitions she later admitted to having no real wish to see, and always asking the right questions. Although it was a happy accident that most of my research was in places my parents, Andrew and Christine Barker, were happy to go to on holiday, they went above and beyond the call of duty in their support of both the initial thesis and the book. As I put the finishing touches to this manuscript, personal circumstances bring some of the issues raised in this work close to home. For a decade, Emily and Jake Hetherington repeatedly welcomed me into their home, and encouraged me in my professional and personal life. When Jake fell terminally ill in 2007, it was a shock that many close to him could not comprehend, and his loss is felt by all his friends. I dedicate this book to Jake and Emily, in thanks for their friendship and their love.

Abbreviations Aymon, Synodes

BHR BSHPF OC RCP

Aymon, Johannes, Tous les Synodes Nationaux des Eglises Reformées de France: Auxquels on a joint des mandemens roiaux, et plusieurs lettres politiques (The Hague, 1710). Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance Bulletin de la Société d’Histoire du Protestantisme Français Ioannis Calvini Opera Quae Supersunt Omnia, G. Baum, E. Cunitz and E. Reuss (eds), (Brunswick and Berlin, 1863–1900, reprinted 1964). Registres de la Compagnie des pasteurs de Genève au temps de Calvin. R.M. Kingdom and J.F. Bergier (eds)(Geneva, 1964–)

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Conventions The original spelling has been kept throughout, except for sources where only modern editions survive. ‘U’ and ‘v’ and ‘i’ and ‘j’ have been maintained as originally printed, although õ and similar abbreviations have been elongated. All Bible citations are taken from the King James Version. When referring to the poetry of Chandieu and his contemporaries, a distinction has been made between the verses themselves and the printed editions of the various works. This has been necessary due to the large number of items which were printed concurrently and in multiple editions. Thus, when referring to the verse itself, the item will appear within quote marks – italicised titles are referring to the printed item as a product.

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Introduction For over 150 years, Protestantism played an uneasy role in the life of the developing French nation. Home-grown yet alien to many Frenchmen, Protestant communities emerged from a native evangelical movement to become embroiled in the turmoil of the civil war years, before enjoying varying levels of protection under the monarchy until 1685. Louis XIV’s final rejection of the Protestants embodied their contradictory status within their own society. Their religion made them outsiders in the eyes of their fellow countrymen, who saw them as ideologically sympathetic to old national enemies, and traitors to a nation whose identity was shaped by Catholicism. Even so, their eradication took over 20 years and a multiplicity of economic and political sanctions. As Protestantism made inroads into French society, its adherents were torn between their country and their religion. The fragility of this dichotomy was most exposed during the Wars of Religion. The movement was in its infancy when Henry II died in 1559; having emerged from the shadows of Evangelical groups over the 1550s, it incorporated a wide range of religious beliefs under the one ‘Protestant’ banner. Significantly, it lacked an obvious national figurehead around whom to coalesce. Although Calvin’s name would forever be linked with Protestantism in France, he was removed from the action in his homeland by his work in Geneva, and no one man emerged in his wake to provide either the spiritual or the political guidance the young movement needed to make good its early promise. Instead, Protestants in France tried to navigate their own way through the barracking of the war years, with mixed results. What historians often regard as a cohesive association of local Churches was actually an amorphous coalition that struggled to find a workable identity with which to face its opponents. The formation of this identity was challenged not only by the situation of civil war, but also by internal rifts between Protestants who wanted to shape this identity in conflicting, or at best contrasting, directions. Fluidity of movement, both of people and ideas, means that it is nigh on impossible to regard any of the reform movements of the sixteenth    Collette Beaune, The Birth of an Ideology: Myths and Symbols of Nation in Early Modern France (Berkeley, 1991).    David J. Sturdy, Louis XIV (Basingstoke, 1998), pp. 89–99.

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest



century as an isolated capsule, and it is highly debatable whether those involved would have believed this to be likely at all. God’s providence did not respect national frontiers any more than plague or famine did. In this age of religious reinterpretation, the influences were fast, furious and of multiple provenances, shaped in large part by the flourishing printing industry, and borne forward by enquiring minds determined to bring about God’s will on earth. However, the term ‘French Protestantism’ needs to be clearly defined. For many, this deceptively simple phrase denotes all those who turned away from the Catholic Church in the mid-sixteenth century and joined one of the congregations worshipping with all the hallmarks of the reformed liturgy – vernacular services, taking communion in both kinds, married clergy and heavy reliance on the Bible. As this largely corresponds to the precepts of the form of worship set up by Calvin, the tendency has been to highlight the many parallels, and the plethora of personal links that kept channels of communication open between Geneva and France. It can appear as if Protestantism in France was transplanted wholesale from Geneva, with little attempt or even need for adaptation. To a certain extent, this is understandable – Calvin’s supporters were certainly organised and well placed to disperse their message. But the descent into war and the intricacies of the day-to-day fight for survival that dominated Protestant life after 1559 have obscured the realities of the internal mechanics of French Protestantism. To define all French Protestants as unthinking followers of Calvin misses the point of their struggle. Such an interpretation fails to recognise the serious disagreements that threatened the movement not once but repeatedly throughout its notoriety in the sixteenth century. Indeed, initially, not all those who we might define as Protestant came to their spiritual beliefs through Calvin or his works – there was a strong evangelical tradition in France that persevered through persecution in the 1540s to wield an increasingly acknowledged influence over the later, more successful movement. When Calvin’s ideas hit France    Robert Kingdon’s seminal works on the role of Genevan missionaries in the diffusion of the Reformation in France Geneva and the Coming of the Wars of Religion in France (Geneva, 1956), and its successor Geneva and the Consolidation of the French Protestant Movement 1564–1572: A Contribution to the History of Congregationalism, Presbyterianism, and Calvinist Resistance Theory (Geneva, 1967) are still the best starting points for consideration of the relationship between French Protestantism and Geneva.

  David Nicholls has charted the vitality of the evangelical movement in ‘The Nature of Popular Heresy in France, 1520–1542’, Historical Journal 26 (1983). Philip Conner and Glenn Sunshine have both identified deviations from Genevan orthodoxy during the 1550s–1560s. Philip Conner, ‘Huguenot Identities During the Wars of Religion: The Churches of Le Mans and Montauban Compared’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54 (2003), pp. 23–39; Glenn S. Sunshine, Reforming French Protestantism: The Development of Huguenot Ecclesiastical Institutions, 1557–1572 (Kirksville, Missouri, 2003). 

Introduction



with such force, their proliferation in print ensured that were as many interpretations of reformed religion as there were adherents. Not everyone had the pleasure of hearing a Genevan missionary preacher who had the training to mediate Calvin’s message, and even those who did might not have had this opportunity repeatedly. French Protestantism flourished locally, through group meetings, discussions and above all the printed word. This was only to be exacerbated by persecution, when religious sensibilities came under pressure from more urgent practicalities – arguments about the form Church worship should take became arguments about whether to worship openly at all. With open war came more confrontation, between those who put practical considerations above spiritual concerns and those who accepted no compromise that limited religious observance. And eventually the enforced experience of exile or conversion created yet more barriers between those who would still be recognised by later historians as ‘French Protestants’ or ‘Huguenots’ – the lack of clarity over their name only serving to reinforce the lack of uniformity within the movement. This monograph has two aims. The first is to illuminate the career of Antoine de Chandieu during the French Wars of Religion. It will demonstrate the key role Chandieu played in the development of French Protestantism. It is sad but not altogether surprising that Chandieu does not enjoy a more recognised position in the annals of Reformation History. Although a respected theologian in his day and a key player in the concerns of the sixteenth-century French Church, the peripatetic nature of his career meant that he had no real physical powerbase that would preserve his legacy after his death – he probably had the most local impact in the congregations in Paris and Geneva, but both would commemorate more obvious men for posterity. Chandieu was always going to live on through his writings. And as times and tastes changed, so Chandieu fell out of fashion and into semiobscurity. Not total obscurity, for he continued to attract some readers. He enjoyed an enduring popularity with theologians and with the senior figures of the revived French Protestant Church. Today, he is a writer who has a specific readership, in sharp contrast to the successes he enjoyed as a published author in his lifetime. Moreover, he has been appropriated by specialists in three different fields, literature, theology, and history, with little attempt to bridge the disciplinary divides. Each knows him for different aspects of his output. Consequently there is often a gap between the understanding of Chandieu the Poet, Chandieu the Pastor, and Chandieu the Man. He is known to literary scholars firstly as an ‘angry young man’ firing off vitriolic polemic against Ronsard in the early 1560s. But he is also recognised for his meditative works which appeared two decades later, the Octonaires. Theologians know him for his application of scholastic theory to reformed theology in his attacks on Jesuit writers, and for his work in standardising reformed practice throughout France.

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest



Historians might recognise the name as being one of Calvin’s foot soldiers bringing the word to the people of France, but more often as the link between Geneva and the rebels of the Conspiracy of Amboise. All of these are valid observations, but it is rare to find studies that acknowledge the extent of his multifaceted career. Consequently, many assumptions about his motivations and aims have been drawn which do not take into account the other aspects of his work. To understand Chandieu, his works and his interpretation of the unravelling situation around him, these distinct personalities must be condensed into one historical figure. This work not only addresses this imbalance by presenting Chandieu’s career step by step over 30 years of religious turmoil, it will also be the first systematic evaluation of Chandieu’s French works. These were written for a domestic audience, and chart the evolution of Protestantism in France from the emergence of reformed congregations in the 1550s through the vigour of the 1560s and the crisis of the 1570s and 1580s. By focusing on the vernacular works, Chandieu’s long unacknowledged role as a spiritual leader of French Protestants will be re-established. Keeping the vernacular works as the main focus allows Chandieu to act as a lens through which to focus on the issues facing French Protestants during the wars of religion. His writings cannot be divorced from the environment in which they were produced. Perhaps the most intriguing aspect of Chandieu’s career is its longevity. Many of his co-religionists would have brief spells of publishing success, but Chandieu’s career spanned the Wars of Religion. He began to write as Calvinism made its first real inroads into French society and continued to publish throughout his life. Each stage of French Protestantism would be reflected in Chandieu’s writings, and through these writings, we can see how French Protestantism adapted to the challenges of the wars. Of his contemporaries, only Theodore Beza would enjoy such a long career, and he was based in Geneva whereas Chandieu was on the front line in France. This study considers Chandieu’s whole career and examines how his written work contributed to his reputation as one of the most influential

  There remains a need for a systematic survey of his Latin works and their impact on the intellectual circles of late sixteenth-century Europe.    It is a harsh reality but the majority of those writings survive today only in printed formats. What survives in Chandieu’s hand is fragmentary at best, and must be recognised as such. Unless a major new discovery of Chandieu’s manuscripts is unearthed, research into his career must rely on the many printed editions of his writings. Chandieu’s letters have been consulted and are listed in Appendix C. At the time of writing, his manuscript journal has been lost for over a century, although attempts are ongoing to locate it. Such a discovery would be invaluable for our understanding of the French Protestant Church during the war years. 

Introduction



and respected of French ministers, and how he guided the Protestant movement through this crucial period in its history. The surviving information about Chandieu’s life comes to us from several sources. His first biographer was the Genevan historian, lawyer and magistrate Jacques Lect, who wrote an account of Chandieu’s life in Latin two years after his death. This laudatory rendition, dedicated to Archbishop Whitgift in England, charted Chandieu’s early training and his quick rise to dominance in the Paris Church, his impressive record as a pastor, and his subsequent international standing as a theologian. This international renown continued through the seventeenth century, where his writings were commonly used by theologians including the Puritans William Ames, Edward Leigh and Robert Baxter, the Quaker Robert Barclay and the Scottish Presbyterian George Gillespie. But his real rediscovery would come later. Nineteenth-century Protestant writers saw him and his ilk as shining examples of the Reformation man, and set about memorialising their spiritual ancestors.10 The apogee of this approach is the work by Auguste Bernus, the starting point for most modern scholars.11 His exhaustive, if somewhat partisan, study gives an account of Chandieu’s life and times from childhood to his passing. This work is of fundamental importance to later scholars, as Bernus had access to the few surviving letters from Chandieu’s correspondence, but more importantly to his manuscript journal.12 Covering the years between 1563 and 1591, it encompassed the majority of Chandieu’s writing career, and his service as a pastor in France and Switzerland. It gave a wealth of information about his movements around the countryside and his work with congregations and individuals that the printed works never fully reflected. It also provided some clues as to the conduct of his family life which were not appropriate for his other writings. The manuscript later disappeared, and    Jacques Lect (1560–1611) was a key figure in Genevan life at the end of the sixteenth and start of the seventeenth century. A Magistrate and Professor of Law, he was a protégé of Beza, and served on the Genevan city council from 1584. Antonio d’Andrea, ‘The Last Years of Innocent Gentillet: “Princeps Adversariorum Machiavelli’’’, Renaissance Quarterly 20 (1967), pp. 12–16, p. 14.    Jacques Lect, De Vita Anton Sadeelis et Scriptis, Epistola in Antonii Sadeelis Chandei Nobilissimi Viri Opera Theologica, (Geneva, 1599), ¶¶¶1r ff.

  The full extent of Chandieu’s influence on Anglophone successors can be seen in Appendix B. 10   The articles and monographs produced by the members of the Société d’Histoire de Protestantisme Français not only give valuable factual details otherwise lost, in many instances they also examine secondary players most modern treatments do not reference. 11   Auguste Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu d’après son journal autographe (1534–1591)’, BSHPF 37 (1888). 12   The journal was at that point in the possession of the Tscharner family in Berne. 

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest



without Bernus, innumerable particulars pertaining to Chandieu would be lost. Crucially, it also represented Chandieu’s private voice, charting his fluctuating moods and personal views, hinting at a passionate side of his personality which rarely appeared in print. From the short extracts Bernus included in his biography, we can appreciate the vigour with which Chandieu approached his faith in his daily life, as well as in his longer works. The short bursts of thankful prayer and cries of anguish to God that appear to have peppered his observations of his actions might be the closest a modern day audience can get to experiencing the dynamism of Chandieu’s renowned preaching. For several decades, Chandieu remained firmly in the shadow of Bernus’ interpretation. By the 1920s, however, a counter-argument emerged, at least for the early part of his career. Lucien Romier’s influential work on the Conspiracy of Amboise presented Chandieu as the manifestation of all that was seditious and rebellious about the early reformed movement: his account of the events of 1558–1560 painted Chandieu as the most manipulative and conniving of political operators, exploiting the tensions at court between Antoine de Bourbon and Condé for his own ends.13 Such was Romier’s dominance over subsequent approaches to the political origins of the wars of religion that no one challenged the idea of Chandieu as a young political radical feverishly in the grip of a kind of Calvinist terrorism, at least from a historical perspective. Inadvertently, work on the links between Geneva and French Protestantism only served to embed this notion further, thanks to the emergence of Geneva as the headquarters of an International Calvinist movement. Initially, Chandieu’s later career was neglected outside the realms of literary studies, where increasing interest in the shift in poetry from the period of the pléiade to the Baroque era saw a growing fascination with ‘meditative literature’, of which Chandieu’s Octonaires were held to be a prime example. The cross-confessional approach of scholars like Terence Cave to this phenomenon saw Chandieu’s writings taken out of their compositional context, and investigated solely in terms of their biblical precedents and their position on the poetic continuum.14 From being one of the most ‘dangerous’ members of the Protestant community, as Romier had suggested, Chandieu was now little more than a mouthpiece reflecting general ennui. And more recent scholarship has done little to rehabilitate him. His continuing rejection and refutation of the ‘democratic’ ideas of Church structure advocated by Jean Morély in the 1560s marked   Lucien Romier, La Conjuration d’Amboise (Paris, 1923).   Cave refers to Chandieu’s preaching heritage, and to his being part of a group based

13 14

around Geneva, but these are as mere adjuncts to the main attraction, the poems themselves. Terence Cave, Devotional Poetry in France, c. 1570–1613 (Cambridge, 1969), pp. 165, 301.

Introduction



him down as staunchly Genevan-Calvinist in the face of a more utopian interpretation. He was seen as a reactionary whose grasp of scholarship enabled him to curtail the more ‘modern’ tendencies at work in the French Reformed movement which Morély had tried to articulate.15 Chandieu’s youthful attacks on Ronsard earned him few supporters in the literary world, as he dared criticise the star of the pléiade, whilst causing Ronsard to write some of his most partisan ‘commercial poetry’, thereby proving that the prince des poètes was inspired as much by political circumstance as by his muse.16 Yet this dazzling exchange of verse has been neglected for its insights into the religious motivations of the literary intelligentsia on the eve of the Wars of Religion. What emerges is an intricately nuanced set of arguments hinging on the twin notions of loyalty and treachery that characterised the explosion of pamphlet literature of the early 1560s. In all of these studies, Chandieu is accepted to be the embodiment of French Calvinism, obeying Calvin and Geneva at every turn. But increasingly, evidence shows this to have been less clear cut than previously imagined. N.M. Sutherland has dug deeper into explaining Chandieu’s actions as regards the Conspiracy of Amboise, redressing Romier’s original critique.17 Studies of martyrology and polemic have found Chandieu’s prose works useful for their ‘hands-on’ observation of events and their detailed recollections.18 His deviation from Calvin in various areas, such as the independent development of the Discipline and Confession, active resistance to persecution and the use of Aristotelian scholastic theory, have been noted by Glenn Sunshine and Donald Sinnema.19 Chandieu’s career needs to be reconsidered in this light. His role was much more complicated than that previously ascribed to him, and was as much influenced by the 15   Philippe Denis and Jean Rott, Jean Morély (ca 1524–1594) et l’Utopie d’une démocratie dans l’eglise (Geneva, 1993). 16   F. Charbonnier, Pamphlets Protestants contre Ronsard 1560–1577 (Paris, 1923); Jacques Pineaux, La poésie protestante de langue française (1559–1598) (s.l., 1971); JeanPaul Barbier, Bibliographie des discours politiques de Ronsard (Geneva, Droz, 1984); Fernand Desonay, ‘Ronsard poète engagé’, Bulletin de l’Academie Royale de Langue et Literature Françaises XLIV (1966), pp. 29–46; Francis Higman, ‘Ronsard’s political and polemical poetry’, in Terence Cave (ed.), Ronsard the Poet (London, 1973), pp. 241–86; Malcolm Smith, ‘Ronsard et ses critiques contemporains’, in M. Smith, Renaissance Studies Articles 1966–1994 (Geneva, 1999), pp. 219–26. 17   N.M. Sutherland, The Huguenot Struggle for Recognition (New Haven and London, 1980). 18   Brad S. Gregory, Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, MA, 1999); Luc Racaut, Hatred in Print: Catholic Propaganda and Protestant Identity during the French Wars of Religion (Aldershot, 2002). 19   Sunshine, Reforming French Protestantism; Donald Sinnema, ‘Antoine de Chandieu’s call for a scholastic reformed theology (1580)’, in W. Fred Graham (ed.), Later Calvinism: international perspectives (Kirksville, Missouri, 1994), pp. 159–90.

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circumstances in which he found himself as the ideals he held. This is not in any way to suggest that Chandieu was not a committed Calvinist, rather the contrary: in his determination to see the triumph of the light, he was clear-sighted enough to recognise that the fight was taking place on many levels and in different spheres than that which might be safely directed from Geneva. Chandieu’s career and writings show how French Protestants saw themselves and how they were seen by others. On the one hand, Chandieu needs to be re-examined not as a poet, or a theologian, or a political player, but as an intellectual committed to action, whose ideals were reflected in all his deeds and writings, and in whom all these supposedly distinct elements were in fact combined. He is emblematic of the men who pushed the Reformation through its later stages, the less showy figures whose faith was no less steadfast than their more famous counterparts. In the words of Denis and Rott: ‘Chandieu n’appartient pas à la génération des fondateurs, les Calvin, les Viret et les Farel … Il est plutôt l’homme de la consolidation.’20 His career distils many of the crucial elements that defined French Protestantism: loyalty to country and family balanced by duty to God, the need for structure in accordance with faith, the reaction to mass violence and the experience of exile. His life and work personify the struggle French Protestantism never really overcame, of how to establish oneself in a hostile country, the modifications needed to survive in these conditions, and the changes forced by war, repression and exile. The second aim of this work is to highlight the highly influential role that literature, especially poetry, played in the shaping of the religious and spiritual experience of the wars. Religious experience in this period was recorded through many forms of writing. Martyrologies have proved to be a rich source of what people took to be an ideal to aim for. Journals and first-hand accounts provide great factual detail, but can be overly reliant on interpretive conditioning. Yet poetry seems to present a stumbling block as a historical source. Some of the metaphors might today seem obscure, and the standard of composition is not consistently high: one reads many weak compositions before one encounters a verse that works both as poem and documentary source. Whilst not all works of the sixteenth century reached the dizzy heights of a Ronsard or a Marot, there is nonetheless a huge wealth of personal experience locked up in the reams of verse written during the Wars of Religion. The Wars of Religion continue to fascinate historians. Traditional political surveys of kings and the court and battles and ‘events’ have been supplemented by case studies of towns, literary trends, information

20

  Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, p. 96.

Introduction



distribution and social groups with their interrelations and their practices.21 We now understand far more intimately the world in which these events unfolded, from the atmosphere on the streets to the impact of the weather on the production of food. Yet findings on such varied subjects can be difficult to judge in the wider context. Introducing personality back into our understanding of the Wars of Religion helps us remember these were not events that took place in a vacuum, but that involved people from all ranks of society. In using Chandieu and his life as a template for investigation, this study will show how the Wars of Religion shaped the experience of Protestants in France. The chapters take a broadly chronological approach to Chandieu’s career. This is not a survey of Chandieu’s theology, although at some points his religious thinking is integral to understanding his actions. Rather, his works are to be seen as a guide to the emotional fortunes of French Calvinists, the nebulous entity that might be defined as ‘Protestant Identity’. French Protestantism did not have strictly defined boundaries for much of this period, and similarly Protestant self-identity was constantly shifting. Protestants clung to their group identity, positively defining their experience in terms which were easy to understand – justification by faith, interpretation of the word of God, persecution by outside groups – rather than admit the differences between them. As the situation worsened, this reliance on a common group identity became even more critical and it was fully grounded in practical experience.22 In times of crisis, group identity could be immensely comforting. Many felt a strong need to belong to a group; Chandieu’s writing lets us survey how this group shifted its self-

  Philip Benedict, Rouen during the wars of Religion (Cambridge, London and New York, 1981); Penny Roberts, A City in Conflict: Troyes during the French wars of religion (Manchester and New York, 1996); Barbara B. Diefendorf, Paris city councillors in the Sixteenth century: the politics of patrimony (Princeton, 1983); Stuart Carroll, Blood and Violence in Early Modern France (Oxford, 2006); Geneviève Guilleminot, ‘La polémique en 1561: les règles de jeu’, in Le Pamphlet en France au XVIe siècle. Actes du colloque organisé par le Centre V. -L. Saulnier le 9 mars 1983, (Paris, 1983); Davis Bitton, The French Nobility in Crisis, 1560–1640 (Stanford, 1969); Edith Weber, La musique protestante en langue française (Paris, 1979). 22   The Protestant appropriation of history and scripture to define themselves as a community has been investigated by Bruce Gordon: ‘… Protestant history-making was situational, that it varied greatly depending upon the particular circumstances in which it was being nurtured. Whether in positions of power or exile, the Protestant understanding of scripture and history provided individuals and communities with a set of models which served as raw materials for the creation of identities.’ Bruce Gordon, ‘The Changing Face of Protestant History and Identity in the Sixteenth Century’, in Bruce Gordon (ed.), Protestant History and Identity in Sixteenth Century Europe Vol II The Later Reformation, (Aldershot, 1996), p. 6. 21

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definition as events unfolding around it impacted on their lives.23 Much as a modern individual might ask themselves ‘Who am I? What am I here for?’, the sixteenth-century Protestant seems to have needed some level of self-definition in order to sit easily with themselves and more pertinently, their fellow Protestants. And this identity was in turn reaffirmed by the publication of these ideas as books, which could be purchased, read and distributed amongst the Protestant community in order to sustain the faith through periods of difficulty. Chandieu’s writings are then a window through which Protestant experience and self belief can be charted. His unique standpoint sheds light on the fortunes of Protestantism and challenges long-standing interpretations of what it actually meant to be a Protestant in France during the Wars of Religion. The opening chapter is a biographical study of Chandieu. It situates the man in his historical context, and identifies the key themes in his work. It also refers to the events of the Wars of Religion and their influence on Chandieu’s career and writings. Having established these criteria for examining Chandieu’s career, the chapters place Chandieu’s individual works in close context with the events of the wars and the ongoing trends of intellectual development. Chapter 2 explores Chandieu’s early career as a pastor during the formative years of the French Protestant movement. Looking specifically at his involvement in Church building, and the resultant Confession and Discipline, it demonstrates the extent to which Chandieu and his fellow pastors were aware of the debt they owed to native evangelical sympathies. Chapter 3 considers the emerging tensions between ‘noble’ and ‘religious’ factions within the Protestant community. It looks at the causes of the Conspiracy of Amboise, its main players and their motivations, and the ambiguous role the pastors of Geneva and Chandieu himself played in the unfolding of events. Chapter 4 examines the use of literary pamphlets at the outbreak of the wars, and Chandieu’s contributions to polemical literature. Chapter 5 focuses on Chandieu’s preoccupation with the Christian ideal, as expounded in his Histoire des persecutions de l’Eglise de Paris. It looks at the role Chandieu believed the Paris Church should play, before analysing the form and structure of the Histoire itself. Chapter 6 examines Chandieu’s antagonistic relationship with Jean Morély. The two men’s divergent views of how Protestantism should be structured in France dominated synods of the 1560s, and it was not at all clear that Chandieu’s view would come to prevail. As French Protestantism found itself in a weaker and weaker position following the St Bartholomew’s Day Massacres, so the themes discussed in poetry become more introspective. Chandieu’s later poetry is 23   Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion, (Cambridge, 2005), Chapter 9.

Introduction

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discussed in Chapter 7, with its focus on death and the futility of earthly pleasures. Finally, Chapter 8 looks at Chandieu the elder statesman of the French Church, based in Geneva but still writing for his French coreligionists, with the culmination of his theological knowledge and stylistic expertise applied to the Response à la Profession de foy des moines de Bordeaux. This study considers the multiple aspects of Chandieu’s career alongside each other. Chandieu’s works provide the core of the material used, along with his extant correspondence. These have been consulted in the original editions where possible. Each piece needs to be understood in terms of its conception, its place in Chandieu’s overall development, in relation to its intended audience, and what we know of its actual readership. How was his message served by the various styles – poetic, martyrological, scholastic – which he chose to use?24 Essentially, this is not the study of a man alone, but rather a man who represented the strengths and weaknesses of French Protestantism. In Chandieu, the Protestants of the French Wars of Religion found a voice whose mastery of genres ensured they would never be forgotten, and that their sufferings would never have been in vain.

24   The data gathered by the St Andrews Sixteenth Century French Vernacular Book Project has proved invaluable in giving a consolidated view of how the book world worked in the sixteenth century, and what a printed book, in its varying forms, might be expected to achieve.

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Chapter 1

The Life of Antoine de Chandieu

The Chandieu dynasty The Chandieu family was one of the oldest in Dauphiné. The first reference to their territory comes from the reign of Louis the Blind, King of Provence (888–928), with a sale notice for a field. There is a suggestion that the family were vassals of the Burgundian court, and that they first started to use the name Chandieu in the eleventh century. References to the family date back to 1130, when Berlion de Chandieu gave homage to the Count of Savoy, in whose orbit the family continued to operate throughout the century. The direct family line can be traced to 1200, when Étienne, sire de Chandieu, Meyzieu and Chessieu gave a donation to the Chartreuse   In his Histoire Generale de Dauphiné, Chorier suggested the Chandieu family was descended from Roman colonisers. Nicolas Chorier, Histoire Generale de Dauphiné (Grenoble, reprinted 1971), p. 160. Compiling a detailed history of the Chandieu family is not straightforward. Pierre Louis Joseph de Bétencourt’s Noms féodaux, ou noms de ceux qui ont tenu fiefs en France, depuis le xivème siècle jusque vers le milieu du xviiième (Paris, 1826) and Gaston Saffroy’s Bibliographie généalogique, héraldique et nobiliaire de la France (Paris, 1968–1979) make no individual reference to the Chandieu dynasty, categorising them as emigrants to Switzerland. The main Swiss sources have only scant references to the family prior to the seventeenth century, when they became properly established in the Cantons of Geneva and Vaud: most of their entries start with an account of Antoine de Chandieu, the initial Swiss link. Some of the more useful works in this area include Adolphe Rochas, Biographie du Dauphiné contenant des hommes nés dans cette province qui se sont fait remarquer dans les Lettres, les Sciences, les Arts etc, avec le Catalogue de leurs Ouvrages et la Description de leurs Portraits (Geneva, 1971); Dom Urban Plancher, Histoire Générale et Particulier de Bourgogne Tome IV (Paris, 1974); Albert de Montet, Dictionnaire Bibliographique des Genevois et des Vaudois qui se sont distingués dans leur pays ou a l’étranger par leurs talents, leurs actions, leurs oeuvres litteraires ou artistiques etc. (Lausanne, 1877); D.L. Galbreath, Armorial Vaudois (Baugy sur Clarens, 1943) and Guy Allard, Dictionnaire Historique, Chronologique, Géographique, Généalogique, Héraldique, Juridique, Politique et Botanographique du Dauphiné (Geneva, 1970). Two valuable articles construct the basic genealogy of the Chandieu family and highlight links to other nobles by marriage. Gérald de Villeneuve, ‘Notes sur le famille de Chandieu (tirées du manuscrit de Henri de Jouvencel, aux Archives de la Nièvre)’, Héraldique et Généalogie 128 (1993), pp. 222–4; P.G. de Loriol, ‘Chandieu’, Héraldique et Généalogie 129 (1993), pp. 327–31.    Jacques Saunier, ‘Chandieu à l’heure de la féodalité’, in Actes des Journées d’études 1987: Meyzieu et sa région Histoire du département du Rhône (Lyon, 1989), pp. 43–4.    Villeneuve, ‘Chandieu’, p. 222. 

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d’Aillon, a religious foundation set up by his suzerain Humbert III, Count of Savoy. Étienne’s eldest son Berlion was not quite so pious, and was reprimanded for harassing monks on his lands. However, Berlion was clearly a man of some standing socially – in 1218 he stood as guarantor for the dowry of Marguerite, daughter of Thomas, Count of Savoy, at her marriage to Hartmann I of Kyberg. This was a significant marriage, between two dominant families in what became Switzerland. Berlion’s participation in this dynastic alliance demonstrates his growing stature in the Dauphiné–Savoy region. This was reinforced by his territorial holdings – he gave homage in 1241 to the Archbishop of Lyon for the territory of Chandieu, with lands that stretched from Les Fourches de Falavier to the Pont du Rhône in Lyon. Berlion had four children: Pierre, the first Baron de Chandieu, Étienne who went into holy orders, Artaud and Jean, whose descendants succeeded to the titles when Pierre died with no heir. Throughout the Middle Ages, the Chandieu family embedded itself into Dauphinoise society. Their success is marked in two ways: their court activities and their marriage alliances. Both are impressive. As regards the first, perhaps the greatest achievement was that of Antoine, Baron de Chandieu, who witnessed a peace treaty between Amadeus VI of Savoy and the Dauphin Charles in 1352. This same Antoine married into another powerful Dauphinoise family, the Alleman, whilst his grandson married the sister of the Governor of Dauphiné, and his great-grandson a lady-in-waiting to the Duchesse de Bourbon. In the fifteenth century, the family’s focus shifted from Dauphiné to Burgundy, where they had acquired territories by marriage. Many of the ancestral lands back in Dauphiné were gradually sold off. This was not symptomatic of a declining family, as often the case when nobles sold their lands – the Chandieu of the fifteenth century were not desperate to keep the wolf from the door. Rather, it indicates a changing geographical sphere of influence. That the   Loriol, ‘Chandieu’, p. 327.   A number of members of the Chandieu family followed Church careers in the

 

Chapters of Lyon and Vienne during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. For more details, see Bruno Galland, Deux Archevêches entre la France et l’Empire. Les archevêques de Lyon et les Archevêques de Vienne du milieu du XIIe siècle au milieu du XIVe siècle (École française de Rome, 1994). Interestingly, given Antoine de Chandieu’s poetic talents, the daughter of Artaud de Chandieu, Alix, spent her youth at the Court of Charles II of Naples (1254–1309). She was said to have been immortalised in five sonnets by a poet Loriol names as ‘Pistoieta’. Loriol, ‘Chandieu’, p. 327.    Saunier suggests this happened several generations before, with the principal actors being Jean, Berlion’s grandson, Amadeus V of Savoy and Humbert II Dauphin of Viennois and Count of Albon, and the treaty in question being signed in November 1297, but provides no supportive evidence for this claim. Nonetheless, it appears clear that over several generations, Chandieu family members played a commanding role on the political stage of Savoy and Dauphiné.

The Life of Antoine de Chandieu

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Chandieu were not yet in decline can be seen by the continuing expansion of marriage alliances with significant regional dynasties, Antoine de Chandieu’s grandmother being from a prominent Burgundian family. After several centuries establishing themselves amongst the upper echelons of the provincial nobility, the Chandieu family suddenly found themselves facing a dynastic crisis. The generation immediately preceding Antoine is shrouded in obscurity. This is the first indication that the family might have been having problems living up to their past glories. Investigation suggests the dynasty was paralysed for the best part of a generation. There are two descriptions of Chandieu’s immediate forebears. According to one version, the three sons of Jean de Chandieu and Françoise d’Amanzé were Louis, whose son’s early death plunged the family into long legal disputes, Guillaume, husband of Claudine du Molard and father of Bertrand and Antoine, and finally Miles, who died childless. The more established interpretation is that Guillaume was the eldest son, a member of François I’s entourage and one of those taken into custody after Pavia; Antoine’s father, Guy (also known as Miles) was the second son, and was given the territory of Poules by his brother on 17 February 1516, and it was he who married Claudine du Molard in November 1529. Chandieu’s earliest biographer, Jacques Lect, certainly states that his father’s name was ‘Guido Sadeel’. Guy died around 1538, and the inheritance passed to Antoine’s elder brother Bertrand, and hence to Antoine on the occasion of his brother’s death at the battle of Dreux in December 1562.10 Although    Alice Chevalier, ‘La Famille Chandieu et la Réforme’, in Divers Aspects de la Réforme aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Paris, 1975), pp. 635–45. Chevalier looks at the property transactions of the family in Dauphiné and the various legal cases connected to the lands throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This included a dossier of papers put together by Antoine’s younger son Jacques de Chandieu in 1634, in response to a request by the Intendant of Dauphiné. Richelieu and the Conseil du Roi had requested that the Intendants evaluate noble holdings in the provinces, and although many nobles disliked this command, Jacques de Chandieu responded. Attached to Jacques’ justification of his territorial holdings was a list of supportive documents. Badly damaged by humidity, the list of the documents (rather than the actual documents themselves) was transcribed by Chevalier from the original then in the possession of the Bibliothèque de Grenoble. Amongst the items was a ‘Contrat de marriage d’Antoine de Chandieu, seigneur de Poule, fils de Guillaume de Chandieu et de dame Claudine du Molard.’    Witnessed by Notary Dumas. Loriol, p. 328. A third brother, Antoine’s uncle Bertrand, entered into the Catholic Church, and was last heard of in holy orders in 1556.    Jacques Lect, De Vita Anton Sadeelis et Scriptis, Epistola in Antonii Sadeelis Chandei Nobilissimi Viri Opera Theologica, (Geneva, 1599), ¶¶¶1v. 10   Until 1562, Chandieu was known as Antoine de la Roche, and it was with his brother’s death, and his accession to the title of Baron, that he took the title of Antoine de Chandieu. Chandieu might be listed as Antoine de La Roche, Antoine de Chandieu or Antoine de La Roche Chandieu. This last, although in widespread use, is not strictly accurate,

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the recent generations of the family had fallen somewhat on hard times compared to their ancestors in Dauphiné, the inheritance was still sizeable – Antoine’s will, dated 9 September 1567, gave his titles as ‘Antoine de Chandieu, seigneur dudit lieu en Dauphiné, et Pole et de Prepiers [in Beaujolais], seigneur de Chabottes et de Viellecourt [near Mâcon], de Grevilly [in Burgundy], de la Roche [Dauphiné] et de Folleville [Beauce]’.11 This sudden hiatus in the family’s hitherto stable progression through the ranks of the provincial nobility had a dramatic effect. The family legacy was now in jeopardy: a long-established noble line that had married into other prominent families, strategically moving their base from Dauphiné towards Burgundy had been felled by complications over inheritances, the fortunes of war and unexpected deaths. Chandieu’s mother, Claudine, had some weighty choices to make on behalf of her two sons. Bertrand and Antoine were the future of their dynastic branch, as Claudine would have been well aware. She had to educate and provide for them, and without her husband’s contribution. Her choices would have significant ramifications. Birth, childhood and student years Antoine was born around 1534, at the château de Chabottes, near Mâcon. Following his father’s early passing, the biggest influences on him would be his mother, his elder brother and his teachers.12 Was his mother an early adherent of Protestantism? Chandieu never referred to a ‘conversion experience’ and he was a Protestant agitator by the time he entered his twenties. It is not unreasonable to look to his childhood for indicators as to his later dedication to Calvinism. Circumstantially, Claudine matches accepted understanding of what drew noblewomen to the new faith. Noblewomen had an immense influence over their households. The long absences of noblemen through war contributed to the noblewoman’s domination of religious direction within the family – with a father permanently removed, the mother’s role became even more prominent. Widowhood ‘provided the optimum condition for feminine autonomy’, and widows played a and when added to all the various pseudonyms he used over his career makes for widespread confusion. He will be known throughout this work simply as Chandieu. 11   Witnessed by Demouroux and Saint-Vaast, notaries of the Châtelet de Paris. A second will was dated 23 February 1591 Geneva. Auguste Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu d’après son journal autographe (1534–1591)’, BSHPF 37, (1888), p. 170. 12   Very little survives in connection to his mother, Claudine du Molard, although Antoine was born in her castle of Chabottes. Claudine became owner of the château, today near the village of Ige north-west of Mâcon, after the death of her first husband, Antoine Gobert. Further details of the château’s history can be found at http://www.lisle.ch/historique/ chabotte.html.

The Life of Antoine de Chandieu

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significant role in the early days of the French Protestant movement.13 Two pieces of conjectural evidence suggest Claudine might have been one of these women. Firstly, both her sons would embrace the reform, Bertrand in the service of Condé, Antoine as a pastor. Both became centrally involved in the movement, Bertrand militarily, Antoine spiritually. This indicates there was some strong background influence laying the foundations for this double conversion. With no father figure, we must assume that came from Claudine. Roelker demonstrates that mothers influenced their daughters’ religious direction – there is nothing to suggest this might not equally be true for their sons. Secondly, the choices made concerning Antoine’s education are telling. Widows could use the choice of a son’s tutor to demonstrate religious allegiance – Roelker gives the example of Louise de Montmorency at the top end of the social scale.14 With Bertrand destined for a military career, Antoine was trained in jurisprudence. He was sent to Paris when he was approximately five years of age, where his tutor was Mathias Granjean. This fact is significant. Granjean was an early convert to the Reformation, and later relocated to Geneva. Seemingly a year after the death of Chandieu’s father, his mother placed him into the care of a man who would soon dedicate himself to the reformed religion. This was during the aftermath of the Placard controversy of 1534, which saw Calvin himself forced to leave France.15 Nothing was haphazard about statements of religious faith in this period. And this is further reinforced by Chandieu’s later education. From Paris, the young Chandieu undertook legal studies at the respected faculty in Toulouse. This was a university where it was said that the Bible and Calvin’s writings were more studied than the law, even in the face of strong opposition in the form of the local parlement apparently reputed to be ‘le plus sanguinaire de France’.16 Other men would flirt with Protestant ideas as youths, and go on to embrace the Catholic Church and the traditional career path of the lower   Nancy L. Roelker, ‘The Appeal of Calvinism to French Noblewomen in the Sixteenth Century’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History 2 (1972), pp. 391–418; pp. 397–8. 14   Roelker, ‘Appeal of Calvinism’, pp. 398–9. 15   The Crown’s response to the posting of the Placards in Paris and at the Court at Blois was especially brutal. Coquerel notes the wave of executions that swept through the capital in 1534 and subsequently. Ath. Coquerel, Précis de l’histoire de l’Église Réformée de Paris d’après des documents en grande partie inédits. Première époque 1512–1594 De l’Origine de l’Eglise à l’édit de Nantes (Paris, 1862), p. 14. 13

16   Theodore Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique des Eglises Réformées au Royaume de France, vols 1–3, G. Baum and Ed Cunitz (eds) (Paris, 1883), vol. 1, p. 114. The official history of the University skims over this period very quickly, admitting to Protestant inroads being made in the faculties, but being more concerned with how this affected the relations with the local parlement. See L’Université de Toulouse: Son Passé, Son Présent 1229–1919 (Toulouse, 1929).

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nobility. Certainly Chandieu seems to have had rather more exposure than most to these new ideas, but his decisive conversion to the Reformed faith remains a private matter. He went Geneva in the mid-1550s, as did Mathias Granjean. The former tutor went to pursue his calling as a teacher and pastor of the Reformed faith, and undertook several attempts at gaining a position in Calvin’s pastorate.17 Did Chandieu accompany his old tutor, and further his Protestant education as he did so? Or did he make the journey of his own volition, an adolescent on the brink of manhood searching for meaning? However he arrived there, the Genevan sojourn would prove to be decisive as regards his dedication to Protestantism. Lect noted his talent and his early friendship with Calvin and Beza.18 This special recognition can only have had a significant effect on the strongwilled young man. Chandieu was singled out as having promise by the illustrious Calvin in the cradle of Reformed Protestantism, at the height of the reformer’s powers in the city: he would have been aware of Calvin’s recent struggles with the opposing Perrinist faction, and was there at his mentor’s moment of triumph, a clear demonstration of God’s approbation. Chandieu’s adherence to Protestantism was finalised in this period, before he was forced to Paris to help in a family legal dispute concerning his uncle’s inheritance.19 Nonetheless it was in Paris that Chandieu’s Protestant career can be said to have really begun, and his calling made apparent. Chandieu in Paris: Church formation in an era of persecution Chandieu attended secret Protestant assemblies in Paris from his return to the French capital in 1555. In September of that year, the burgeoning Protestant community set up a structured Church with a pastor. The charming story of the Church’s birth is well known from its inclusion in the Histoire Ecclésiastique – an expectant father, worried that his newborn son would not be baptised in the true religion, mobilised a network that eventually sees the establishment of a congregation in the

17   RCP, vols 1–2, pp. 70–71 and 75–6; Robert M. Kingdon, Geneva and the Coming of the Wars of Religion in France (Geneva, 1956), pp. 26–7, discussed further in Chapter 2. At the time of his death in 1561, Granjean was pastor of Russin and Dardagny near Geneva. 18   ‘instruxit veris bonis, & Caluini beneuolentiam facile quessit, facile Bezæ.’ Lect, De Vita Anton Sadeelis, ¶¶¶1v. 19   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 7. The circumstances of this case are unclear. Chevalier’s research into the property sales of the ancestral lands do not mention any cases in 1555, and preliminary surveys of the Archives Nationales have not produced any documents relating to the case.

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capital.20 Chandieu’s own Histoire des persecutions describes the events rather more prosaically: ‘LAN de nostre Seigneur Iesus Christ mil cinq cens cinquante cinq au regne de Henry second de ce nom, comme Dieu … fit aussi misericorde à la ville de Paris, y recueillant vne Eglise. Les deux premieres années se passerent assez paisiblement, & sans que les ennemis en eussent guieres de cognoissance: pource que les commencemens estoient petis & foibles, & estoit besoing qu’en repos les choses prisent leur train & se fortifiassent:’21 The Paris Church elected as its first pastor Jean Le Maçon, sieur de Launay, also known as La Rivière.22 He was unable to fulfil the obligations to the new Church on his own, however, and so a team of helpers was set up, with Geneva sending pastors when they were able to. One of the first to be assigned was François de Morel, sent on the recommendation of Calvin, Beza and Farel. But the congregation needed to nurture local talent to sustain itself. Promising recruits were encouraged to take their faith further. Different men were assigned different tasks. Some, such as Jean Chassanion were sent out into the provinces to emerging Protestant communities in need of guidance.23 Perhaps not missionaries in the strictest sense of the word, these men were nonetheless bringing the word to new communities with a zeal that impressed many who encountered them. Others, including Chandieu, were set to work in Paris. Chandieu’s first task was to revise the catechism, which he completed with such success that at only 22 years of age, he was appointed second regular pastor of the Paris Church, sometime around the end of 1556 or start of 1557. In late 1557, the congregation was joined by Jean de Lestre. Together, La Rivière, Chandieu and Lestre formed the core of the new Church’s structure.   Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. 1, pp. 119–21.   Chandieu, Histoire des persecutions et martyrs de l’eglise de Paris, depuis l’an 1557

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iusques au temps du Roy Charles neufiesme. Auec une Epistre contenant la remonstrance des proffits qui reuinedront aux fideles de la lecture de ceste histoire: & une exhortation à ceux qui nous ont persecutez, de reuoir nostre cause, & iuger derechef si ç’a esté à bon droit, qu’ilz ont fait mourir tant de seruiteurs de Dieu (Lyon, 1563), a1r. 22   Jean Le Maçon (c. 1533–1572) had spent time in Geneva and Lausanne, and had been disowned by his father due to his adoption of the new faith. He continued to serve the Paris Church into the 1560s. He was a representative at the Synod of La Rochelle in 1571, by which time he appears to have been serving the Church in his native Angers. He was murdered during the season of St Bartholomew in the garden of his home. Eugène Haag and Emile Haag, La France Protestante: ou vies des protestants français qui se sont fait un nom dans l’histoire (Paris, 1877–1896), vol. 6, pp. 529–31. 23   Jean Chassanion (1531–1597) went to Meaux and the South of France, before settling in Metz in 1576, and writing a number of polemical works that addressed the Jesuits and which attempted to rehabilitate the Albigensians in the wake of Catholic polemic that linked the Reformed faith to the earlier dissenters. Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. 1, p. 121; Haag and Haag, La France Protestante, vol. 3, pp. 351–2.

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Little is known of how the Paris Church functioned in its early days. What is known of the congregation tends to focus on the extraordinary incidents – executions of high-profile members and large-scale persecutions.24 This secrecy about day-to-day activities is hardly surprising: too much information about the Church would have put its members in grave danger. In a period when the authorities vacillated between persecution and limited toleration, discretion had to be exercised about how the Church met. Most services took place in private houses and at night. This was satisfactory when the congregation was small, but as soon as the Church began to attract larger groups, it became harder to conceal their activities. Some meetings could draw 300 to 400 people.25 On 4 September 1557, in the notorious incident in the Rue Saint Jacques, members of the congregation clashed with priests and students of the neighbouring Collège du Plessis. A crowd formed and although a number of armed gentlemen were able to escape, around 130 people were trapped in the building, mainly women and children. Several people were eventually executed in the fallout from the affair, including one noblewoman. This incident caused a public scandal but it did not dissuade the Protestants from meeting.26 Indeed, only nine months later, between 13 and 19 May 1558, Protestants gathered openly in their thousands at the open ground of the Pré-aux-Clercs on the outskirts of the city to sing Psalms. Amongst their number were armed gentlemen, including on one occasion Antoine de Bourbon. Nevertheless, in the last days of the reign of Henri II, the tide of public opinion flowed heavily against adherents of the new religion. It is crucial that Protestant growth in the 1550s does not overshadow the repeated efforts of the crown to stamp out heresy. Henri had set up the Chambre ardente upon his succession, and soon tackled heresy head on with restrictive legislation, with the notorious edict of Châteaubriant in 1551 banning Protestant ideas in print.27 Ownership of a Protestant tract was enough   Barbara B. Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross: Catholics and Protestants in Sixteenth Century Paris (Oxford, 1991), pp. 50–60. Beza’s Histoire Ecclésiastique and Chandieu’s Histoire des persecutions give contemporary accounts of the notable persecutions. 25   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 10; Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross, p. 50 ff. 26   Bernus mentions a similar incident in April 1561, when over 120 Protestants were trapped in the Tour Quarré of the Chancellerie until released by sympathisers. Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu, pp. 11–12. Diefendorf makes no mention of this incident, but does mention that Protestants worshipped in the great hall of the Palais de Justice and recounts similar clashes throughout this period, p. 57. 27   Henri II, Edict touchant la congnoissance, jurisdiction et jugement des proces des lutheriens et heretiques, (Paris, Jean André and Jean Dallier, 1551). Lauren Jee-Su Kim, ‘French Royal Acts printed before 1601: A Bibliographical Study’, (Ph.D. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008) vol. 1, pp. 146–7. 24

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to condemn a suspect. Henri actively encouraged suspicious subjects to inform upon their neighbours. This tension between increasingly stringent heresy laws and the continued growth of Calvinism in France over the same period poses many questions. It is correct to suppose that increasing numbers of executions could result from there being a larger group from which to draw suspects, but something was clearly inspiring people to risk persecution. They continued to convert, and Henri was forced to issue further edicts against heresy, at Compiègne in 1557 and in response to the Pré-aux-Clercs meetings.28 Yet he had a network in place to fight dissent within the kingdom, with valuable allies in the higher clergy and in the Sorbonne – and in the powerful Guise family. The Protestants knew their situation was dangerous, and needed to find ways to quash the rumours that freely circulated. Pamphlets, remonstrances and other short polemical works were an effective way of getting their message to a large audience.29 Chandieu contributed a number of pamphlets in support of the Protestant community, with one, the Apologie ou defense des bons chrestiens contre les ennemies de l’Eglise, provoking immense controversy, as it presented the Protestants as peaceful and innocent in the face of Catholic cruelty.30 As repression continued, the works which Protestants hoped would save them became evidence by which to condemn them. One of Chandieu’s pupils, Jean Morel, was jailed in part because of his possession of Chandieu’s writings.31 Such losses put more pressure on the Church. Providing support to those held in prison became a more pressing issue. The ministers addressed this either by smuggling letters inside to provide spiritual guidance, or in some instances 28   Henri II, Edict portant la peine contre les perseverans en leurs mauvaises opinions contre la foy (Paris, Jean Canivet, 1558); Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross, p. 51. 29   Chandieu’s Histoire illustrates how these works might be commissioned and used to combat this wave of adverse publicity: ‘… que ces faux bruits qui couroient de leurs saintes assemblées, au déshoneur de Dieu, soient rabbatus par defenses & Apologies… Ilz font doncques vne remonstrance bien longue au Roy, & la font secretement tomber en sa chambre, & venir entre ses mains: par laquelle ilz taschent d’adoucir son coeur, impetrer audience à leur cause, & oster ceste mauuaise opinion d’eux, qu’on luy auoit imprimee malicieusement.’ Histoire, a8r. The remonstrance mentioned in this extract was possibly the first polemical work by Chandieu. It appears not to have been printed, and survives only in synopsised forms in Chandieu’s own Histoire des persecutions and Theodore Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique (Paris, 1883), vol. 1, p. 146. 30   The two surviving editions of this work, one dated 1563, the other undated, were both published anonymously, and have only survived in single exemplars. The text is more commonly known from its inclusion within Chandieu’s own Histoire des persecutions de l’Eglise de Paris. Antoine de Chandieu, Apologie ou defence des bons chrestiens contre les ennemis de l’Eglise chrestienne (s.l., s.n., 1563) and (s.l., s.n., [1564]). 31   Morel died in prison in February 1559 at the age of 20. Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 59, and Chapter 5 below.

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managing to disguise themselves in Catholic habits and getting inside the prisons for personal visits.32 Chandieu’s writings made him the most prominent spokesman of the Paris Church: in this time of danger he was therefore also the most at risk.33 The Church lived in constant fear that its leaders would be denounced or that the location of its meetings might be betrayed. At one point, there was a plan to move the entire Church to Strasbourg.34 The ministers were continually moved around to keep them safe. They were housed by members of the congregation, or moved to communities outside Paris if suspicion was aroused. But sometimes these precautions were not enough, as Chandieu found to his cost in 1558. Chandieu had been in contact with the leading Protestant nobles, Antoine de Bourbon and Condé. Throughout 1558 and 1559 Bourbon was criticised for not openly declaring dedication to the Protestant cause. His friendship with Chandieu was something the Protestant leadership could exploit.35 In June 1558, the two men became linked in an altogether unprecedented fashion. Calvin received word that Chandieu had been jailed, but that he had been released on the intervention of Bourbon.36 This striking intervention saw Bourbon tell the cour de la   The terrible conditions inside the prisons were described in a letter from Morel to Calvin: ‘Promiscui generis virorum mulierum ac infantium captivi sunt supra sexaginta: nihil ad crudelitatem pratermittitur: adeo ut optabiliot centies mors sit, quam talis captivitas. Sacviente aestu, quum ne aqua quidem ad levandam sitim suppeteret essentque in aperico postiae caveae, multis cim cruciatu cutis decidit. Sunt quos verbis modo consolari capitale est: pecunia iuvare, quia periculosum, vix iam licet. Itaque veremus ne dame, suppliciorum omnium ultimo, plures interficiantur quam igni. Sunt quidam inclusi carcere cui nomen est l’obliete, qui propter augustiam et obscuritatem aerisque meatus undique occlusos sepulcrum potius dici debet. Hi suorum excrementorum foetorem perpetuo coguntur haurire. Sed longue maior immanitas in quendem exercetur qui proiectus est in fossam quae similis est turbini, ideoque a forma dicitur la poche d’hypocras. Illic nec stare nec sedere, nec cubare licet, adeo paulatim erasum in angustum contrahitur: hoc omnes, si nihil aliud, certe illuvies, situs, foetur brevi conficiet, nisi mirabiliter Dominus adfuerit.’ Morel to Calvin, 11 September 1559, OC, vol. 17, cols 632–5. 33   He and his brother Bertrand are mentioned on a list of nobles whose property should be confiscated produced in 1558 by the Cardinal de Lorraine. Property transactions of which there remain traces are the donation by Bertrand of a tract of land to Condé, and that in 1563 the territory of Chandieu was re-bought by Antoine, and was still in the hands of his descendants a century later. Macar to Calvin, 15 October, 1558, OC, vol. 17, cols 355–7. 34   In November 1559, all three ministers were to visit the reformed town. Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 67. 35   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 62. 36   ‘Ex quo genere est illud quod Rochaeus noster die dominico noctu hora circiter undecima in carcerem dictus est, quum faber lignarius religionis causa apud illum quaereretur. Per viginti horas in magno metu fuimus, quia chartae erant in manibus magistratus quae omnino mortem minabantur. Toto illo tempore rei ignorantia vobis lucro fuit. Sed neque hic nuncius in comparatione adeo vos afficiet, ut nos repentinus fratris aspectus exhilaravit. 32

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justice Chandieu was his chamberlain. It appears the Lieutenant Criminal never knew who it was that had been imprisoned, as the relevant papers had not been examined. Chandieu then gave thanks at a special assembly attended by Bourbon, where he preached on Psalm 124. If it had not been the LORD who was on our side, now may Israel say; If it had not been the LORD who was on our side, when men rose up against us: Then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us: Then the waters had overwhelmed us, the stream had gone over our soul: Then the proud waters had gone over our soul. Blessed be the LORD, who hath not given us as a prey to their teeth. Our soul is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers: the snare is broken, and we are escaped. Our help is in the name of the LORD, who made heaven and earth.37

This brief incident had important ramifications. It demonstrated how precarious was the position of Chandieu and the other ministers. Had it not been for Bourbon’s intervention and the laxity of the guards, Chandieu would not have escaped with his life. It also gave the Protestant leadership hope that Antoine de Bourbon might be won outright to the Protestant cause. A prince du sang with open Protestant sympathies was a potentially powerful bulwark against crown opposition. Bourbon’s intervention indicated he did indeed possess those sympathies. And it tied him to Chandieu in a way that could be exploited by the Protestant leadership. They needed someone with access to Bourbon who could guide him to Nam pro modo tristitiae, quam percepimus ex fratris vinculis, exsultavimus verperi prae gaudio, ubi ipsum praeter spem in convivio sacro, quod tunc forte apparatum erat, amplexi sumus. Hac autem ratione Dominus ipsum nobis restituit. Quum Navarrenus, qui huc ab aula migrarat, missis domesticis ad praetfectum criminum nihil profecisset, ipse multorum precibus sollicitatus in forum venit, et petito homine, quem sibi a cubiculis esse dicebat, eum abduxit non repugnante praefecto. Nescimus tamen quorsum tandem res evadet. Neque enim dubium est qui totum negotium perveniat ad aures regis. Ac iam multi tumultuantur et aiunt Navarrenum nimium sibi sumpsisse. Interea fruemur fratre. Sed perincommode adhuc accidit qudod multae chartae et literae resident in manibus hostium. Servus etiam eius asservatur in spelunca cum homicidis. Rochaeus alio concessit ad tempus ex fratrum sententia, quia iam percrebuit ipsum esse principem sectae.’ Macar to Calvin, 10 June 1558. OC, vol. 17, cols 200–201. 37   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 67 ff. Psalm 124 on which Chandieu preached was significant, a song of thanksgiving for the Lord’s help in times of persecution.

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embrace the Reformed faith openly. Chandieu was now in a position to do this, and would be called upon when needed. To protect both Chandieu and the Paris congregation, he was sent out to work with nascent provincial Churches. He quickly visited Orléans in June 1558, Poitiers in July and August, Chartres the following year and Tours in 1560. He refused an offer made by Calvin through Des Gallars to join the French Church in London.38 Instead, he became deeply involved in the development of the Confession and Discipline. These documents marked the growing maturity of the Protestant Churches. Whilst in Poitiers in 1558, Chandieu came across a local evangelist, LaVau. Influenced by the ideas of Servetus and Castellio, LaVau had caused confusion amongst Church members. The Churches in the Poitiers region decided they wanted a more formal Church structure, and asked Chandieu for help. This led in May 1559 to the meeting of the first National Synod in Paris, which did develop the Confession and Discipline. The synod was the first time the Reformed movement in France came together as a group, and its meeting should be recognised as a critical point in the development of Protestantism in France. From this point on, practices were in theory held to a standard set by the Discipline and the Confession. In actuality, the independent gestation of the French Protestant movement over the previous three decades meant that consensus was a distant ambition. The Confession was addressed to the king, and was prefaced by a letter, attributed to Chandieu. This letter was to be passed to Condé, who would in turn give it to the king, so that he might understand the intentions of his Protestant subjects. As it turned out, the death of Henri II in August 1559 halted this proposal, at least temporarily, before action could be taken to bring it to his son and successor. The short reign of François II was one of the most dramatic periods of the civil war era. With the Guise dominant at court, and Protestantism flourishing despite continued persecution, the two ideologies were heading for a clash. The link between Chandieu and Condé was to prove fateful. Chandieu already knew Antoine de Bourbon’s younger brother, Louis, prince de Condé. In August 1558, Chandieu was sent to Condé to secure his help in freeing other religious prisoners.39 Condé was a potentially powerful ally and one whose religious loyalties were far less ambiguous than his brother’s. He was known to have Protestant sympathies, and had visited Geneva in October 1555, the year that Chandieu left the city to return to Paris.40 The relationship between Condé and Chandieu proved to   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 125.   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 62. 40   N.M. Sutherland, The Huguenot Struggle for Recognition (New Haven and London, 38 39

1980), p. 52.

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be decisive over the next decade, providing a much-needed link between the spiritual and political powerbases of the Reformed community. And Chandieu had been noticed by other members of the court. Catherine de Médici, Henri II’s widow, had heard of him through Eléonore de Roye, Condé’s wife. Catherine wanted to talk to the young pastor and a meeting was arranged at Villers-Cotterêts near Reims for September 1559, but this was cancelled.41 Even as he received invitations to meet the Queen Mother herself, some malcontents within the Protestant camp were formulating what would eventually become the abortive coup known as the Conspiracy of Amboise, and Chandieu was dispatched to Geneva to present the hypothetical plan to Calvin. Protestant unrest and suspicion of the Guise had coalesced over the summer and autumn of 1559. At some point, this general unease hardened into a plan for direct action. The idea was to remove the king from his advisers, in order to present Protestant demands to him directly. This tallied with the aims stated earlier at the National Synod, and in the Confession. Chandieu’s Genevan visit quickly established Calvin’s reservations, but the noblemen involved continued their machinations nonetheless. By February 1560, their plans were made, but a number of leaks meant that their moves were anticipated by the Guise. François was removed from Blois to the safety of Amboise, where the plotters assembled in early March. Pre-emptive edicts were promulgated by the crown, trying to head off the plotters before they committed themselves too far. But the attacks – undermanned and foolishly conceived as may be – came anyway. The ringleaders were caught and executed as an example to the restless populace as to what would happen to those who threatened the balance of power. The severity of the punishments lingered long in the Protestant imagination.42 Protestants were branded as seditious disturbers of the peace. That this was a small coup led by a distinct socio-political group had no bearing on the disgust felt by many ‘good’ Frenchmen on behalf of their king. The link with Geneva – personified by Chandieu – came under intense scrutiny.

  Bernus maintained this was due to a concern for Chandieu’s safety, but it is feasible that Chandieu, implicated in the upcoming plot, wished to remain at a distance from the court. The incident is reported in Morel to Calvin, 11 September 1559, OC, vol. 17, cols 634–5; R.J. Knecht, Catherine de’Medici, (Harlow, 1998), pp. 63–4. 41

42   The conspiracy was shown in two famous woodcuts by the engravers Jacques Tortorel and Jean Perrissin, one depicting the enterprise itself and the other the subsequent executions. The young Agrippa d’Aubigné many years later recalled how his father took him to view the executed corpses on the walls of the chateau at Amboise, and told the future soldier-poet ‘Ils ont décapité la France, les bourreaux!’ Agrippa d’Aubigné, Sa Vie à ses Enfants, Gilbert Schrenck (ed.), (Paris, 1986), p. 52.

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For Chandieu, the effects were long lasting. After the Conspiracy of Amboise, Catherine asked again for an interview with Chandieu.43 Yet his tarnished reputation meant that he would not be invited to join the representatives of the Reformed religion at the Colloquy of Poissy in 1561, where Beza led the Protestant delegation. Rather, from this point, Chandieu would restrict his political contact to counselling Calvinist nobles in the capacity of a religious adviser, albeit with an eye to the effect of their political decisions on the Protestant cause. Branded a rebel in the eyes of fellow Frenchmen, he was dragged into a legal case in Geneva that hinged upon the precise details of his visit the previous autumn. This case pitted him against a man who was to prove an ongoing adversary, Jean Morély.44 The Amboise episode underlined how divergent were the practical aims, if not the spiritual goals, of Geneva and the Protestant communities in France. This dichotomy – Genevan orthodoxy versus French situational practicality – continued to plague Chandieu and his fellow Protestants in France as the wars progressed. The road to war: political fragmentation and religious tension The early 1560s saw a spiralling of tensions that would eventually result in open warfare. After Amboise, it might be expected that the Crown would clamp down on Protestantism as a seditious force within the realm. Instead, the religious element of the conspiracy was played down and the political actors were the ones who faced official punishments. The Edict of Romorantin in May 1560 transferred the prosecution of heresy to the Church courts. This made the process quicker, which pleased the Catholics, but also allowed for less stringent sentences. Was it this climate that led optimistic Protestants out into the open, or was there now a groundswell of Protestant belief that was impossible to quash? This was the high point of Protestant expansion in France, when the movement was at its strongest

43   ‘A tant elle s’addressa à vn sien maistre des requestes nommé Chastelus abbé de la Roche, qui fauoirisoit aucumement ce party, afin de trouuer moyen de faire parler à elle la Roche ministre de Paris, par la bouche duquel elle desiroit merueilleusement estre instruite de la vraye source & origine des troubles, & pareillement d’auoir son auis comment on y pourroit pouruoir, & quel moyen on tiendroit pour donner estat paisible à ceux de sa Religion, sans qu’il aduient aucun inconuenient à l’autre party. Car, disoit-elle, j’ay ouy reciter tant de vertus & graces singulieres de ce ieune gentil-homme, que ie croy qu’il ne me trompera point.’ Regnier de La Planche, Histoire de l’Estat de France, tant de la Republique que de la Religion, (s.l., 1576) X8v; Knecht, Catherine de’Medici, p. 66. 44   Much of Chandieu’s synodal work in the 1560s would be taken up with combating Morély’s ecclesiological vision. See Chapter 6.

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both numerically and politically.45 From early 1560, Protestants ignored the provisions against group meetings, and held large public gatherings in towns like Paris and Rouen, as well as continuing the established practice of meeting in fields outside towns. There was now a political edge to the tension between Catholics and Huguenots, as the Protestants now came to be called more and more frequently.46 For Catholics, Protestants represented rebellion and social instability. That Protestant meetings took place largely at night did nothing to still Catholic fears, and this was one of the aspects of Protestant conduct castigated by Catholic preachers, along with the more general accusations of subversion.47 The power of the word was becoming increasingly apparent, as can be seen in descriptions of public orations as well as printed texts.48 Catherine had confirmed the appointment of a new Chancellor, one who shared her ideals of peace and co-operation. Michel de l’Hôpital thought the best way to achieve concord in France was through the careful balancing of religious and political concerns.49 In the meantime, unrest was brewing throughout the country, with bands 45   Mack P. Holt, The French Wars of Religion (1562–1629) (Cambridge, 1995), p. 53 ff.; R.J. Knecht, The French Civil Wars, (Harlow, 2000), p. 72 ff. 46   The origin of the term Huguenot has been widely discussed. Sutherland uses it as a term to describe the politically operative Reformed Protestants in France, whereas others have used it as a synonym for ‘Protestant’. For one summary of the multiple origins, see Henri Naef, ‘“Huguenot” ou le Procès d’un mot’, BHR 12 (1950), pp. 208–27. This study has preferred ‘Reformed Protestant’ when keeping the religious focus in mind. 47   Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross, pp. 54–5; G. Wylie Sypher, ‘“Faisant ce qu’il leur vient a plaisir”: The Image of Protestantism in French Catholic Polemic on the Eve of the Religious Wars’, Sixteenth Century Journal 11 (1980), pp. 59–84. 48   A perfect example of the kind of scaremongering that permeated society is found in the sermons of the preacher Pierre Dyvolé at Provins in 1561. ‘… cest homme, en tout et par tout, descouvrit enthierement et à la verité le desseing et voloir qu’avoient les huguenotz de France, et declara à haulte voix, en plusieurs sermons, à quel but ilz tendoient, ce qu’ilz cerchoient et demandoient, aussi veritablement que s’il eust esté present à la determination de leur affaires et secretz. Et davantage, predist le mal prochain qui, en brief temps, seroit faict par eux en France; et comment et par quelle maniere ilz s’esleveroient par armes et seditions contre Dieu, la religion catholicque apostolicque romaine, contre le roy, son Estat et contre le repos public de toute la France, desolant les villes, saccageant les eglises, temples et les prebstres, tascheant à abolir toute vraye religion, loix ecclesiasticques, politicques et civilles, tous sacremens et service divin; et commant, par leur orgueil, ilz prendoient les armes au poing pour exterminer le roy et son Estat, ensemble tout le peuple catholicque. Contre lesquelz il enseigna aux catholicques et leur dist qu’ilz seroient contrainctz de prendre les armes deffencives pour se deffendre contre eux et leurs armes offencives, et que de ce faire il estoit permis de Dieu aux catholicques non pour assaillir iceux huguenotz hereticques, mais pour se deffendre seullement de leurs armes offencives qu’ilz, en brief temps, ils ne feroient faulte de mettre sus.’ Claude Haton, Mémoires de Claude Haton, Tome 1 1553–1565, Laurent Bourquin (ed.), (Paris, 2001), pp. 171–2. 49   Seong-Hak Kim, Michel de l’Hôpital: the vision of a reformist chancellor during the French religious wars (Kirksville, Mo., 1997), pp. 49–55.

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of Protestants arming themselves, and leading nobles gathering troops.50 An attempt was made to take Lyon for the Protestants in September 1560 by a former Amboise conspirator, Edme de Maligny. When a letter was intercepted from the vidame de Chartres to Condé promising troops as long as they were not to be used against the king, Bourbon was ordered to bring his brother to court. There, Condé was arrested and tried for treason, and was only saved from execution by the death of François II in December 1560 from an ear infection. At the time of the monarch’s passing, Chandieu was in Orléans, supporting Coligny after the capture of Condé.51 Coligny had shown himself to be a reliable and motivated Protestant leader at the Assembly of Notables in the summer of 1560. The political situation was somewhat different from that of 1559. François II had been legally of age to rule, albeit under the guidance of advisers. His younger brother, now Charles IX, was only ten years old and had not reached the age of majority, and indeed would not reach it for several years. A regency would have to be established, and the regent would have to manage the growing political and religious unrest.52 Catherine secured the regency for herself by manipulating Bourbon into giving up his dominant claim. In return for accepting his protestations of loyalty, which had been called into question by his brother’s actions, she made him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. The overall government of the country was now divided, somewhat precariously, between the Guise and the Bourbons. Throughout early 1561, Catherine promoted co-existence between Catholics and Protestants in a series of edicts and proclamations, making expression of discontent illegal,53 setting out new statutes,54 and providing stronger regulations of incidents that might prove provocative.55 The Estates-General had decided in December 1560 to give a general pardon, not requiring people to reconcile to the Catholic Church. This ‘Huguenot Lent’ saw not only open worship, but the arrival of more ministers from Geneva, more pamphlet literature

    52   53   50

Knecht, French Civil Wars, p. 71. Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 61. Knecht, French Civil Wars, p. 74. François II, Lettres patentes du Roy. Envoyées à Monsieur le Bailly d’Orleans. Par lesquelles il defend à toutes personnes d’entrer en debat, esmouuoir seditions & de se reprocher aucunes choses les vns aux autres pour le fait de la Religion, sur peine de la hart, & sans aucun espoir de grace ou remission (19.04.1561), (Orléans, Eloi Gibier, 1561) 54   François II, Edict du Roy defendant à toutes personnes de ne se contendre ne de battre pour le fait de la religion (15.02.1561), (Lyon, Antoine du Rosne, 1561). 55   François II, Lettres du roy nostre sire dressans au seneschal de Lyon ou son Lieutenant pour pourveoir à la surté de la procession du S. Sacrement (25.05.1561), (Lyon, Benoît Rigaud, 1561). 51

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and ultimately more clashes with Catholics.56 Against the wishes of their synods, groups of Protestants took increasingly aggressive action against Catholic Churches: Church leaders protesting fruitlessly that the cleansing of Churches and their interiors was to be undertaken by the authority of the magistrates only, not by self-appointed vigilante groups. This wave of increasingly inflammatory activities inevitably brought a backlash from the Catholic population. Paris was seized by the eloquent preaching of militant Catholics looking to rally its citizens in defence of the Church.57 Confessional division polarised society and confrontations increased, with riots between Protestants and Catholics in Paris at the Church of Saint-Eustache in April 1561 and at Saint Médard in late December 1561. Picardy, Brittany, Languedoc and Burgundy all experienced outbreaks of violence, often centred on obvious flashpoints like Catholic processions or Huguenot services.58 Catholics started to form military alliances, the most prominent being the Triumvirate, the alliance of Guise, Montmorency and Saint-André.59 With the political situation so confessionally charged, some looked for another way, amongst them Catherine de Médici and Michel de l’Hôpital. This period saw one of the most adventurous attempts at securing religious concord, the Colloquy of Poissy. At this meeting, representatives of the Protestant contingent led by Beza met with Catholics directed by the Cardinal de Lorraine. Chandieu might well have found himself at this historic meeting, had not his involvement in the conspiracies of the previous year rendered him unacceptable. There appears to have been a real hope that the colloquy might reach some kind of compromise, such as that reached in the Empire in 1555.60 But after weeks of debate, the colloquy was eventually disbanded on 13 October when it became obvious no agreement could be reached over the Eucharist and no compromise was possible. Poissy has been praised as an attempt to find religious concord, 56   David Potter (ed.), The French Wars of Religion: Selected Documents (Basingstoke, 1997), pp. 45–6; Knecht, French Civil Wars, pp. 72–7. 57   Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross, pp. 56 ff, pp. 147–9. 58   Potter, French Wars, pp. 41–6; Arlette Jouanna, La France du XVIe siècle 1483– 1598, (Paris, 1996), p. 379 ff. 59   Their supposed agreement envisaged intervention from Philip II of Spain, the removal of Antoine de Bourbon by intimidation or force, and an international attempt to eliminate Protestantism, in France, Germany and the Swiss Cantons, before the restoration of Catholicism Europe-wide. Potter, French Wars, pp. 28–9; Knecht, French Civil Wars, p. 76. 60   The Peace of Augsburg (September 1555) established the principle of ‘Cuius regio, eius religio’ within the Holy Roman Empire, allowing princes to chose between Lutheranism and Catholicism. Although an imperfect religious settlement, it gave political breathing room in a tense situation. Bodo Nischan, ‘Germany after 1550’, in Andrew Pettegree (ed.), The Reformation World, (London, 2000), pp. 387–409; pp. 391–2.

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but in reality, it came too late to make a positive difference.61 Theological differences were far too entrenched for compromise to be a serious option. In fact, the colloquy had a detrimental effect on inter-confessional relations. Catholics became suspicious of Catherine’s intentions, and were concerned she might be too lenient to heretics. Their fears were not alleviated by Protestants taking advantage of this climate of open discourse to push for greater concessions. In 1561, Coligny claimed there were more than 2,100 Protestant Churches, although the real number was probably around 1,200– 1,250.62 Catherine continued her moves towards concord by publishing the Edict of January 1562, granting Protestants the right to public worship outside walled towns, and private worship within walled towns.63 Synods were made legal on the condition that they were conducted under royal authority. Huguenots were obliged to return commandeered property and buildings. It was a limited freedom at best: such an arrangement pleased nobody, and only served to provoke further unrest. Seeing their dominant position at court waning, the Guise retired first to their estates in Champagne-Lorraine, and then to a meeting with the Duke of Württemburg, leader of the German Lutheran Princes, at Saverne. This meeting has been explained as an attempt by the Cardinal of Lorraine to create something lasting from the remnants of Poissy, or by the duke to ensure that the German Protestant princes would refrain from interfering in French affairs.64 Subsequent events provoked a cacophony of claims and counter-claims about this summit and its aftermath. Returning from this meeting a week later, as he travelled from Joinville to Paris, François, duc de Guise came across a group of Protestants worshipping in a barn outside the village of Vassy. In circumstances that were hotly disputed between the two confessions, the duc’s soldiers set upon the congregation: 30 worshippers were killed and another 100 or so injured.65 As news of the massacre spread across France, violent incidents were reported in other towns, including Paris, Sens, and Toulouse. The massacre at Vassy was interpreted by Protestants as a Guise declaration of war. With unrest in the capital intensified by the presence of both Condé and Guise, Catherine tried to pacify the situation by appointing the moderate Cardinal de Bourbon   Knecht, French Civil Wars, pp. 78–9.   Knecht, French Civil Wars, p. 59. 63   Kim, ‘French Royal Acts’, p. 184; ‘Édit de janvier’ available online as part of the 61

62

Editions en ligne de l’école de Chartres, ‘L’édit de Nantes et ses antécédents (1562–1598)’ at http://elec.enc.sorbonne.fr/editsdepacification/edit1/ 64   Knecht, French Civil Wars, p. 81, Jouanna, La France du XVIe siècle, pp. 394–5. 65   The differing interpretations of events are summarised nicely in two accounts sent to the Duke of Württemberg, one by an unnamed Protestant and the other by Guise. These are both reproduced in BSHPF 24 (1875), pp. 218–21 and 212–17 respectively.

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as gouverneur of Paris. He ordered both men to withdraw from the city. Condé did so on 23 March 1562, but decided not to go to the Court at Fontainbleu: instead he withdrew to Orléans and began marshalling his forces. This left Guise and his allies, including Montmorency, Bourbon and Saint-André, free to take control of the king at Fontainbleu and persuade him to return to Paris, now securely under Catholic control. Whilst declaring their independence from the Guise, the king and Catherine de Médici struggled to raise troops. They had no standing army and many experienced officers defected to the Protestant side. The only recourse was to hire Swiss and German mercenaries.66 Mediation attempts were made throughout the spring of 1562, fruitlessly, and the Huguenot forces took a number of strategic points along the Loire, including Tours, Angers and Blois. It was in these strategic towns that Antoine de Chandieu spent most of what was to be the first War of Religion. Forced out of Paris by the intense confessional hostility towards the Protestant congregations, Chandieu now served as a trusted adviser to Condé and the Protestant leadership, based mostly in Orléans. He spent about a year there, along with his colleague La Rivière. They contributed to the war effort by undertaking pastoral work with the Protestant forces, and providing spiritual advice for the military leadership. Chandieu also found time to write and it was from here that he produced some of his most infamous works, the highly controversial polemical verses, the ‘Palinodies’ and the ‘Response aux Calomnies’.67 Both the Crown and the Huguenot leadership began to look increasingly outside France for support, with the Crown achieving more success. Over the summer of 1562, the royal forces besieged and recaptured both Blois and Bourges. In the decisive campaign of the conflict, 30,000 royal troops were then committed to the siege of Rouen, which had been launched in May by the brother of the duc de Guise, Aumale.68 The siege lasted until October 1562, when the city’s Huguenot leadership surrendered, although the siege had by this point cost the life of the royal commander, Antoine de Bourbon. Among the estimated 1,000 who died in the siege and its aftermath was the town’s most prominent minister, Augustine Marlorat.69 The fall of Rouen was followed by the first major pitched battle of the 66 67

  Knecht, French Civil Wars, p. 87 ff.   Antoine de Chandieu, Palinodies de Pierre de Ronsard, sur les discours des misères

de ce temps (s.l., s.n., 1563); Response aux Calomnies Contenves av discours & suyte du discours sur les Miseres de ce temps Faits par Messire Pierre Ronsard, iadis Poete, & maintenant prebstre. Le premier par A.Zamariel: les deux autres par B. de Mont-Dieux Ou est aussi contenue la Metamorphose dudict Ronsard en Prebstre (Lyon, s.n., 1563). 68   Jouanna, La France du XVIe siècle, p. 403. 69   Philip Benedict, Rouen during the Wars of Religion (Cambridge, 1981) p. 101.

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war, on 19 December 1562 at Dreux, east of Paris.70 The conflict was fierce, with the Crown emerging as the eventual winner. For Chandieu, that loss was compounded by the death on the field of his elder brother Bertrand.71 Bertrand had been part of the Conspiracy of Amboise, which he had escaped with his life, and he went on to figure amongst Condé’s noble captains, appearing on two lists of Protestant nobility dedicated to Condé’s cause.72 His death left Antoine as head of the family, and controller of the family lands. But other issues were more pressing. Condé and Montmorency had both been captured at the battle and Guise was in control of the armies. The Crown had financial difficulties after relying on mercenaries, and Catherine took advantage of the situation to promote a peace treaty. Whilst preparing to lay siege to Orléans, Guise was shot by a Huguenot noble, Jean Poltrot de Méré. In subsequent interrogations, Poltrot de Méré implicated Coligny, setting up one of the long-standing feuds of the wars, between his family and the Guise.73 In the ensuing instability of 1563, Condé and Montmorency were released to act as peace negotiators. With the return of Condé to the table, the Huguenots’ divisions became more apparent. Condé and the nobles accepted the need to make certain concessions to achieve peace. Coligny and the pastors with him at Orléans, Chandieu being one of the most prominent, expected the interests of the urban congregations to be respected. Attempts to influence Condé into asking for more recognition for the Protestant religion failed, and Condé’s eventual settlement with Montmorency was seen by many, including Coligny and Calvin, as a grave disappointment: communal worship was limited to one town in each bailliage outside Paris, but noblemen were able to worship with their families and workers on their estates.74 This kept the Protestant   Knecht, French Civil Wars, pp. 99–105.   Bertrand’s death was discussed in a letter from Beza to Calvin: ‘Nous n’oyons nulles

70 71

nouvelles de Messieurs de Chandieu ny de Rognac, qui nous faict conclure qu’ils soyent plustost morts qu’aultrement.’ 12 January 1563, OC, vol. 19, cols 633–4. 72   David Potter, ‘The French Protestant Nobility in 1562: The “Associacion de Monseigneur le Prince de Condé”’, French History 15 (2001), 307–28; Theodore Beza, Correspondance de Theodore de Beze, H. Meylan and A. Dufour (eds), (Geneva, 1960– ), vol. IV pp. 266–71, from BL Lansdowne 5 fo. 181. Potter suggests that the men who appeared on this second list were in Orléans in person, at Condé’s side as the list and its associated declarations were composed in the spring of 1562. If so, the Chandieu brothers were probably able to meet in Orléans, where Antoine was leading the third National Synod. 73   Stuart Carroll, Blood and Violence in Early Modern France, (Oxford, 2006), pp. 272–8; Stuart Carroll, ‘Vengeance and Conspiracy during the French Wars of Religion’, in Barry Coward and Julian Swann (eds), Conspiracies and Conspiracy Theory in Early Modern Europe (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 71–86. 74   ‘Édit d’Amboise’, available online as part of the Editions en ligne de l’école de Chartres, ‘L’édit de Nantes et ses antécédents (1562–1598)’ at http://elec.enc.sorbonne.fr/

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religion alive, but it radically shifted the balance of influence within the movement between urban congregations and their noble protectors. It also stored up future difficulties with regard to the emerging system of Church government with which Chandieu had been so closely associated after the development of the Confession and the Discipline.75 The roving adviser: Chandieu in the mid-1560s Quite apart from his bitter disappointment at the general tenor of its provisions, the Peace of Amboise had serious personal consequences for Chandieu since it forbade a Protestant Church in Paris. Chandieu was therefore unable to return to his former charge but available for a new period of wide-ranging pastoral work around France. In 1563, he had married Françoise de Félins, dame de Folleville, a member of the strongly Protestant Banthelu family. The contract was witnessed on 30 May by La Rivière and Lestre, and the marriage celebrated on 20 June.76 In this same year, Chandieu published his Histoire des persecutions et martyrs de l’eglise de Paris, depuis l’an 1557 iusques au temps du Roy Charles neufiesme, a martyrology that commemorated victims of Catholic persecution in Paris and the Île de France.77 The work opened with a long letter to the capital’s congregation. Chandieu never forgot his obligation to the Parisian Church: indeed it was apparently partly through his efforts that the Paris congregation was re-established on a much smaller scale in

editsdepacification/edit2/; Knecht, French Civil Wars, pp. 111–12, J. Shimizu, Conflict of loyalties, politics and religion in the career of Gaspard de Coligny : Admiral of France, 1519–1572 (Geneva, 1970), p. 113; Janet Gray, ‘A Fresh Look at the Effect of the Treaty of Amboise on the French Calvinists’, Fides et historia, vol. 12, pp. 75–88. 75   Chandieu’s reservations about the Peace of Amboise and the troubles it stored for the future are evident from his introductory letter to the Histoire des persecutions et martyrs de l’eglise de Paris, published in 1563: ‘Il est vray que ceste paix qu’il [God] nous a donné est encore pleine de beaucoup de menaces: & sont tellement vaincus noz ennemies qu’ilz taschent encores de se redresser, & faire nouvelles entreprises’, Histoire, aa3v. 76   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, pp. 170–71. Little is known about Françoise. She gave Chandieu 13 children, and appears to have taken great responsibility for them. She was frequently left in sole charge of them and the family finances whilst her husband was away, as many noblewomen of the age were. Roelker, ‘Appeal of Calvinism’, pp. 406–7. The bond between man and wife appears to have been strong. Hotman sent a letter to Daniel Toussain in May 1587 commenting on the sad situation of Chandieu’s family: his wife and daughters were ill, his sons were struggling to complete their studies, and he was in service as Navarre’s military chaplain, far away from the family in Geneva. Cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 570. 77   Antoine de Chandieu, Histoire (Lyon, s.l., 1563).

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1563.78 It would never recover its influential position within the French Reformed community, as the hostile conditions that proliferated within the capital made everyday life difficult for Parisian Protestants. Chandieu himself did not return to Paris except for brief visits. Even had he wished to do so, his notoriety would have made this too dangerous a charge. Instead, he continued his work in the provinces: in August 1563, he was at the fourth National Synod in Lyon. In April–May 1564, he presided over a Provincial Synod at La-Ferté-sous-Jouarre, a meeting of around 45 ministers from the Île de France, Picardy and Brie. He also visited the Churches of Autun, Châtillon-sur-Seine and Mâcon in Burgundy.79 In December 1565 he was a delegate at the fifth National Synod in Paris. In 1567 he returned to Beaujolais to help ministers there and to establish a congregation in Belleville. The French Churches had been badly disrupted by the war, especially in Burgundy. Although the rights set out in the Edict of Amboise were enforced in some towns, it was difficult to maintain this position, and Chandieu worked on getting Protestant cells set up within noble houses, as permitted in the edict.80 Although not what Chandieu the pastor had envisaged, Chandieu the practical reformer made the most of what opportunities he had to propagate the faith. This arrangement protected Protestants from outside scrutiny, and made it easier to persuade nobles to follow the Discipline. The other task Chandieu took on at this time was combating a growing dissension within the ranks of French Protestantism. This concerned divergent interpretations of how the congregation should participate in the running of the Church. Under the provisions of the Discipline, the Church was led by the Consistory, a body made up of the pastors and elders. But this left the congregation voiceless in many circumstances, especially regarding the election of ministers and the punishment of infractions, which upset some adherents to the new Churches. Inspired by the publication in 1562 of the Traicté de la discipline et police chrestien by Chandieu’s old adversary Jean Morély, the debate between the two sides caused great distress for a Church already weakened by war.81 Chandieu used his influence at Provincial and National Synods to challenge Morély

78 79

  Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, pp. 134–6.   Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, IV Lyon, pp. 32–57; Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de

Chandieu’, p. 172. 80   Potter, French Wars, pp. 86 ff.; Holt, French Wars, p. 57; Knecht, French Civil Wars, pp. 106–12. 81   Jean Morély, Traicté de la discipline & police Chrestienne, (Lyon, Jean de Tournes, 1562).

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and his ideas. In 1566, he published an official rebuttal of Morély’s work, La confirmation de la discipline ecclesiastique.82 The mid-1560s and the Morély controversy were possibly Chandieu’s finest hour. Giving up his pastoral role cannot have been easy, but necessity saw Chandieu embrace wholeheartedly his new role on the front line of the fight to preserve Protestantism’s gains in France. He was there at the foundation of new congregations in noble households, to guide them and ensure they did not veer off into heresy.83 He was there to provide spiritual support for those who had already embraced the faith, acting almost as a private chaplain for nobles.84 The provincial nobility were now key to the maintenance of Protestant worship in France, with nobles often finding themselves responsible for the continued existence of local urban congregations, something Chandieu was ready to exploit.85 His dedication made him a popular figure in Burgundy, and he became the region’s representative at Provincial and National Synods, continuing his staunch defence of the synodal structure in the face of now open opposition by Jean Morély. But Chandieu’s talents as a regular pastor were also highly sought. Nearby Lyon was a relatively established Church, which had prospered under Pierre Viret. But a Catholic restoration by the maréchal de Vieilleville in June 1563 left only three Churches for the Protestant community, and the situation worsened when first Jean de Losses and then the duc de Nemours took over the city. In 1565, Lyon lost five ministers.86 Chandieu went to the aid of the remaining ministers, and on 15 October 1565, he was made a temporary pastor. Pierre Merlin wrote to him here the next year, encouraging him in his work.87 In June 1567 Chandieu managed a 82   Antoine de Chandieu, La confirmation de la discipline ecclésiastique observée es eglises réformées du royaume de France, avec la reponse aux obiections proposées alencontre ([Geneva], [Estienne], 1566). 83   ‘L’église d’Amanzé est fondé. Dieu veuilee la proteger, la fortifier et la conserver, par nostre seigneur Jésus-Christ, et bénir aussi mon travail. Amen. (16 July 1564)’. Chandieu’s journal, cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, pp. 172–3. 84   ‘J’ai été chez la dame de Saint-André et y air prononcé quelques discours, que Dieu veuille bénir. (29 October 1564)’. Chandieu’s journal, cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 173. 85   ‘J’ai été à Vinzelles, pour rétablir l’Église de Mâcon; on y délibéra sur les réglements ecclésiastiques à établir parmi la noblesse. (26 November 1564)’. Chandieu’s journal, cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 173. 86   Jacques Roux was expelled on 25 June, Viret and David Chaillet left for Vaud and Neuchâtel respectively having been placed under royal interdict, as was Jean-François Salvard, and Christophe Fabri was called to Neuchâtel after the death of Guillaume Farel. Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 175. 87   Geneva BPU Ms. fr 406, ff. 17–18.

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three-month stay in Paris, where he was still titular pastor of the Church, until he was forced to leave for good, and return to Lyon.88 Throughout 1566 and 1567, the position of the Lyon Church deteriorated. The city’s Protestants were prevented from rebuilding their ransacked Churches, their goods were confiscated and members of the community expelled from the city. In 1567 book stocks held by Protestant printers were seized and burned.89 The outbreak of war in September 1567 made things more dangerous for the Protestants. A dominant Guise faction at court and the mobilisation of troops by Philip II along the ‘Spanish Road’ to attend to the iconoclasm disabling the Netherlands provoked widespread fear amongst Protestants. Convinced these troops might be turned against them as part of an international Catholic plot, plans were made to seize the king. The court heard rumours of what was planned, and made for the safety of Meaux. As they tried to reach Paris, Swiss Guards were called upon to protect the king from armed Huguenots under Condé’s command. Comparisons have been drawn between Meaux and the earlier conspiracy of Amboise; both aimed to remove the king from the influence of the Guise, and both ultimately failed. However, the Amboise coup was dispersed before the plotters had a real chance to make their aims a reality – the Crown was in a position to dispense swift justice to those directly implicated, and try conciliatory measures with the wider Protestant community. The Surprise of Meaux saw Catherine and Charles forced to flee, taking to the road under military protection. This direct challenge to royal authority would not be quickly forgotten, and civil war broke out again.90 The Protestants did manage to secure some important towns as part of their uprising, including Orléans, Nîmes, Montpellier, Valence, Auxerre and Mâcon. When war broke out, Lyon’s confessional tensions mounted.91 Catholics now turned on leaders of the congregation themselves. Both sides had to cobble together as many   Chandieu was still nominally attached to the Paris Church over a decade later, when he and de Lestre were given the title ‘Ministres de la parole de Dieu dans l’Eglise de Paris’ by the 1578 Synod of Sainte-Foy. Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, IX Sainte-Foy, ‘Projet de Reunion Entre les Eglises Reformées & Protestantes du Monde Chrêtien’, pp. 113–33. 89   Jean de Tournes lost over 4,000 books and was jailed in the Couvent des Célestins. Antoine Vincent died after eight months in captivity. Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 176. 88

90 91

  Knecht, French Civil Wars, pp. 136 ff.   Chandieu’s journal makes clear his despair: ‘Seigneur Jésus-Christ, Chef et Roi de

ton Église, efface nos péchés par ton sang répandu pour nous! Aie pitié de nous! Apaise ces troubles! Conserve ton Église! Viens à mon secours, assiégé comme je le suis de toutes parts. Par ton nom saint, à la gloire duquel ma vie et celle des miens est consacré. (10 November 1567)’. Chandieu’s journal, cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 177. This particular plea came on the day of the only pitched battle of the campaign, at Saint-Denis.

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men as possible to swell their forces. Although there was no further clash in battle, there was plenty of local violence, which in Lyon was a real threat to Chandieu’s congregation.92 The Peace of Longjumeau in March 1568 brought little in the way of respite to the provinces. Especially worrying was a wave of violence against individual Protestant nobles, widely suspected to have been sanctioned by the Crown.93 Chandieu experienced this first hand, when his friend Pierre d’Amanzé was murdered in July 1568, on a day when Chandieu was due to have visited him. Chandieu knew that he himself was under threat: ‘Je suis sorti de ma maison, fuyant devant les emoûches et les menaces des impies. Que mon Seigneur, pour le nom duquel je souffre ces choses, me conduise et me protège! Qu’il conserve ma famille et tout ce que j’ai, et me ramène heureusement sain et sauf après des miens intacts! Amen!’94 Full-scale conflict was again just around the corner, triggered partly by blatant Catholic aggression, but also by rising Protestant anxiety about the international situation. The Protestant leadership were suspicious of the troops gathered near Paris by the Crown in the summer of 1568, whilst the Crown was sceptical of the large military contingents noble Protestants were amassing in the provinces. That both were concerned about what Spain might do with its troops is not in question. It did not make it any easier for Crown and Protestants to trust each other. In August 1568, Coligny and Condé made a dramatic dash for La Rochelle, accompanied by armed nobles, initiating the third war.95 Chandieu acted swiftly from his base in Lyon. On 29 August 1568, he crossed the Saône at midnight, arriving in Lausanne on 6 September where he stayed until moving to Geneva in December. In fact, he only staved off the inevitable. The third war saw vigorous measures enacted against Protestants. The Edict of Saint Maur (September 1568) banned all worship outside the Catholic faith, and showed how deeply ran the mistrust of Protestants even at the highest levels of government.96 All reformed ministers were exiled from France, leading in Chandieu’s case to the sequestration of his estates and property. His wife Françoise tried to recover the family lands, staying in France with the rest 92   ‘Seigneur Dieu, prends soin de ton Église, et témoigne combien t’est précieux le sang des tiens, dont tu es le vengeur éternel! (5 December 1567)’. Chandieu’s journal, cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 177. 93   Knecht, French Civil Wars, p. 147. 94   20 August 1568, Chandieu’s journal, cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 181. 95   Knecht, French Civil Wars, pp. 147–55; Holt, French Wars of Religion, pp. 66–70. 96   ‘Édit de Saint-Maur’ available online as part of the Editions en ligne de l’école de Chartres, ‘L’édit de Nantes et ses antécédents (1562–1598)’ at http://elec.enc.sorbonne.fr/ editsdepacification/edit4/

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of the family, and managing extended visits to her husband in Switzerland. Chandieu stayed in Geneva for over a year, returning to Lausanne for the months of May to September 1570. He was not as actively engaged in the third war as he had been in the previous conflicts. Nevertheless, he did still make a contribution to the pamphlet literature, writing an eloquent epitaph for the Protestant ally, the Duke of Zweibrücken. This thinly disguised plea for German aid was published alongside one of Chandieu’s most haunting works, the ‘Ode sur les Miseres des Eglises Françoises’.97 Geneva and the surrounding towns were understanding to their coreligionists, but the conditions were not ideal. Chandieu was eager to return to France, to help the Churches and to see his family, who were in danger after the family château was occupied in February 1570.98 He was pleased by the advent of peace brought about by the Edict of SaintGermain in August 1570.99 This treaty had been carefully thought out, after the failures of the previous edicts, and Chandieu’s old ally from the first war, Coligny, was instrumental in securing better safeguards for Protestant worship. With Paris still forbidden to Protestant worshippers, they nonetheless had made significant gains by the summer of 1570, with four secure towns, freedom of conscience, freedom of worship as it had stood before the outbreak of the war, and provision for each gouvernement to have two designated towns where Protestant worship was authorised. It seemed that long-lasting peace might actually have been achieved, and Chandieu set to work, along with his fellow pastors, to getting the Church back to strength.

  Antoine de Chandieu, Epitaphe de la Mort de Tresillvstre Prince Wolfgang, Comte Palatin du Rhin, Duc de Bauieres & de Deux-ponts, Prince du sainct Empire. Avec vn Ode sur les miseres des Eglises Françoises (s.l., François Perrin for Jean Durant, 1569). 98   He wrote of this period: ‘Que le Seigneur me garde et bénisse mon labeur; que bientôt il me ramène d’ici aupres des Églises de France, pour jouir de la paix et de la liberté que je demande pour elles, par Jésus-Christ, mon Seigneur, Amen. (29 November 1569)’. Chandieu’s journal, cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 185. 99   ‘Édit de Saint-Germain en Laye’ available online as part of the Editions en ligne de l’école de Chartres, ‘L’édit de Nantes et ses antécédents (1562–1598)’ at http://elec.enc. sorbonne.fr/editsdepacification/edit5/. Chandieu wrote a moving prayer of thanksgiving: ‘O Seigneur, Dieu de la paix, toi qui, prenant pitié de ton Église, a mis fin à cette guerre cruelle, qui a flambé pendant trois ans, continue selon ta clémence; et confirme de telle manière cette paix en France, que la prédiction de ton Évangile, s’enracinant de plus en plus, remplisse et illume toute la France, bien plus, la terre entière. Par Jésus-Christ, mon seigneur. Amen.’ Chandieu’s journal, cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, pp. 187–8. 97

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The St Bartholomew’s Day Massacres and the move to statesmanship The wars had left the Protestant Churches in dire need of aid. As well as the upheaval of conflict, and the subsequent jumble of refugees, converts and losses, the ongoing debate over congregationalism had yet to be resolved. Morély had found some influential support, chiefly that of the celebrated philosopher Ramus.100 A meeting was held in Nyon, near Geneva on 4 September 1570, to decide the best way in which to reorganise the Churches in France. This needed to be done on the ground, and so Chandieu left Lausanne on 22 September 1570, reaching France on 3 October.101 It was a period of intense rebuilding: Chandieu was a delegate with Beza at Provincial Synods for Lyon and Burgundy; he attended the 1571 Synod of La Rochelle which ratified the Confession, and wrote to the Genevan Compagnie des Pasteurs on the synod’s behalf. In May 1572, he attended the Synod of Nîmes, which adopted the Discipline, rejecting the teachings of Morély and Ramus. He advised Jeanne d’Albret on the Navarre–Valois marriage. Alongside these weighty considerations, there was also the practical business of Church building, and so Chandieu returned to Lyon, where in October 1571 the king had allowed the re-establishment of two places of worship. These promising developments were overtaken with the advent of the Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacres in August 1572. The story is well known: thousands massacred after an initial Paris-based killing spree, probably intended to cull the Protestant leadership, got out of control. Chandieu was in Lyon when the news of the killing broke, so he was able to leave France and reach Switzerland quickly. He arrived in Geneva on 5 September, and registered alongside his friend and fellow poet Benoît Alizet as an ‘habitant’ two days later.102 This was the start of a torrent of stunned refugees, among whom were such significant figures as Hughes Doneau,103   Robert M. Kingdon, ‘Calvinism and Democracy: Some Political Implications of Debates on French Reformed Church Government, 1562–1572’, American Historical Review 69 (1964), pp. 393–401. 101   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 188. 102   All the documentation pertaining to the legal status of refugees in Geneva is held in the Archives de l’État de Genève. See also Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 59.ff. 100

  Hughes Doneau (Châlons-sur-Saône 1527–Altorf 1591) was a distinguished juriconsulte from the noblesse de robe. He taught in Orléans and Bourges, where he was living at the time of the massacres. His was an especially dramatic escape tale: he was helped to escape the violence by his German students, who disguised him as one of their number and got him beyond the town walls. He was stopped several times on his way to Geneva, but was not recognised. He subsequently taught in Heidelberg and Leidan, before settling in Altorf. Haag and Haag, La France Protestante, vol. 4, pp. 299–302. 103

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François Hotman (2 October),104 Joseph Scaliger,105 Lambert Daneau106 and Pierre Merlin (8 June 1573).107 Although Geneva was unquestionably sympathetic to the plight of her co-religionists, this influx caused serious logistical problems for the city, although the Compagnie des Pasteurs did pledge money to help preachers.108 It says much for Chandieu’s status even   François Hotman, sieur de Villiers-Saint-Paul (Paris 1524–Basle 1590) made his name as a jurist and pamphleteer. His adoption of the Reformed faith in 1547 saw a violent rupture with his father, a councillor of the Paris Parlement who sat on the Chambre ardente. Hotman worked as Calvin’s secretary in Geneva in the early 1550s, before taking up teaching posts in Lausanne and then Strasbourg. It was from Strasbourg that he produced the Tigre de France and possibly gave legal advice on the conduct of the Conspiracy of Amboise (see Chapter 3). He entered the service of Navarre and then Condé. After the war, he taught at Valence and Bourges. He was forced to flee the city twice, once in 1567 and again in 1572. It was in exile in Geneva that he composed his most famous work, the Francogallia, and he would spend the rest of his life between Geneva and Basle, continually publishing fresh attacks on the Catholic Church. Haag and Haag, La France Protestante, vol. 5, pp. 525–40; Jouanna et al., Histoire et Dictionnaire des Guerres de Religion (Paris, 1998), pp. 980–82; Donald R. Kelley, François Hotman: A Revolutionary’s Ordeal, (Princeton, 1973). 105   Joseph Juste Scaliger (Agen 1540–Leidan 1609) was the son of the Italian thinker Jules César Scaliger (1484–1558). He embraced Calvinism in the 1560s, perhaps as a result of Chandieu’s instruction, and is known for his vast international correspondence. There is some confusion as to his whereabouts in August 1572; it seems he was in Lausanne when the massacres took place, and set about returning to France, unaware of what was occurring. He left Geneva for either Valence or Strasbourg, only to be forced to turn back when the extent of the violence became apparent. He spent much of the reign of Henri III in the Agennais, before relocating to Leidan under Henri IV. Bernus, ‘Le ministre de Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 62; Haag and Haag, La France Protestante, vol. 7, pp. 1–26. 106   Lambert Daneau (Orléans c. 1530–Castres 1596) was taught by Anne du Bourg as a student before studying in Geneva and returning to France as a pastor. At the time of the massacres, he was minister in Gien (1562–1572). He later taught in Leidan and Ghent before taking up a joint pastoral–professorial position in Castres. He was a prolific author, publishing commentaries on the Bible and patristic writers, polemic against Catholics and two significant moral treatises: Traité de l’estat honneste des chrestiens en leur accoustrement (Geneva, 1580) and Traité des danses auquel est amplement résolue la question de savoir s’il est permis aux chrétiens de danser (Paris, 1580). Haag and Haag, La France Protestante, vol. 4, pp. 192–8; Olivier Fatio, Méthode et Théologie: Lambert Daneau et les débuts de la scholastique réformée, (Geneva, 1976). 107   The son of the eminent minister Jean-Raymond Merlin, Pierre studied in Geneva under Beza. He returned to France as chaplain to Coligny. He was with the Admiral in Paris when he was wounded in 1572, and when the tocsin sounded the start of the Massacre, Coligny had to order Merlin to leave his side. He escaped the capital with the protection of Renée de France and eventually reached Geneva the next year. Thereafter, he was closely tied to the counts of Laval and the Churches of Brittany, and was a prominent representative at several National and Provincial Synods. Haag and Haag, La France Protestante, vol. 7, pp. 387–90; Malcolm Walsby, The Counts of Laval: Culture, Patronage and Religion in Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century France, (Ashgate, 2007), pp. 140–41. 108   See Jeannine E. Olson, Calvin and Social Welfare: Deacons and the Bourse française (London and Toronto, 1989), especially pp. 25, 109–10. 104

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in this distinguished company that he was chosen to be the spokesman for the French Churches in their representations to the Compagnie des Pasteurs. He is recorded as thanking the city for their welcome and for their financial support; in response to the suggestion that the exiled ministers might wish to preach in the city, he modestly declined, saying the French pastors were content to be sheep of the flock.109 Over the following months, the number of refugee pastors increased steadily, many having been delayed by difficulties travelling through a France still in the grip of conflict. Contemporary estimates put the numbers of refugee pastors in the city as around 20 on 15 September 1572, 50 by December, and the total may have reached 120 the following year.110 With more arriving through 1573, the Compagnie could no longer afford to support their brothers. Alternatives had to be found, with some leaving for other sympathetic territories, and some taking up other work, frequently teaching. This situation did not resolve itself quickly, as war broke out again in France between November 1574 and May 1576, this time triggered by court politics. Henri de Navarre had remained captive at court in the wake of Saint Bartholomew, and along with the king’s younger brother Alençon was desperate to escape. Whilst many refugees might have had some sympathy with the young prince’s plight, this conflict made their exile more permanent. With no chance of returning to France, it became more and more imperative that alternatives were found for the refugee populations. On 19 June 1576, Chandieu again spoke on behalf of the refugee ministers in the Compagnie, to thank them for their support after the massacres, their consolation, and the places of worship given to them.111 The following day, he delivered a similar message to the Genevan City Council. There were many other non-ministerial refugees, however, and the situation was worsening all the time, exacerbated by plague, bad harvests, and harsh winters. Beza started some attempts at poor relief, and Chandieu was made part of a commission to represent the exiles and act on their behalf.112 An important component of this was the efforts made to regain lands and property sequestered in France, of which Chandieu had personal experience.   Interestingly, the refugees appear to have continued to operate separately from the Genevan Church. The Compagnie offered them the use of their chamber on Thursdays at midday for the conduct of their affairs, which suggests an attempt to maintain the distinction between French and Genevan Churches. RCP, vol. 3, pp. 88–9. 110   Bernus, ‘Le ministre de Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 397; Olson, Calvin and Social Welfare, p. 136. 111   Chandieu’s speech of thanks included the remark ‘notament de qu’on leur avoit donné lieu pour s’assembler et prier Dieu ensemble’. RCP, vol. 4, p. 55. 112   Chandieu was a signatory of a letter to the Zurich ministers asking for aid. Zürich Staatsarchiv Ms F 58, fol. 588 (Latin). Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, pp. 400–401. 109

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Chandieu’s later career The massacres and the exile to Switzerland caused a fundamental shift in Chandieu’s role within the Church structure. His work as a roving consultant was not needed – the priority was no longer establishing new congregations, but maintaining those who had survived. Chandieu’s talents had to be put to use elsewhere, and initially that would have to be in Switzerland. His family joined him there, and settled in Lausanne.113 With no permanent congregation, Chandieu began to devote his writing to theological issues and debates. In 1577, he began a polemical debate on the subject of the ordination and legitimacy of the ministry of pastors with the Spanish Jesuit theologian Francisco Torres, also known as Turrianus. This attracted Europe-wide scholarly interest, and led to Chandieu engaging other international scholars.114 In many ways, this carried on the work Chandieu had been doing in his exchange with Morély, only now his opponents were Catholics not Protestants, and his audience was international, not solely French.115 In June 1577, Chandieu was asked to join the faculty in Lausanne as Professor of Theology. He built up a fruitful relationship with Claude Aubéry, who had joined the faculty in 1576.116 Aubéry was not only godfather to Chandieu’s son Paul along with the historian Jean de Serres, he also looked   Four of Chandieu’s children were baptised in Lausanne by Jean Petit-Benoict, including Daniel in 1574 and Esaïe in 1576. The family also took in the orphaned daughter of Georges Neschel. 114   These included Arthur Faunt, the Scottish Jesuit, Étienne Isaac, son of the Jewish convert Jean Issac, the Jesuit Brillmacher and Guillaume Lindancus, bishop of Ruremonde. Bernus, pp. 450–52. 115   Chandieu began to use the pseudonym Sadeel at this time. Taken from the Hebrew meaning Field of God, this alias recalled the variant spelling of the family name ‘ChampDieu’, also used to denote Bertrand in Condé’s ‘Traité d’Associacion’. Another alias, Zamariel, or Song of God was similar jeu-de-mots on ‘Chant-de-Dieu’. Chandieu had used this since the early 1560s, signing his poems to Ronsard and the sonnets included in the Histoire des persecutions either Zamariel or A.Z. Both did little to disguise their author. Ronsard certainly knew who his opponent was – he went to great lengths to identify him in a series of metaphors about rocks, from ‘La Roche’. Robert Kingdon has commented on the common practice of Genevan-trained ministers adopting pseudonyms when journeying into France in the earlier missionary period. He found that many ministers’ assumed names were so obscure as to render it impossible to trace them from Geneva to France and vice versa. Kingdon, Wars, pp. 38–9. Chandieu’s pseudonym could not have had this purpose, since the pun was fairly self-evident. In this case, a pseudonym was intended more as a godly motto than as a disguise. 116   Claude Aubéry was also known by the Latin name Triuncurianus. A doctor by training, he fled persecution in France and set himself up in Lausanne. Beza’s condemnation of his work, formalised by the Synod of Berne (1588), struck Aubéry hard, to the extent that he abjured his faith and returned to Dijon, dying there in 1596. William Heubli, L’Academie 113

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after the family when Chandieu fell ill.117 However, friendship did not preclude academic disputation. Aubéry and Chandieu took opposing sides in a debate when Chandieu refuted Aubéry’s De fide catholica apostolica romana (1587).118 It should not be imagined that Chandieu was now solely an academic theologian, or that he had abandoned the French Churches. In 1578 he was chosen along with Jean de Lestre and Pierre Merlin to represent the French Churches at a conference which aimed to reunite the diverging strands of Protestantism.119 This conference never took place, but Chandieu was clearly thought to be one of the leading clergy, and to be a suitable representative for the movement as a whole. In 1579, an outbreak of plague forced the Chandieu family to move to Aubonne, a small town between Geneva and Lausanne with a significant refugee community, where they stayed until 1583. This move did not impact on Chandieu’s increasingly varied writing projects. He completed the work De Verbo Dei Scripto, a call for a more scholastic treatment of theological issues, translated his own recent Meditationes into French, and over several years developed the Octonaires, a challenging series of 50 short meditative poems.120 Chandieu also engaged in a profitable correspondence with others interested in these theological issues, including Beza, Grynaeus and Guillaume IV, landgrave of Hesse. He was certainly growing in stature as an international theologian: in 1583, when Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, the Archbishop and Elector of Cologne, broke with the Catholic Church, John Casimir of the Palatinate suggested to Beza that Chandieu might be appointed his new chaplain and sent to Cologne to organise the reformation of that city.121

de Lausanne à la fin du XVIe siècle: Etude sur quelques professeurs d’après les documents inédits (Lausanne, 1916); Haag and Haag, La France Protestante, vol. 1, pp. 156–7. 117   Heubli, L’Academie de Lausanne, p. 18. 118   Donald Sinnema, ‘Antoine de Chandieu’s call for a scholastic reformed theology (1580)’, in W. Fred Graham (ed.), Later Calvinism: International Perspectives (Kirksville, Missouri, 1994), pp. 159–90. Sinnema sees Chandieu’s friendship with Aubéry as a formative period in his theological development. 119   Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, IX Sainte-Foy, p. 132; Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 563. 120   Antoine de Chandieu, Méditations sur le psalme XXXII, traduictes du latin ... Ont aussi esté adjoutez 50 octonaires sur la vanité du monde, par A. Zamariel (s.l. [Geneva?], J. Laimarie, 1583). 121   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 452.

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The ongoing battle for France: Chandieu as chaplain and statesman In July 1583, Chandieu returned to France to visit his estates. In his absence, France had seen the accession of a controversial king, Henri III, another civil war (December 1576–September 1577), and the proliferation of militant Catholic Leagues. The Protestant communities were now firmly based in the south of the country, in a sweeping crescent from La Rochelle through the Midi to the Alps in the East.122 There are many gaps in Chandieu’s journal at this point, which makes it hard to gauge his actions. He was probably busy in both Burgundy and Lyonnais, where many ministers had been lost. He clearly had not been forgotten by the French Churches during his exile. The congregation at Villarnoul had written to Geneva asking for Chandieu to be sent to them, and the Synod of Vitré in May 1583 again chose Chandieu to represent the nation’s Churches at another conference with the German Princes which never materialised.123 In 1584, he took part in a conference in Montauban from 15 August to 8 September, as the delegate for Lyon and Beaujolais, where he became embroiled in the dispute between the Church of Montauban and Madame Duplessis-Mornay over her over-ornate hairstyle.124 He had a close relationship with Duplessis-Mornay, with whom he stayed in 1586, and who wanted Chandieu to be his daughter’s godfather.125 Chandieu’s work in this period was not made easier by the fact that Champagne and Burgundy were League heartlands. In 1585, he was appointed chaplain as 122 123

  Knecht, French Civil Wars, pp. 57–9.   Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, XII Vitré, pp. 155–72. Mat. Particulieres XXVII. ‘Sur la

Proposition que l’on fit de s’accorder avec les Eglises d’Allemagne, & de travailler à une Union: Cette Assemblée trouva bon que l’on priât Monsieur de Chandieu d’entreprendre un Voiage en Allemagne pour ce sujet; & qu’au cas que Monsieur de Chandieu algeuât de justes excuses pour se dispenser de cet emploi, on prieroit Monsieur de Seire de vouloir s’en charger.’; Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 564. 124   Chandieu will have been embarrassed by this confrontation, as were many in the hierarchy of the French Church. Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 565. Philip Conner, Huguenot Heartland: Montauban and Southern French Calvinism during the Wars of Religion (Aldershot, 2002), pp. 85–6. 125   Philippe de Mornay, seigneur du Plessis-Marly, better known as Duplessis-Mornay (Buhy 1549–La Forêt-sur-Sèvre 1623) had a privileged upbringing, and travelled extensively as a young man before joining Coligny in July 1572. He narrowly escaped the massacres in Paris, and spent several years in the household of the duc d’Anjou. Along with his formidable wife Charlotte, he became one of the most dedicated supporters of the later Protestant cause. The monarchomach tract Vindiciae contra Tyrannos is widely attributed to him. He frequently acted as a go-between for Henri III and Henri de Navarre. His relationship with the latter would be severely curtailed after Navarre’s abjuration of Protestantism. He spent much of the latter part of his life in Saumur, where he founded the Protestant Academy. Haag and Haag, La France Protestante, vol. 7, pp. 512–42; Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 570.

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part of a team of four, to accompany Henri de Navarre.126 It was in this capacity that he wrote to James VI of Scotland in July 1587.127 When war broke out again, Chandieu was with Navarre’s army at La Rochelle, and later that year at Coutras, where he preached a sermon on the eve of battle, and composed a poem, the ‘Cantique’ afterwards.128 His personal writing certainly suggested a new optimism had replaced the darker tone of the earlier 1580s. He was however not able to cope with the rigours of army life, and he fell ill in Nérac in November 1587. In the spring of 1588, after serving Navarre in Montauban, and seeing Duplessis-Mornay again, he returned to Geneva for a few weeks, before a mission to Heidelberg, Cassel and Frankfurt on behalf of Navarre. He returned to Geneva for good on 15 May 1588.129 Even here, he was still active for Henri de Navarre. Events were spiralling out of control in France, with the assassinations first of the Guise in December 1588, and then Henri III in August 1589. The accession of Henri IV was what Protestants had been hoping for since the death of Alençon in 1584. Chandieu was overjoyed to receive his first letter from the new king.130 But despite the providential rejoicing at Henri’s accession, these were difficult years for the French Church. In France, Chandieu’s sons saw service in Henri’s armies, with the eldest Jean fighting at the battle of Ivry in 1590. Meanwhile, Geneva itself was under threat from the army of Charles-Emmanuel, duc de Savoie. Chandieu took to the field once more as an army chaplain, alongside Simon Goulart and Adam Dorival, at the battle of Plan-les-Ouates to the south of Geneva in June 1589.131 He was put back on regular duties as soon as possible by the Compagnie, and on 17 October 1589, he was asked to take the Sunday evening sermon in Geneva.132 He frequently assisted Beza in his administrative duties in the city, sitting in on examinations of doctrine and   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 569.   Letter from Antoine de Chandieu to James VI, July 1587. Edinburgh University

126 127

Library, Scottish Manuscripts from the Drummond Collection De.1.12/8. 128   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 574. 129   Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, pp. 617 ff. 130   ‘C’est ici la première lettre que j’ai reçu de Henri IV, roy de France et de Navarre. – Protège-le, Père tout puissant, à l’ombre de tes ailes, et affermis son âme dans la vraie religion.’ Chandieu’s journal, cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 624. 131   Letter to Grynaeus, June 1589, Mscr G II 11 fo. 233. 132   ‘Le 17 octobre 1589 les pasteurs de Genève me confient la charge de faire tous les dimanches ler sermon du soir. Seigneur Dieu, qui m’a appelé et consacré au saint ministère ecclésiastique, enseigne-moi et me fortifie d’âme et de corps; bénis ce travail dont je me suis chargé; et rends moi heureusement aux Églises de France.’ Chandieu’s journal, cited in Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, pp. 629–30. This is not mentioned in the records of the compagnie des pasteurs, however Chandieu is noted as participating in the deliberations of the Company in October 1589. RCP, vol. 4, p. 27.

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advising on the aid to be given to refugees. Since his possessions in France were under sequestration, he was not financially secure, and needed help from any quarter.133 He was still producing theological works, adapting old texts to reply to critics and bringing out new works, including an influential volume replying to catholic criticisms, La Response à la Profession de foy publiée contre ceux de l’Eglise Reformée.134 Together with Beza, Chandieu was considered the fulcrum of theological knowledge in Geneva. The two men wrote jointly in the name of the Compagnie des Pasteurs to the Stranger Churches in England and to Elizabeth I in September 1589, to ask for help in the war against Savoy.135 Chandieu fell ill suddenly at the start of 1591. He had had health scares throughout his life, but this was unexpected, and shocked his friends and family at its sudden onset. His final journal entry was made on 14 January. Despite the constant presence and prayers of Beza and others, Chandieu passed away on 23 February, his son Daniel noting the date in the journal. His death prompted an outpouring of grief from the Compagnie, the Council, and the citizens of Geneva. Beza was especially distraught at losing the friend and colleague he had hoped would be his successor.136   A note in the Council records for 8 December 1589 states his good work for the city was recognised and rewarded with a gift of fine wine. Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 632. 134   Antoine de Chandieu, La Response à la Profession de foy, (La Rochelle, P. Haultin, 1586), with re-editions in 1588, 1590, 1593, and 1595. 135   RCP, vol. 4, Annexe 4 and 5, pp. 155–7. 136   In a letter to the Zurich Church on 23 February 1591, Beza noted Chandieu’s passing: ‘Quibus etsi facile vobis est intelligere quam graviter premamur, hodie tamen supervenit nobis, sic volente Deo nos castigare simul et explorare, quo haud satis scio an quidquam tristius et acerbius huic toti civitati publice ac mihi privatim accidere potuerit, erepto nobis hodie circa undecimam magno illo Ecclesiae Christi ornamento et viro incomparabili, domino Antonio Sadeele nostro, feliciter quidem et vere christiane postquam septemdecim dies ex pleuretide decubuisset ex hac vita evocato, quod ad ipsum attinet, sed eo tempore nobis sublato quo multo magis, quam unquam alias, fluctuans illa Gallicarum praesertim Ecclesiarum cymba tali tantoque nautero indigebat.’ The significance of Chandieu’s death spread far wider than the immediate vicinity of Geneva, as seen in Beza’s letter to the Church of Neuchâtel: ‘Très chers freres, comme l’Eglise du Seigneur ne sauroit guieres avoir plus clair tesmoignage de la faveur d’iceluy que quand il luy plaist de susciter et mettre en besougne des ouvriers vrayement capables de ceste charge et faisans leur debvoir, aussi est-ce un signe, ou plustost un effect de son terrible courroux, quand il luy plaist en destituer ses povres brebis. C’est ce qui nous doit bien resveiller par ce qui vous est advenu par dela par le decès de nostre très cher frere d’heureuse memoire, M. Chaillet, tel que vous le nous descrivez et que nous l’avons tousjours cogneu, et par la playe de laquelle peu après il a pleu à Dieu de frapper toute l’Eglise, et singulierement toutes celles du royaume de France, en retirant à soy feu de très heureuse memoire Monsieur de Chandieu, homme rare en toutes sortes, fidele et utile serviteur de Dieu, s’il y en avoit au monde. Clea nous doit bien humilier devant le Seigneur pour estre tant plus soigneux et diligens à nostre debvoir, à ce qu’il plaise à Dieu nous faire la grace à ce que ce thresor qu’il nous a commis soit mieux cognu et receu et que pour le moins, 133

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His body was carried at his funeral by eight theology students. Perhaps the most fitting tribute came from Pierre Poupo: Cest illustre Champdieu, ceste clarté si rare, Ne devoit point mourir non plus que le Soleil, Ou bien, en nous laissant, nous laisser son pareil, Comme l’unique oiseau qui mourant se repare. Qui etonnera plus ceste trompe argentine, Qui mettoit en effroy tout le camp de Babel? Et consoloit le cœur du fidele Israël Aux festes du Seigneur, par sa chanson divine? Mais quoy? c’est le malheur du vice de nature, Les astres les plus beaux ont plustost faict leurs cours. La roze, honneur des fleurs, ne peut vivre deux jours, Et le juste sur tout au monde bien oeu dure. Il n’est pas mort pourtant; mais, ainsi qu’une estoile Approchant du soleil fait eclipse à nos yeux, Il reluit pleinement dans le sein glorieux Du Pere de lumiere, en la joye eternelle. Ayant par ses escrits desconfit l’adversaire, Et le champ du combat luy estant demeuré, Pourquoy l’agonothete eust-il plus differé D’en donner à son chef le triofant salaire? Ne le pleurons donc point; mais, dressant la visee Sur le trac par lequel il est monsté là haut, Prions Dieu qu’il luy plais alleger son defaut, Faisant choir son manteau és mains d’un Elizée. Et, au lieu des vain bruits d’une funebre plainte, Et du pompeux apprest d’un deuil ambitieux, Mettant sa modestie en parade à nos yeux, Sacron ce peu de mots à sa memoire saincte.

si le temps de jugement est arrivé, comme il semble bien n’estre guieres loin sur tous ces pays, voire sur toute la terre, nous soyons par sa saincte clemence exempts de la coulpe de mauvaise conscience et de negligence.’ RCP, vol. 4, Annexe 15, p. 191 and Annexe 18, p. 195.

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Comme, quand le Soleil vers l’Occident s’encline, L’ombre se fait plus grande allant apres le corps, Ainsi l’âge suyvant, Champdieu, tirera hors De tes petits livrets un grand fruict de doctrine.’137

Jean de Chandieu quickly collected his father’s theological works into one volume, to which Jacques Lect contributed a moving biographical tribute.138 The Opera enjoyed several re-editons, and continued to be published into the seventeenth century.139 Chandieu’s poetry enjoyed less of a continued success: the polemical works against Ronsard had long since ceased to be relevant, and of his other works; only the Octonaires continued to be published into the next century. In a sad coda to his life, Jean dedicated the collected works to his former commander Henri de Navarre, in whom Chandieu had placed such hope at the end of his career. In the early 1590s, Henri was engaged in bringing the whole of France under his authority, laying siege to Paris, and facing down challenges from the League and the Pope. But two and a half years after the death of his former chaplain, Henri would embrace the Catholic faith, seeing it as the only way to secure peace in his kingdom. The last great hope was finally extinguished, and from that point on, the reality which Chandieu and others had tried so hard to fight from 1572 onwards was acknowledged. French Protestantism would never be more than a minority sect in an all-too-often hostile kingdom, and it was left to other communities to live the reformed life that Chandieu had praised in words and deeds over four decades. Antoine de Chandieu and the rise and fall of French Protestantism. Chandieu’s career spanned almost the entire length of the Wars of Religion. His writings bring valuable insight into the thought processes and emotions evoked by this period of profound upheaval. On one level, they show how one man dealt with the ups and downs, hopes and disappointments 137 138

  Pierre Poupo, La Muse Chrestienne, Anne Mantero (ed.) (Paris, 1997), pp. 453–4.   Antoine de Chandieu, Opera theologica. Nunc primum in unum volumen collecta,

([Geneva], excudebat Ioan Le Preux, 1592). 139   Chandieu’s family remained in Switzerland, establishing themselves north of Lausanne at L’Isle. And their links to the Reformed movement continued. One son published a poem on the occasion of Beza’s passing, and the others continued to play a role in the life of the Genevan Church, although none achieved the international renown of their father. [Le Sieur de Chandieu], ‘Stances sur la mort de Monsieur de Beze, par le Sieur de Chandieu’, in L’honneur ou Le Besze du sieur de Chalas à messire Philippes de Mornay seigneur du PlessisMarly. Avec quelques stances et sonnets sur le trespas de monsieur de Besze, ([Geneva], Gabriel Cartier, 1606).

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that this tumultuous era forced upon those engaged in religious conflict. But they are more than a running commentary on one man’s war. That Chandieu was for many years a leader of the French Reformed movement only increases the significance of his writings as a means of understanding the culture of French Protestantism. In his books and poems, we see the struggle that French Protestantism went through to define itself, as a national movement and as a minority religion. In fact, Chandieu’s career path mirrored the development of the Reformed movement very closely. His emergence as a Protestant pastor came as the movement took off in terms of numbers and consciousness amongst the French public, and his development as a polemicist and theologian coincided with the consolidation of this Church into a recognisable Calvinist structure to the exclusion of divergent ideologies. As the Church began to decline in numbers after the initial years of the conflict, so his focus shifted to consolidating what remained, working with both Church communities and noble households. As in so much, the St Bartholomew’s Day Massacres in 1572 proved a crucial watershed for Chandieu. This episode saw him forced into exile and made into a spokesman for the vast number of fellow refugees, a role he would continue to exercise for the rest of his life. Far more acute is the effect it had on his writing: the tragedy of the massacres encouraged deeper contemplation of profound spiritual matters that culminated in his magisterial poetical composition, the Octonaires. Chandieu’s works document the progression both of Chandieu and the Church to which he dedicated himself through the uncertainties of the wars. As events forced him to reconsider his faith and his fellow man, Chandieu came to encapsulate in his writing the disillusionment many Protestants felt about the material world, with their hopes resting on the glory that awaited them at God’s side after a lifetime of loyal service. In this respect, Chandieu represents the French Protestant experience at its most basic level. Where he differs from the vast majority of his co-religionists is in the vast corpus of works he left, which describe each step of this journey from hope through despair to acceptance. These works bring us closer to the experiences of the French Protestant community during the Wars of Religion.

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Chapter 2

Establishing a Church (1555–1560)

The problem of the French reformation When did the French reformation start? There is no one event in France to match the drama of the posting of Luther’s Ninety-Five Theses; nor was there a figure such as Zwingli in Zurich around whom a successful reform movement could coalesce. Instead, reformed ideas seeped into French society gradually over the early sixteenth century. Interestingly, the French had no strong tradition of heresy. The Albigensian heresy of the thirteenth century had been completely wiped out, whilst the Waldensians were concentrated in a rural corner of eastern France, away from public scrutiny and keeping themselves to themselves. Instead, evangelical ideas took root in different places at different times, relying on nothing more concrete than individual conscience. Literacy, economic pressures, and pre-existing traditions of dissent all contributed to the growth of embryonic evangelical communities, but not to the creation of a coherent Church. David Nicholls neatly defined the difficulty of the historian’s task in describing the French situation as ‘a multitude of personal quests for salvation in a hostile environment’. It was not until the arrival of Calvinism in the 1550s that the reform movement had any kind of coherent structure. It does not however follow that Calvinism was all-conquering. Certainly, it had a huge impact on how worship was conducted. Yet in emphasising the links between French and Genevan Protestantism, there is a risk of forgetting the vitality of pre-Calvinist reform in France. To neglect this native reform movement both distorts Calvinism’s true hold over French Protestants and misrepresents the actions of ministers like Chandieu in their quest to bring the word to the people of France. French Protestantism was not made up of Genevan franchises. Rather, it was an amalgamation of local tradition and Calvinist instruction. The early years of the French Reformation movement left an important legacy, instilling a sense of independence and   Calvin, although very influential in the course of the French Reformation, appeared too late in the proceedings to be considered to have this role.    Mark Greengrass, The French Reformation (Oxford and New York, 1987), pp. 5–7.    David Nicholls, ‘The Nature of Popular Heresy in France, 1520–1542’, Historical Journal 26 (1983), pp. 261–75, p. 262. 

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parochialism that would never really be stamped out. But how did local reform movements become a national Church? Chandieu is key to this process, as it was through his agency that the first National Synod was called. The Confession and Discipline developed at this meeting embodied the strict balancing act French Protestantism was to attempt in its early years. The key players in the French Protestant movement were heavily influenced by Genevan practice. Nonetheless they also recognised that theirs had to be a Church that catered both for geographical diversity and practical traditions that had grown up independently of Calvin’s teaching. Their success in establishing a ‘broad Church’ system contributed to the vitality of the Protestant movement in the early 1560s, but also laid a precedent for deviancy from Genevan orthodoxy that had serious ramifications during the Morély affair. Even before the murmurings of Protestantism reached France from Germany, a native reform movement was beginning to surface. Sharp criticism of Church abuses and the emergence of notable humanist scholars like Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples meant that whilst the Reformation gathered pace elsewhere in Europe, France challenged Catholic tradition in her own way. This was not through a ‘typical’ Reformation, as in Zurich or Wittenberg. In France, the lines between reform and reformation were rather blurred. Church abuses were already widely satirised in popular literature, as in Pierre Gringore’s farce ‘Mère Sotte’. The Concordat of Bologna had enshrined the power of the French king as regards the appointment of bishops. But although the Gallican Church did not stray from doctrinal conformity, there were enough evangelical writers in positions of influence to cause confusion and concern to those convinced of the threat posed by Luther, Zwingli and their followers. In particular, the Crown’s support for humanist learning, epitomised by the relationship between Lefèvre d’Etaples and François I, led to confusion as to what actually constituted heretical doctrine throughout the 1520s. Consequently, groups such as that encouraged by Bishop Briçonnet at Meaux inevitably clashed with bastions of conventional orthodoxy such as the Sorbonne. The Meaux group attempted to reform many of the practices criticised in the late medieval Church, inadequate preaching and absenteeism being the

   ‘Le Jeu du Prince des Sotz et Mère Sotte’ in Pierre Gringore, Œuvres polémiques rédigées sous le règne de Louis XII, Cynthia J. Brown (ed.), (Geneva, 2003). In this dramatic poem, performed in front of Louis XII for Mardi Gras in 1512, ‘Mère Sotte’ is a kind of pantomime dame who dresses up as the Church, threatens the temporal power of the prince and bribes prelates with promises of Cardinal’s hats.    R.J. Knecht, Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I, (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 90–103.

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most obvious. However, Briçonnet’s efforts inevitably attracted criticism from those who felt their own interests were potentially compromised, and those who realised some of the preachers employed were taking advantage of the situation to promote similar ideas to those being discussed in Germany and the Swiss Cantons. Whilst they had the protection of François I’s sister Marguerite de Navarre, the Meaux group had some security. This ended abruptly in 1525, with François’ capture at Pavia, after which domestic politics were dominated by the regent Queen Mother Louise de Savoie and the Sorbonne. Although not all the preaching clergy of Meaux accepted Reformed ideas (Briçonnet and Lefèvre d’Etaples certainly remained inside the boundaries of Catholic doctrine) some, including Guillaume Farel, found it expedient to quit the country at this point. But Crown policy remained inconsistent. Even after the incendiary sacramentarian Placards of 1534, when the Crown started to take steps to act against ‘Lutheran’ and Sacramentarian partisans, there was no consistent course of action. Depending on which area of the country one was in, it was possible to escape harsh punishment. These ‘dark ages’ of French Protestantism, from the Affair of the Placards to the 1550s are vital to understanding the movement’s later problems. With no official leadership, and forced underground to avoid persecution, worship and belief became highly localised, if not individualised. In such circumstances, it is not surprising that there was no coherence to the way in which evangelical Christians behaved throughout this period. This makes it especially challenging for historians of the period to track how French Protestantism developed – not only are surviving sources fragmentary at best, but also the evangelical period has suffered greatly at the hands of the ‘propaganda’ of the later period. Thus the ‘official’ version of Reformed history, as espoused in Beza’s Histoire Ecclésiastique, states that the first Reformed Church was that of Paris, established in 1555, whereas in fact around 50 communities had been coming together to worship over a decade previously in places like Sainte-Foy (1541), Aubigny and Meaux (1542), Tournai (1544), Tours and Pau (1545). The main influence in the

  R.J. Knecht, Renaissance Warrior and Patron, pp. 156–7; James K. Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform in Early Reformation France: The Faculty of Theology of Paris, 1500–1543, (Leiden, 1985), p. 124.    Knecht, Renaissance Warrior and Patron, pp. 236–7; Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform, pp. 170–77 and 183–5. 

   David Nicholls gives the example of Jean de Rez who played off the conflicting jurisdictions of Paris and Amiens to avoid punishment. Nicholls, ‘Popular Heresy’, p. 263.    Arlette Jouanna, La France du XVIe siècle 1483–1598 (Paris, 1996), p. 325; Glenn S. Sunshine, Reforming French Protestantism: The Development of Huguenot Ecclesiastical Institutions 1557–1572 (Kirksville, Missouri, 2003), p. 2.

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1530s and 1540s came from Strasbourg, with Bucer’s community there, and via books smuggled in by traders. This point perhaps needs some clarification. In many instances, evangelical communities of the early period segued relatively seamlessly into Protestant congregations.10 They achieved this initially by taking support from the community in Strasbourg, and by carefully avoiding persecution. As time passed, Geneva overtook Strasbourg as a centre of support and refuge.11 To say that this neglect is a case of history being written by the victors is to miss the point. Protestants like Beza and Chandieu did not see the native reform movements wiped out by a transplant of Genevan ideas, rather the two merged to form a new entity, one that owed much to Calvinism, but which was fully grounded in the realities of sixteenthcentury France. The Histoire Ecclésiastique has been severely discredited for its ‘suspiciously tidy’ descriptions of how the Reformation took root in France.12 It is true that Beza’s account of how the Reformation message spread often glossed over pre-existing reform movements to emphasise the dynamism of the Calvinist message. But two qualifications must be made. Firstly, Beza saw this primarily as the victory of the word of God, irrespective of how the Church communities had come to be established.13   Meaux, for example, saw a Church established as early as 1555, by Jean Chassanion, later led by Du Fossé who attended the first National Synod. Theodore Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique des Eglises Réformées au Royaume de France, vol. 1, (Paris, 1883), p. 227; Eugène Haag and Émile Haag, La France Protestante: ou vies des protestants français qui se sont fait un nom dans l’histoire (Paris, 1877–1896), vol. 3, pp. 351–2. 11   The role of these communities in establishing a foothold for Protestantism in France, and the vital link they provided between the evangelical period and the advent of Calvinism is addressed in the work of David Nicholls, ‘Popular Heresy’; Glenn Sunshine, Reforming French Protestantism, especially Chapter 1, and Philip Conner, Huguenot Heartland: Montauban and Southern French Calvinism during the Wars of Religion (Aldershot, 2002) and ‘Huguenot Identities During the Wars of Religion: The Churches of Le Mans and Montauban Compared’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54 (2003), pp. 23–39. Strasbourg’s role is best summarised by Mark Greengrass, The French Reformation, pp. 22–3. 12   Conner, Huguenot Heartland, p. 19. Beza’s Histoire Ecclésiastique recognises prereform movements as exactly that, the first stirrings of change, rather than change itself. For example, when talking of preachers in Sancerre in 1534, the town is described as having ‘recut la semence de la vraye religion’ – the seeds are there, but have not taken root yet. Beza in fact recognises the community at Meaux as being a Church, and a dressed Church at that, as early as 1546. Although the community established by Briçonnet in the 1520s had been attacked and supposedly all but eradicated, ‘au contraire elle germa & fructifa tousiours peu à peu’. Many adherents had had contact with the Church in Strasbourg, attributed here to Calvin, and took steps to form a Church community, electing a wool carder Pierre Le Clerc as minister. Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique , vol. 1. p. 33 and 67ff. 13   See for example Beza’s description of the establishment of a congregation in Troyes in 1550: ‘… les Eglises croissoient & se fortifoient à merveilles en plusieurs lieux, nomméement à Trois, auquel lieu, en 1550, … si est-ce que la petite troupe des enfans de Dieu ne perdit 10

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Secondly, writing as he was from the interior of the movement, Beza did not see these events with the impartiality of the modern scholar. To him, Calvinism was an all-conquering force, because it took its lead from the word of God, and tapped into the long-held perception of Christianity as a religion of victory.14 The communities which had embraced elements of reform before the arrival of Calvinism in France were not noteworthy as having laid the groundwork for the later phenomenon – they were merely accepting what was right. They did not need signalling out because it was the later innovations that held the importance for Beza. The evangelical communities were only partially reformed, as opposed to the Churches celebrated by the Histoire Ecclésiastique. What is known about these communities is perfunctory at best. The paucity of documentary sources stems from two causes. Firstly, as repression of heretical thought became enshrined in law through the 1540s and 1550s, members’ discretion was of paramount importance. Evidence, written or oral, concerning meetings and practices could lead to arrest and a capital sentence.15 Therefore, the majority of the information about how these meetings functioned comes from those who had fallen into the hands of the law. Secondly, and connected to this first point, these by necessity were not official institutions. They were not Churches in the sense of the later Protestant congregations. They were rather gatherings of like-minded people coming together to share in the celebration of the word. They could be compared to modern house groups or bible study classes – of immense spiritual significance to their attendees, but not fulfilling the criteria of an actual service. Having no ‘official’ status, they did not engage in the kinds of activities that would lead to documentation. The whole process of Church forming has been the subject of much debate and some recent controversy. This debate has taken place in a context that has traditionally stressed the dominant role of Geneva in guiding and shaping the nascent French Churches. The greatest debt is to Robert M. Kingdon’s highly influential work Geneva and the Coming of the Wars of Religion in France.16 This looked at the period of the late 1550s, when the Protestant movement in France began to flourish, and traced the links back to Calvin and the Genevan Pastorate. A number of points need to courage, & Dieu ne l’abandonna point aussi,…’. Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. 1, p. 101. 14   Indeed, he says as much in the preface: ‘C’est que je confesse que je parle en ceste histoire, non point comme neutre, ains comme estant du costé de la Religion, en quoy ni eux ni moy n’avons autre juge que Dieu. Mais au reste, j’appelle le Dieu de verité en tesmoin que je n’ay ici rien forgé du mien.’ Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. 1, p. viii.

  Greengrass, The French Reformation, pp. 32–8.   Robert M. Kingdon, Geneva and the Coming of the Wars of Religion in France

15 16

(Wars) (Geneva, 1956).

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be made about this highly influential work and its emphasis on Genevan dominance of French Protestantism. Firstly, it does not address the development of Protestantism in France before the missionaries got there. From Kingdon himself, we know that Geneva did not exercise substantial influence over French affairs until missionary preachers were sent out in the mid-1550s. Calvin himself was not very secure in Geneva until this point. Although he was invited back to the city to direct the Reformation in 1541, he experienced problems with unsuitable ministers until the mid-1540s, which prevented his system being fully effective. Once he did have a body of good men about him, the fact that these ministers were mainly French and seemed to be representative of the ever-growing refugee community provoked intense reactions from some of Calvin’s Genevan opposition.17 The large refugee community in Geneva provoked strong antagonism and continued to be an important force in city politics even after Calvin’s eventual success in 1555. Not only were the refugees seen as a drain on resources, they were also suspected of exercising excessive influence in Genevan domestic politics. This challenging environment remained Calvin’s dominant concern for more than a decade. Naphy’s work clearly demonstrates the importance Calvin attached to his pastoral work in the city, which can be obscured by the international context.18 Calvin’s first priority was to his flock in Geneva, who needed an exemplary pastorate and this was beginning to be achieved around 1545–1546. In the meantime, French communities had had a decade in which to establish their own worship communities, and to come together in prayer. This decade free from Genevan influence is of paramount importance given the subsequent debates within French Protestantism. Secondly, in the key decade of the 1540s, Strasbourg and Geneva did not operate in exclusive spheres. Greengrass highlights the reliance Calvin had on Strasbourg and Bucer in many areas, including liturgy, ecclesiology and the use of music in worship.19 But Strasbourg maintained a strong magisterial powerbase that exercised some control over Church affairs, as was common in the cities of the Magisterial Reformation. Geneva’s smaller size meant that once Calvin gained control of the Reformation in the city in 1555, he was better placed to direct an overseas mission with a single concrete purpose than the ethnically divided Rhineland city.   William G. Naphy, Calvin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation (Louisville and London, 1994), Chapter 2. 18   ‘Far too often the temptation has been to focus on Calvin and to treat Geneva as an addendum to his life. In some ways this is understandable and perhaps justifiable, but it wholly overlooks the fact that Calvin was first and foremost a local minister.’ Naphy, Calvin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation, p. 230. 19   Greengrass, The French Reformation, pp. 29–30. 17

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The men at Calvin’s disposal also served to reinforce links with France. The majority of the pastorate in Geneva were Frenchmen who had escaped Henri II’s programmes of repression, and the divisions between them and local magistrates caused problems for Calvin.20 Sending them to France cut their numbers in a city environment where their presence increased tension, at the same time as reinforcing the message back in France. All in all, once Geneva had fully embraced her Reformation, she was very well placed to exert a strong influence over potential co-religionists in France. Recently, attention has been given to the nature and constitution of the Churches established in France after 1555. Peter Wilcox has questioned the traditional distinction between églises plantées and églises dressées: that is congregations that grew up spontaneously, as they had done in the 1540s, and those with a formal Church structure.21 This debate certainly catches one essential characteristic of the process of Church forming in France. It should be stressed, however, that Chandieu and his colleagues would have used neither term to describe the congregations gathered together spontaneously before the major work of organisation and restructuring in the 1550s. The status of these groups is best captured by the term assemblée des fideles. These groups worshipped by reading the Bible together, praying together and even singing together in secret meetings. This is a different model than that of Germany and the Reformed Swiss Cantons, where often a charismatic preacher carried his congregation towards acceptance of the ideas emanating from Wittenberg and Zurich.22 This is not to say that the early assemblées did not aspire to the status of the more formal Church. Some of the early assemblées had asked Strasbourg to send them ministers, for example Toulon and Meaux, and these appeals became more frequent in the 1550s as the French Reformed movement turned increasingly to Geneva.23 Yet for over 20 years, French Protestantism developed independently of Geneva. Calvinism was still fine-tuning itself as an organisational entity, and Calvin himself was far too focused on local issues for the majority of the 1540s to really affect what was happening in France. By the time these Genevan concerns were dealt with, it was not going to be a case of taking his ideas to a virgin land untouched by reformed thought. Rather the way forward was to build on the groundwork already laid and adapt the

20 21

  Naphy, Calvin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation, Chapter 4.   Peter Wilcox, ‘“Églises plantées” and “églises dressées” in the Historiography of

Early French Protestantism’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44 (1993), pp. 689–95. 22   Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge, 2005), Chapter 2. 23   Arlette Jouanna, La France du XVIe siècle 1483–1598, p. 325.

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practices used in Geneva to a different situation.24 The propagation of the message was the first step. Kingdon outlined an official programme, which saw missionaries dispatched to France, co-ordinated by the Company of Pastors. His findings brought fascinating insights into the social build-up of the emerging French pastorate. Ten of the 88 men officially dispatched as ministers by Geneva from 1555 were of noble origin, with another four possibly falling into this category. Thus as many as 16 per cent of the French mission movement came from noble backgrounds, when nobles constituted less than one per cent of the total population in France.25 Hence, many of the men involved in the initial stages of the Reformed movement in France came from the same social class as Chandieu. Why this should be so is a difficult question to answer. Many hypotheses have been put forward, including the discontent of nobles and their declining fortunes when no longer needed to fight in the Crown’s wars. Also of note was the role played by noblewomen in the conversion of their families.26 Whilst these are no doubt important considerations, what is more certain is that men of the lower nobility would have had a certain level of education and a knowledge of the world, possibly having spent time living away from the family home, often at one of the universities where reforming ideas were being discussed. They were exposed to these ideas and taught to think about them in a way few other social classes would have been. Although peasants made up the vast majority of the French population, there were no missionaries drawn from the peasant class. These social divisions are not haphazard, but rather they reflect what is known of the social breakdown of Protestantism in France: strong representation amongst the urban middle classes, significant inroads into the nobility, but a general failure to capture the peasant mind. What is interesting is seeing how it was the nobles who took the leading roles in the expansion and consolidation of Protestantism: men like Nicolas des Gallars, Sire de Saules, and François de Morel, Sire de Collonges, and of course, Theodore Beza. To Kingdon’s sample, we can add Chandieu. Men like this were valuable because they had an education, they had money and they could exploit patronage networks to claim high-placed converts.

  Calvinism was still relatively novel at this stage. Although Calvin’s theology had been developing over the last two decades, it was still a work in progress in the mid-1550s, and the practicalities were only just starting to come into regular practice. Andrew Pettegree, ‘The spread of Calvin’s thought’, in Donald M. McKim, The Cambridge Companion to John Calvin (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 207–24. 25   Figures taken from Kingdon, Wars, p. 6 and R.J. Knecht, The French Civil Wars (Harlow, 2000), p. 30. 26   Nancy Roelker, ‘The Appeal of Calvinism to French Noblewomen in the Sixteenth Century’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History 2 (1972), pp. 391–418. 24

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Kingdon’s study of the influence of Geneva and her missionary ministers identifies many traits which went on to be recognisable in the French Churches. The Compagnie des Pasteurs promoted a strict regime of self discipline, in belief and behaviour, and created a notable degree of doctrinal coherence through the theological instruction available in Geneva. A letter of accreditation from Geneva to say that a pastor had been examined by the Compagnie des Pasteurs and found theologically sound became almost essential in the eyes of French congregations for the preservation of basic doctrinal unity.27 The examination process gave a pastor a certain cachet: indeed it was quite possibly an encounter with a Genevan-trained pastor which prompted some congregations to write in request of a missionary in the first place.28 And the men who assured these calls were answered were commonly refugees from France, who returned to their homeland, sometimes to their home towns and regions, to preach after a period of training in Geneva. Antoine de Chandieu was almost certainly numbered amongst them. Chandieu reached adulthood as the evangelical tradition in France was overtaken by the more organised form of Reformed worship originating in Geneva. Chandieu himself is a good example of the influence of both Calvin’s own theology and the Genevan Church in the intellectual formation of those who would lead the French congregations. But Chandieu and his colleagues were always conscious that they could not create in France a simple echo of the Church in the city state of Geneva. Instead, they worked to merge the two distinct traditions, native and Genevan. An examination of the process which led to the emergence of the Confession and Discipline demonstrates the subtlety with which the Genevan model was adapted to the new circumstances of a national Church.

27   The vetting process considered all aspects of the pastoral paradigm, as in the case of Chandieu’s old tutor, Mathias Granjean. In 1557, he was elected ‘maistre de l’eschole à l’Hospital’, a teaching position which demanded doctrinal orthodoxy, as the Régistres also stated that the holder ‘aussi pourroit servir de faire quelzques sermons en deffault et necessité, par maladie ou aultrement des ministres’. But in June of the same year, when there was a vacancy in the parish of Saint Germain, Granjean was expected to go through the same process of examination as other candidates. On Monday 7 June, Granjean faced the Company: ‘le dict maistre Matthias traicta, en la presence des freres, un passage du quinziesme des Actes, et apperceut on qu’il estoit par trop timide, et qu’il n’estoit point encore fort stylé. Nonobstant fut conclu qu’on procederoit à l’examen. Comme de faict il a esté examiné par diverses fois, là où combien qu’il fut jugé homme de bon savoir, toutesfois a esté trouvé tardif en ses responses.’ Granjean was encouraged to work on these shortcomings, which he must have done successfully, becoming pastor of Ressin and Dardagny in July 1557. Kingdon, Wars, pp. 26–7; RCP, vol. 2, pp. 75–7. 28   Kingdon, Wars, p. 31.

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Steps to consolidation: the National Synod En ce temps fut faite vn assemblée des Ministres de France en la ville de Paris: & fut dressée la confession de foy, à laquelle toutes les Eglises se tiendroient: & les articles de la discipline arrestez, par laquelle elles seroient conduites.29

There is no shortage of documentation on the meeting that became the first National Synod of the French Reformed Churches.30 The May 1559 meeting can be seen as the baptism, if not the actual birth, of the French Reformed Church. But the significance of the synod has frequently been misunderstood. The majority of larger histories elide the National Synod and the standard interpretation of Genevan dominance, to indicate that this meeting knowingly set the French Reformation off down a path of Genevan orthodoxy. This is misleading, and increasingly, these records and the documentation produced from similar meetings have provided the basis for several studies into how far the French Church was independent of Geneva, and where her true direction came from.31 Why should this meeting be so important to the development of the French Church? Practically it is one of the few dates we have in the early history of French Protestantism around which we can build a coherent story of what happened. But it is more significant than a mere date. At this meeting, French Protestants came together and recognised each other for the first time. From disparate origins, the protestants of   Chandieu, Histoire (Lyon, 1563), v5r.   There are the printed synod records, in English by Quick and French by Aymon,

29 30

which are at points flawed and incomplete. The Bibliothèque du Protestantisme Français in Paris holds the most complete collection of manuscript records. The full complexity of this issue is well elucidated by Bernard Roussel and Solange Deyon’s examination of the validity of printed and manuscript accounts of the synods. Bernard Roussel and Solange Deyon, ‘Pour un nouvel «Aymon»: Les premiers Synodes nationaux des Églises réformées en France (1559–1567)’, BSHPF 139 (1993), pp. 545–95. See also Roussel’s ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559: un royaume sans clergé?’ in De l’Humanisme aux Lumières: Bayle et le protestantisme. Mélanges en l’honneur d’Elisabeth Labrousse (Paris and Oxford, 1994), pp. 169–91; H. Dieterlen, Le Synode général de Paris, 1559. Etude historique sur la naissance et le développement intérieur des Eglises Réformées de France (Paris, 1873); Alexandre Crottet, Notice Historique sur la Confession de Foi des Églises Réformées de France (Strasbourg, 1834); E. Arnaud, Documents protestants inédits du XVIe siecle: synode généale de Poitiers, 1557, synodes provinciaux de Lyon, Die, Peyraud, Montélimar et Nimes en 1561 et 1562 (Paris, 1872); Léonce Anquez, Histoire des Assemblées Politiques des Réformées de France (1573–1622) (Geneva, 1970); Ch.-L. Frossard, Étude Historique et Bibliographique sur la Discipline Ecclesiastique des Églises Reformés de France (Paris, 1887); Michel Reulos, ‘L’organisation des Églises réformées françaises et le Synode de 1559’, BSHPF 105 (1959), pp. 9–24 and Jacques Pannier, Les Origines de la Confession de Foi et la Discipline des Églises Reformées de France (Paris, 1936). 31   Conner, ‘Huguenot Identities’; Sunshine, Reforming French Protestantism, pp. 24–30.

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France now accepted the similarities in their worship and came together in acknowledgement of this fact. Furthermore, many groups experienced difficulties in the early years of the Reformation as they tried to make their ideas become a workable reality.32 This was especially true in France as the two stages identified in this process, those of a protest movement and active Church construction, happened so far apart in time. Protestantism only found a tenable foothold in French society three decades after the flaws of traditional Catholicism had been targeted by Briçonnet and two decades after the Placard controversy. In the meantime, ideas had matured in clandestine meetings. The process of conciliation between communities needed regulation, and that was to be found in the synod structure. In this respect the account offered by Beza’s Histoire Ecclésiastique is both valuable and insightful, though the full implications on the process of Church forming have only recently been recognised. Both the Histoire Ecclésiastique and Chandieu in his Histoire des persecutions give pride of place to the Paris Church in the early years of the Reformed movement. But the Histoire Ecclésiastique was equally clear that it was the threat of alternative models of Church governments being adopted by important congregations that provided crucial impetus towards the establishment of a national Church order.33 Logical concerns prevailed: persecution by the authorities, the need for doctrinal uniformity, established by the resultant documents outlining the foundations of French Protestantism. But the Histoire Ecclésiastique goes into greater detail about the circumstances of the meeting. In fact, the National Synod came about out of fear, and Chandieu was at the centre of the process.34 He was in Poitiers to restore unity to the congregation after one member, LaVau, introduced the ideas 32 33

  Pettegree, Culture of Persuasion, p. 32.   ‘Or quelques difficultés qui se presenrassent de toutes parts contre les pauvres fideles,

tant s’en salut pour tout cela, qu’il a perdissent courage, qu’au contraire ce fut en ce temps, que Dieu par la singuliere grace inspira toutes les Eglises Chrestienne dessees en France, de s’assembler pour s’accorder en vnité de doctrine, & discipline, conformement à la parole de Dieu. Lors doncques, à scauoir le vingtsixiesme de May audict an M. D. LIX s’assemblerent à Paris les deputés de toutes les Eglises establies iusques alors en France: & là d’vn common accord fut escrite la confession de foy, ensemble fut dressee la discipline Ecclesiastique au plus pres l’institution des Apostres, & selon que la circonstance des temps portoit alors: chose vraiement conduite par l’esprit de Dieu pour maintenir l’vnion, qui a tousiours perseueré depuis.’ Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. 1, pp. 198–9. 34   ‘L’occasion de ceste assemblee fut, que sur la fin de l’annee precedente M. D. LVIII. estant Antoine de Chandieu enuoyé par l’Eglise de Paris à l’Eglise de Poitiers pour quelque affaire, & mesme pour rendre tesmoignage de certain personnage dont ceux de Poitiers estoient en peine, le temps portoit lors que la sainte Cene fust celebree en ceste Église là: que se fit en tregrande assemblee, non seulement, de peuple, mais aussi de ministres circonuosins, qui s’y trouuerent’ Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. 1, pp. 199–200.

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of Servetus and Castellio. The dissemination of divergent doctrines was a great threat to the growing Reformed community. Not only did it entrench divisions between the congregations caused by geography, it also had the more fundamental effect of condemning dissidents to hell in the eyes of their opponents.35 Chandieu already had the authority for this important mission, despite his relative youth and inexperience. Clearly he had not only the knowledge to be trusted to deal with such debates, but also the reputation that would ensure his judgements would be heeded. His visit happened to coincide with the celebration of the Eucharist in Poitiers, which brought about a larger gathering of ministers in the town. It was at this regional meeting that the idea of a National Synod was raised. Feeling that God wanted his Churches in France to have a common confession and discipline, the assembled ministers charged Chandieu with gaining the participation of the Paris congregation.36 Clearly the ministers leading the emerging congregations felt that only clarity in doctrine would protect the Churches from the attacks of their many enemies and allow the Church to grow. In this respect the phrase ‘comme au contraire, cela ne se faisant, les grands mauz qui pourroyent suruenir, & diuisons tant en la doctrine, qu’en la discipline’ is particularly telling. It is all too easily forgotten that this period of massive Protestant expansion was not a result of leniency on behalf of the Crown. The martyrologies give multiple examples of increased persecutions at this time. Numbers embracing the Reformed faith were expanding, but this   The beliefs of Servetus had prompted a crisis in Geneva for Calvin. Servetus believed that the true nature of God had been continuously corrupted, from the early Church fathers to the Reformation, and that Christ was the human manifestation of God on earth, not a separate part of the Godhead from the Father. Servetus also rejected the idea of original sin, believing that Christ’s divinity was transferable in part to humans, who then themselves became progressively divine. After an initial correspondence with Servetus, Calvin had been instrumental in bringing about his trial in Geneva in 1553. Because his errors concerned such a central theological issue, and because he had challenged Calvin so openly, Servetus’ ideas could not be allowed to gain any ground in Reformed society. Castellio, the humanist and bible scholar, had been engaged since the time of Servetus’ arrest in a debate concerning the just treatment of heretics with the Genevan reformers, and would continue to be found harbouring heretical beliefs until his death in 1563. Alexandre Ganoczy, ‘Calvin’s life’, in McKim, Cambridge Companion to John Calvin, pp. 3–24; pp. 17–18; William G. Naphy, ‘Calvin’s Geneva’, in McKim, Cambridge Companion to John Calvin, pp. 25–37; pp. 32–3. 36   ‘& apres la celebration de la Cene, les ministres estans assemblés comminiquerent par ensemble tant de la doctrine, que de l’ordre & discipline entre eux obseruee, & par les choses qu’ils traittoient commencerent à apprehender quel bien ce seroit s’il plaisoit à Dieu que toutes les Eglises de France dressassent d’vn commun accord vne confession de foy, & vne discipline Ecclesiastique: comme au contraire, cela ne se faisant, les grands mauz aui pourroyent suruenir, & diuisons tant en la doctrine, qu’en la discipline, les Eglises n’estans liees ensemble, & rengees sous vn mesme iug d’ordre & de police Ecclesiastique.’ Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. 1, p. 200. 35

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was not a controlled process. Without some kind of central control, the situation would get out of hand. And more people attending services meant more possibility of erroneous doctrine creeping in. By eliminating the element of competition implied by divergent doctrines, the Reformed Churches not only took steps to ensure doctrinal unity, they might hope to avoid drawing unnecessary attention to themselves. A National Synod promised both doctrinal and practical benefits. This fits in with the purpose of Chandieu’s original mission to Poitiers. Even with this strong imperative, co-ordinating the synod was by no means straightforward. The Histoire Ecclésiastique claimed that Paris was chosen as the meeting place purely for logistical reasons, and not for any perceived pre-eminence.37 It is true that the Paris Church has received a lot of attention. This is partly due to its location in the capital, and to the frequent clashes its members engaged in with hostile critics, as seen in the Rue Saint Jacques affair. And of course the Parisian ministers were amongst the most respected in the land, not least Chandieu himself by this stage. But they were not all-important. As seen already, it was Poitiers who was the prime instigator of the National Synod. And it was Poitiers that had already gone to some lengths to codify confessional practice, as seen in their Articles Polytiques, a proto-discipline formulated in 1557.38 Other Churches would show themselves to be equally as independent in their approach to Church organisation.39 But Paris did have the advantage of size and a constantly changing visible population – a sudden influx of visitors would be far easier to hide there than in a smaller town. Nonetheless, the logistics of the meeting were extremely complicated, and had to be completed in secrecy. It is not clear how long the meeting lasted, or who exactly attended. It certainly did not include delegations from every reformed community in France, something that must be borne in mind when considering the impact of this National Synod. Aymon indicates that ten Churches apart from the host congregation had direct representation by a minister: Saint-Lô, Dieppe,   ‘Partent ceste petite assemblee qui estoit là donna lors charge audict de Chandieu d’en communiquer à l’Eglise de Paris, pour voir s’il y auroit moien de pouuoir procurer aux Eglises vn tel bien pour l’aduenir, sans lequel elles sembloient estre menacees beaucoup de confusions. Ce rapport estat fait à l’Eglise de Paris, apres infinies incommodités surmonteees, estans les Eglises aduertiees par le tres de ce qui estoit mis en auant touchant le Synode national, pour auoir leur aduis, fut conclu que ledit Synode seroit tenu à Paris pour ce commmencement, non pour attribuer quelque preeminence ou dignité à ceste Église là, mais pour estre lors la ville plus commode pour receuoir secrettement beaucoup de ministres & Anciens. Ainsi le Synode se tint à Paris, & y furent dressees tant la confession de foy que la discipline Ecclesiastique, comme nous auons dit.’ Beza, Histoire Ecclésiastique, vol. 1, pp. 172–3. 38   Arnaud, Documents protestants inédits du XVIe siecle, pp. 5–17; Sunshine, Reforming French Protestantism, pp. 24–5. 39   Conner, ‘Huguenot Identities’, pp. 26–9. 37

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Angers, Orléans, Tours, Poitiers, Sainctes, Marennes, Châtellerault and Saint-Jean d’Angély.40 Other sources indicate that Lyon sent someone to the meeting, and that the Churches of Brittany were represented by the minister of the Rennes Church, Du Fossé.41 It is nonetheless apparent that there was a very northern bias to the proceedings. No Churches of the Midi were represented by a minister in Paris in May 1559. But some of the representatives spoke for more than one congregation – as mentioned, Du Fossé represented multiple Churches from Brittany, and it seems likely that the minister from Marennes or Saint-Jean d’Angély also spoke for the new congregation at La Rochelle. Other ministers probably doubled up as well. Someone who had spent as much time in the provinces as Chandieu would have been able to use his experiences to speak with some authority on the wishes of the Churches not represented directly at the synod. The letters of Hubert Languet indicate that 72 Churches had some form of representation at the meeting, by between 20 and 25 ministers and lay people.42 And subsequent synods all accepted the Paris meeting of May 1559 as a true synod whose decisions had sufficient authority to apply to congregations not individually represented at the first meeting.43 The meeting itself was held in what then were the suburbs of Paris: a potentially hazardous choice given the recent history of the Paris congregation. It was, after all, only two years previously that the discovery of the congregation in the Rue Saint Jacques had had such dire consequences. And the delegates were hardly out of harm’s way. They gathered in an auberge on the corner of the rue de Seine and the modern-day rue Visconti, then the rue des Marais-Saint-Germain, at the heart of the area known as ‘La Petite Genève’. Although technically outside the city boundary, the house was in the vicinity of both the Abbeye de Saint-Germain des Pres, and the University.44 Once the delegates arrived, the next hurdle to overcome was their actual remit. Calvin had displayed extreme indifference to the meeting. If Geneva was spearheading a movement to bring the Churches under their dominion, surely this would have been the perfect time to stamp out their authority on the growing movement. Although it did not cover every new congregation, a fair proportion had at least a nominal presence at the meeting, and it was clear the intention was to bring about some kind     42   43   44   40

Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, I Paris, p. 1. Pannier, Origines, pp. 99–101. Hub. Langueti epistolæ II, p. 4 cited in Pannier, Origines, p. 100. Sunshine, Reforming French Protestantism, p. 26. The auberge was owned by a man called Le Vicomte, and was often used by visiting German and Swiss students. According to Pannier, the house was later stormed as part of an official investigation, when Le Vicomte was accused of not obeying fasting regulations, and was suspected of eating meat on Fridays. Pannier, Origines, p. 96. 41

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of internal order. That Calvin remained remarkably quiet on the matter hints that the relationship between the French Churches and Geneva was in fact very complicated. Pannier puts this down to illness on Calvin’s part – he notes that Calvin did not attend the Consistory in Geneva between 13 April and 1 June 1559, and did not dictate any letters between the end of March and mid-May.45 But Morel had sent a letter to Calvin’s secretary, Colladon, on 25 April 1559, informing him that the synod was going to meet, and that he wished to take the advice of the Genevan Consistory. For whatever reason, this letter seems never to have been passed on to Calvin or the Consistory, and Morel had to write a second time, this time to Calvin himself.46 Once aware, Calvin sent Nicolas des Gallars to Paris in an unofficial capacity, along with two official delegates appointed by the Consistory, Arnaud Banc and Pierre Gilbert, both of whom would serve as ministers in French congregations.47 It might be assumed that by sending des Gallars, with a confession of faith for the delegates, Calvin was hoping to regain control of the assembly.48 This does not take account of the timing. Plans had been laid since Chandieu’s visit to Poitiers the previous year – there was plenty of opportunity to inform Calvin of the impending meeting before the spring of 1559. He might have been laid low by illness at this point, but why had he not been included in the planning from the earliest stages? Keeping plans quiet for security reasons is one thing; purposely excluding Geneva from the proceedings is another. Again, it is Chandieu that embodies this tension the most. Chandieu has been seen as Calvin’s faithful pupil and loyal lieutenant when it comes to spreading the Word in France. So why did he not inform Calvin of the growing calls for a national framework upon his return from Poitiers? The only logical explanation is that Chandieu thought that the interests of the Churches would be best served by keeping their plans separate to those of Geneva. This does not necessarily have to have a sinister motive, but it does underline that Calvin’s and Chandieu’s   Pannier, Origines, pp. 86–7.   Poujol, ‘De la Confession de Foi de 1559 à la Conjuration d’Amboise’, BSHPF 119

45 46

(1973), pp. 158–77, and ‘L’Ambassadeur d’Angleterre et la Confession de Foi du Synode de 1559’, BSHPF 105 (1959), pp. 49–53. Pannier hypothesises that Colladon had his own reasons for keeping Calvin in the dark about Morel’s activities, due to a longstanding rivalry between their neighbouring spheres of influence in Geneva, and Colladon’s reservations about Calvinist Church orders. Whilst this seems slightly unlikely, it is worth noting the impact of personalities on this ecclesiological tangle. Pannier, Origines, p. 87. 47   OC, vol. 17, cols 525–7. 48   Brian G. Armstrong, ‘Semper Reformanda: The Case of the French Reformed Church: 1559–1620’ in W. Fred Graham (ed.), Later Calvinism: international perspectives (Kirksville, Missouri, 1994), pp. 119–40: p. 125; Sunshine, Reforming French Protestantism, p. 27.

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aims cannot automatically be conflated. Calvin in Geneva was in a very different position to the pastors of the emerging Churches. In this respect they were far better placed to determine how the Genevan form of worship could best be adapted to local circumstances. The Confession de Foi Confessions were to become a defining feature of Reformed Protestantism. Their aim was simple – to define what constituted reformed belief, normally to a civil magistrature or monarch, in order to avoid accusations of sedition.49 Calvin was not convinced the French Churches needed their own written Confession. He had already outlined reformed theology in the Institutes of the Christian Religion, and other established Churches had written Confessions that could be adopted by the French community with little modification. Also, Calvin was continuously wary of anything that could be interpreted as a challenge to authority. In authorising a Confession, the French Churches were nailing their colours to the mast – and Calvin was not at all convinced this was the right thing for them to do.50 As it was, the Confession was to become a benchmark for other reformed communities to aspire to. It was the first Calvinist confession developed outside the Swiss Cantons. It was also the first designed to speak on behalf of a national Protestant movement, as opposed to an individual or a city-based reform like that of Geneva.51 It would be consulted by other minority Reformed communities composing the Belgic Confession (1561) and the Heidelberg Catechism (1562–1563). However, it was not until 1571 and the Synod of La Rochelle that a final text was decided upon.52 Until this point, several variant editions circulated. It was probably for such reasons that Calvin had expressed reservations. A printed version implied a degree of permanence: these were the spiritual foundations of the Reformed religion in France; they were the tenets at the centre of the whole belief system. The Confession dealt with the spiritual realities of 49   The most practical introduction to the phenomenon of Reformed Confessions remains Arthur C. Cochrane (ed.), Reformed Confessions of the Sixteenth Century (Louisville and London, 2003. 50   Sunshine, Reforming French Protestantism, p. 27; Armstrong, ‘Semper Reformanda’, p. 125. 51   Beza’s Confession de la foy chrestienne, faite par Theodore de Besze, contenant la confirmation d’icelle, & la refutation des superstitions contraires (Geneva, Badius, 1559), a similarly popular work, was aimed to win over the reformer’s critical father. 52   For the text of the Confession and its subsequent revisions over the centuries, see Olivier Fatio (ed.), Confessions et Catéchismes de la foi réformée (Paris, 1986). There are also several versions available online.

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Reformed life, which is why it takes pride of place in accounts of the synod, although the Discipline was actually written first. The findings of the St Andrews French Vernacular Book Project show that between 1560 and 1566, 16 editions of the Confession were published, suggesting there was a buoyant market among both leaders of the new Churches and individual Church members.53 The Confession de Foi was a battle cry for French Protestants under threat of persecution, and a warning siren for their persecutors. There was no set formula for a Confession, but most covered the same basic doctrinal points. Where the differences came was in how the various beliefs were articulated and laid out. An early French Confession from 1557 is included amongst Calvin’s writings.54 This covers the same subjects as the later document but in a different configuration. For example, both open with an article that states the belief in one God. But where the 1557 version combines this with an acknowledgement of the Trinity, the primacy of Scripture, and the role of Ancient Councils, the 1559 version concentrates on the qualities of that one God. The other aspects dealt with in the 1557 version are given separate articles of their own, giving each aspect its full due weight and attention. This is a feature of the French Confession, and gives some clue as to its ongoing popularity. As seen in Table 2.1, the French Confession had more articles than other confessions, but these articles were short, concise and clear, leaving readers in no doubt as to the spiritual foundations of French Protestantism. For example, the Genevan Confession of 1536 had fewer articles (21 in total) but the French Confession subdivided articles that other confessions grouped together, so each received the stature it merited. This clarity was apparently appreciated, as subsequent confessions tended to follow the French model. The Confession set out its articles in a logical order. The definition of God’s nature was followed by a series of articles considering the place of the Word in Christian life. The composition of the Word as established   Confession de foy (Geneva, Durand, 1561); Confession de foy (s.l., 1561); Confession de foy (Rouen, Clémence, 1562); Confession de foy (s.l., 1562); Confession de foy (Geneva, Davodeau and Mortiere, 1562); Confession de foy (s.l., 1562); Confession de foy (Geneva, Fourdin, 1563); Confession de foy (Geneva, Forest, 1563); Confession de foy (Geneva, Crespin, 1563); Confession de foy (s.l. 1564); Confession de foy (Geneva, Pinereul, 1564); Confession de foy (Caen, Auber, Desloges and Le Cordier, 1564); Confession de foy (St Lô, Bouchard and Le Bas, 1565); Confession de foy (s.l. 1565); Confession de foy (Orléans, Rabier, 1566) and Confession de foy (Geneva, Durand, 1566). 54   Jules Bonnet (ed.), Lettres de Jean Calvin, vol. II, (Paris, 1854), pp. 151–8. This has actually been attributed to Chandieu – although it is held with Calvin’s writings, his contributions to the manuscript are only annotations and do not modify the substance of the initial confession. 53

Table 2.1 Reformed Confessions of the Sixteenth Century Articles Geneva (1536) 1

The Word of God

Lausanne (1536)

English in Geneva (1556)

France (1559)

Scotland (1560) Belgic (1561)

Helvetic (1566)

Justification by faith

Nature of God

One God

God

One Only God

Scripture as Word of God

Creation of Man

How revealed

Interpretation of Scripture, Councils, Fathers & Traditions

2

One Only God

Christ as sole mediator

Nature of Christ

Reveals in Works and Word

3

The Law of God Alike for all

Who makes up Church of God

Nature of Holy Spirit

Scriptures

Original Sin

Written Word of God

Trinity

4

Natural Man

Election, ceremonies & sacraments

Nature of True Church

Canonical Books

Revelation of the Promise

Canonical Books

Idols & Images

5

Man By Himself Lost

Ministry

Legality of Word

Continuance, Increase & Preservation of the Kirk

Authority of Scriptures

Christ as Mediator

6

Salvation in Jesus

Confession & Absolution

Trinity

Incarnation of Christ Jesus

Canonical & Apocryphal Books

Divine Providence

7

Righteousness in Jesus

Word of God alone

Creation of World

Why the Mediator had to be True God and True Man

Primacy of Scripture

Creation

Articles Geneva (1536)

Lausanne (1536)

English in Geneva (1556)

France (1559)

Scotland (1560) Belgic (1561)

Helvetic (1566)

Election

Fall and Original Sin

8

Regeneration in Jesus

Magistrature

Providence

9

Remission of Sins always necessary for the faithful

Marriage

Christ’s Death, Fall and lack of Passion & Free Will Burial

Proof of Trinity Free Will

10

All our Good in the Grace of God

Observation of feast days

Original Sin

Resurrection

Nature of Christ

Predestination and Election

11

Faith

All tainted by Original Sin

Ascension

Nature of Holy Spirit

Christ as Saviour

12

Invocation of God Only and Intercession of Christ

Election of Faithful

Faith in the Holy Ghost

Creation

Law of God

13

Prayer Intelligible

Intercession of Christ

Cause of Good Words

Divine Providence

Gospels

Sacraments

Christ as Man

Works which are counted as Good before God

Creation and Fall

Repentance & Conversion

15

Baptism

Christ as Divine

Perfection of the Law and the Original Sin Imperfection of Man

Justification

16

The Holy Supper

Christ’s sacrifice

The Kirk

Faith & Good Works

14

Trinity

Election

Table 2.1 (continued) Articles Geneva (1536)

Lausanne (1536)

English in Geneva (1556)

France (1559)

Scotland (1560) Belgic (1561)

Helvetic (1566)

The Immortality Recovery of of Souls Fallen Man

Catholic Church & Head of Church

Signs of True and False Kirk

Ministers

17

Human Tradition

Effect of Christ’s sacrifice

18

The Church

Justification & Remission of Sins

19

Excommunication

Direct Authority of Communication Scriptures with God

Two Natures of Sacraments Christ

20

Ministers of the Word

Justification by faith alone

General Councils

Manifestation of God’s Mercy in Christ

Baptism

21

Magistrates

Faith as gift from God

Sacraments

Christ as High Priest

Eucharist

Justification by Faith

Religious & Ecclesiastical meetings

Forgiveness of Sin and Christ’s Righteousness

Prayers & Hours

22

Good works Administration caused by Faith of Sacraments

23

Ceremonial Law

To whom Sacraments appertain

Incarnation of Christ

English in Geneva (1556)

Helvetic (1566)

France (1559)

Scotland (1560) Belgic (1561)

24

Prayer

Civil Magistrates

Holy Days, Sanctification & Feast Days Good Works and Fasting

25

Church order & Pastors

Gifts given to the Kirk

Ceremonial Law

Catechising and Social Care

26

Churches as collective groups

Christ as Intercessor

Burial

27

Marks of True Church

Catholic Christian Church

Rites & Ceremonies

28

What is not True Church

Membership of Possessions of the True Church the Church

29

Church order

Marks of True and False Church

30

Equality of Pastors

31

Election of Pastors

Articles Geneva (1536)

Lausanne (1536)

Government and Offices of Church Ministers, Elders & Deacons

Celibacy, Marriage & Domestic Affairs Magistrates

Table 2.1 (continued) Articles Geneva (1536)

Lausanne (1536)

English in Geneva (1556)

France (1559)

Scotland (1560) Belgic (1561)

32

Superintendents

Order and Discipline of Church

33

Rejection of Human Inventions

Sacraments

34

Sacraments – what they mean

Baptism

35

Baptism

Eucharist

36

Eucharist

Magistrates

37

Purity at Eucharist

Last Judgement

38

Qualities of Water, Bread & Wine

39

Magistrates

40

Obeying Laws

Helvetic (1566)

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by the legitimate books of the Bible had an article to itself, unlike other confessions where the description of Canonical literature was included with the initial affirmation of the supremacy of the Word. This list of the books of the Old and New Testaments was followed by an article stating the necessity of the inspiration of the Holy Spirit in understanding the Word. These two articles emphasised the fundamental importance of the Word to French Protestants. This was not just the act of reading the Bible, but taking on the lessons of the Bible with the help of the Holy Spirit, something only possible for those blessed by God. Whilst this reliance on the written Word as the vestiges of God’s spoken commands was certainly a key aspect in all forms of Reformed Protestantism, the French Confession revealed the importance of clarity to the 1559 synod. The Confession laid out its parameters; the Word could not be changed by man, nor could it be laid aside and man-made tenets upheld in its place. All statements, religious or political, were to be judged in their relationship to the Word of God. The most religiously fundamental of these statements was Article 6, which described the essence of the Trinity and its indivisible nature. This reflected the background of the synod, and the controversy in Poitiers. The Confession then tackled the important statements of doctrine: Articles 9 to 12 dealt with the Fall, the nature of Sin, its transmission throughout the generations and God’s gift of the possibility of Salvation. The question of Salvation was central to belief, and this section, describing man’s corruption and God’s gift of forgiveness, went straight to the heart of the Reformed faith. Articles 13 to 16 addressed the role of Christ in salvation. Good works were rejected as sources of redemption, as all virtue proceeded from God. Article 14 carefully maintained the doctrine of the Trinity.55 The Reformed Churches needed to clarify their position on the Trinity, to distance themselves from the heresies of Servetus. Singling him out for condemnation within the text of the Confession itself made their differences even more obvious. It is tempting to see the influence of Chandieu in this emphatic reaffirmation of teaching which, after all, was hardly questioned among mainstream Churches in either the Protestant   ‘Nous croyons que Iesus Christ, estant la sagesse de Dieu & son Fils eternel, a vestu nostre chair, à fin d’estre Dieu & homme en vne personne, voire homme semblable à nous, passible en corps & en ame, sinon estant qu’il a esté pur de toute macule. Et quant à son humanité, qu’il ait esté vraye sémence d’Abraham & de Dauid, combien qu’il ait esté conceu par la vertu du sainct Esprit. En quoy nous detestons toutes les heresies qui ont anciennement troublé les Eglises: & notamment aussi les imaginations diaboliques de Seruet, lequel attribue au Seigneur Iesus vne diuintié fantastique, d’autant qu’il le dit estre idee & patron de toutes choses, & le nomme fils personnel ou figuratif de Dieu: & finalement luy forge vn corps de trois elemens increez, & par ainsi mesle & detruit toutes les deux natures.’ [Chandieu], Confession de Foy, faicte d’vn commun accord par les François, aui desirent viure selon la puretè[sic] de l’Euangile de nostre Seigneur Iesus Christ (s.l., 1562), B1v. 55

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or Catholic tradition. But Chandieu had seen at first hand in Poitiers the damage that could be done by speculations on core matters of faith such as this: such heresies must therefore be explicitly and emphatically rejected. Confessions had been developed for this very purpose. By setting out a detailed and clearly formulated statement of doctrinal belief, it ensured that everyone who was part of the Church was on the right track. This had two potential benefits: when at some point in the future France might be ready as a nation to turn to the Reformation, the major creeds would already be in place. But more importantly at this stage, it meant that no souls would be confused or duped into eternal damnation. The bulk of the Confession’s articles presented the doctrinal basics of Reformed Protestantism: Justification (Articles 17–22) and the rejection of Catholic practices like the intercession of saints and purgatory (Article 24). This reflected closely Calvin’s own framework for worship in Geneva. Thereafter, however, the Confession turned to issues which showed the degree to which Chandieu and his colleagues were beginning to consider their experiences as separate from Geneva. Articles 25 to 28 addressed issues made pertinent by being a minority Church in a climate of repression. The first of these was the role of the pastor.56 This drew a clear line between the institution of the Church and the assemblées des fideles that had kept French Protestantism going through the 1540s. Now for a congregation to be a proper Church, a Pastor was necessary. This gave men like Chandieu an increased responsibility over their fellow Protestants. They were not merely spiritual guides, they were chosen by God to preach the Word. They were the public face of Reformed worship. This same instinct lay behind the promotion of communal worship as opposed to private devotion, even under threat of persecution.57 Although this promised logistical problems for pastors, with increased attendees making meetings less discreet, it also reflected the vibrancy many sensed in the movement at this stage. It also tightened central control. With everyone worshipping in a Church, the potential for heresy to creep in was severely curtailed. This article acknowledged the antipathy felt for ‘Nicodemites’,

  ‘… nous croyons que l’ordre de l’Eglise qui a esté establi sur son [Christ’s] authorité, droit estre sacré & inuiolable. Et pourtant que l’Eglise ne peult consister, sinon qu’il y ait des Pasteurs, qui ayant la charge d’enseigner, lesquels on doit honorer & escouter en reuerence, quand ils sont deüement appelez, & exercent fidellement leur office.’ Confession, B4r–v. 57   Article 26: ‘Nous croyons donc que nul ne se doit retirer à part, & se contenter de sa personne, mais tous ensemble doyuent garder & entretenir l’vnité de l’Eglise, se soumettans à l’instruction commune, & au ioug de Iesus Christ: & ce en quelque lieu que Dieu aura establi vn vray ordre d’Eglise, encores que les Magistrats & leurs edicts y soyent contraires, & que tous ceux qui ne s’y rengent ou s’en separent, contrarient à l’ordonnance de Dieu.’ Confession, B4v. 56

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so long the focus of Calvin’s writing.58 A practical consideration for French Protestant leaders that happily mirrored Calvin’s own preoccupations, either one joined the ‘official’ body of the Church, or one was ostracised as a false witness. In this context, deviation would not be tolerated. Far more surprising was the discussion of the moral imperatives that lay behind aspects of the Confession. Church structure, the equality of pastors and the election of ministers were examined in the context of their Biblical justification. But practical considerations were ever present. Article 32 stated that it was for the surveillans (or elders as they would be known) to devise the government of the Church body, with provision for regional variation.59 There was nothing acknowledging such regional independence in the Genevan Confession, just recognition of the inevitable ‘bad apples’ that crept into every social group, but who did not pollute it merely by existing.60 Geneva was too small and compact a territory for considerations of this sort to loom large. The inclusion of this Article in the Confession shows how men like Chandieu expected their Church to work, by putting the interests of the local congregation before an artificial superstructure devised by man. The Confession was not only a theological document stating the Reformed community’s shared beliefs; it was also a careful refutation of accusations of social anarchy. The doctrinal aspects were broken down and explained in a pedagogical fashion, moving from fundamental concepts like the nature of God, through the intricacies of justification and salvation, to the theological foundations of a structure discussed in practical terms in a separate document, the Discipline. Most importantly, this work justified the Reformed Churches’ existence within a hostile kingdom. The repeated emphasis on the community’s obedience to magistrates manifested their loyalty. This is continued in the letter that accompanied the Confession addressed to the king, and included in all printed versions of the Confession. Chandieu is one of the strongest contenders to be the author of this epistle and if so it would count as one of his finest and most influential works.61 The letter mounted an eloquent but at the same time uncompromising 58   ‘Excuse aux Nicodemites’, in John Calvin, Three French Treatises, ed. Francis Higman (London, 1970), pp. 131–53 and Jean-François Gilmont, John Calvin and the Printed Book (Kirksville, 2005), pp. 69–73. 59   Article 32: ‘Nous croyons aussi qu’il est bon & utile, que ceux qui sont esleuz pour estre superintendans, aduisent entr’eux quel moyen ils deuront tenir, pour le régime de tout le corps: & toutesfois, qu’ils ne declinent nullement de ce qui nous en a esté ordonné par nostre Seigneur Iesus Christ. Ce qui n’empesche point qu’il n’y ait quelques ordonnances particulieres en chacun lieu, selon que la commodité le requera.’ Confession, B6r. 60   Confession, Articles 18–19, Confession Article 27. 61   Auguste Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu d’après son journal autographe (1534–1591)’, BSHPF 37, (1888), p. 127. Chandieu had the rhetorical skills to compose

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defence of the Reformed communities. Whilst stressing the loyalty of the new congregations to the crown, it gave no hint of any willingness to compromise their beliefs for the sake of political harmony. In this respect, the letter gave valuable insight into the outlook of the Calvinist leadership at precisely the time when the Churches were beginning to emerge in public. Although the Confession was originally composed during the reign of Henri II, under whom the Reformed community had suffered increasing levels of persecution, by the time it came to be published, his son François was on the throne. The dedicatory letter went to great lengths to spell out the loyalty of the Reformed communities, something called into question in the wake of the Conspiracy of Amboise.62 Styling French Protestants as ‘Les François qui désirent vivre selon la pureté de l’Evangile’, the letter begins by stating that this is their first chance to address the king ‘… de ce que n’ayans eu jusques icy aucun accez à Vostre Majesté’. The Reformed Churches believed François II wanted to understand their cause, and made the most of their opportunity to present their version of events.63 They wished the king to be aware that many interpreted his political situation as that of a pawn in the hands of evil councillors, namely the Guise family. The latter misrepresented the Protestants and their aims in order to mislead the king into greater repression. Presenting François with the Confession allowed Protestants to exonerate themselves, and to give the king proof of their doctrinal beliefs.64 Elements of this belief were reiterated throughout the letter: the respect due the Word of God, the importance of the role of Christ. The issue of sedition was also raised, with royal authority recognised and welcomed and Protestant loyalty affirmed.65

such a piece, and the letter’s impassioned yet logical narrative certainly prefigures his later theological works. 62   This is discussed further in Chapter 3. 63   ‘Qui est la cause qu’à present nous osons ouurir la bouche, laquelle nous a esté par ci-deuant fermée par l’iniustice & violence de plusieurs voz officiers, estans plustost incitez de haine contre nous, que de bonne affection à vostre seruice.’ Confession, A2r–v. 64   ‘… esperans qu’elle nous sera defense suffisante contre tous les blasmes & opprobres, dont iusques icy auons esté chargez à grand tort par ceux qui ont tousiours fait mestier de nous condamner premier que nostre cause leur fust cognue.’ Confession, A2v. 65   ‘Et partant, SIRE, suyuant la bonté & douceur de laquelle promettez vser envers vos pauures sujets, nous supplions tres-humblement vostre Maiesté nous faire ceste miséricorde, que de prendre en main la cognoissance de la cause, pour laquelle estans poursuyuis à toute heure, ou de mort, ou de banissement, nous perdons par ce moyen la puissance de vous faire le treshumble seruice que nous vous deuons. Qu’il plaise donc à vostre Maiesté, SIRE, au lieu des feuxs & glaiues dont on a vsé par ci-deuant, faire decider nostre confession de Foy par la parole de Dieu, donnant permission & seureté pour ce faire. Et nous esperons que vous-mesmes serez iuge de nostre innocence, cognoissant qu’il n’y a en nous ny heresie, ny rebellion aucune: mais que nous tendons seulement à ce but, de pouuoir viure en saine

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This was especially important given the doubts cast on Protestant loyalty in the wake of the Conspiracy of Amboise. Only at the end of the letter did the Protestants actually make any requests for themselves, but when they did, Chandieu was not afraid to pitch their expectations high. He asked for right of Assembly and freedom of worship, hoping that the Confession would have allayed any possible fears of Protestant heresy or sedition, and confident that viewing a Protestant service personally would immediately discredit the wilder claims made by opponents.66 Chandieu was not afraid to take risks in his letter. Firstly, he pointed out that the king was in fact duty bound to protect his loyal subjects.67 As François was due loyalty from his subjects, so God expected similar loyalty from those he had placed on earth to rule. This rather guarded comment was nonetheless a direct attack on the young king’s conduct of his duties. And Chandieu did not stop there, but made an impassioned plea on behalf of his fellow Protestants suffering persecution.68 This could not be intended to placate the king, in whose name such executions had been carried out. Rather, this seems more to be addressed to other readers of the Confession, who might be daunted by the implications of bearing witness in a hostile climate. By emphasising the divinely inspired status of the martyrs, the Confession’s framers hope to inspire steadfastness in the believers left behind. But this was a momentary foray into rhetorical bluster. The overall tenor of the letter was one of considered calm and protestations of loyalty. And the continued necessity of this personal plea to the monarch soon became clear. As the situation conscience, seruans à Dieu selon ses commandemens, & honorans Vostre Maiesté en toute obeissance & seruitude.’ Confession, A3v. 66   ‘… nous vous supplions tres-humblement, SIRE, qu’ils nous soit permis d’estre quelque fois assemblez, tant pour estre exhortez par la parole de Dieu à sa crainte, que pour estre conformez par l’administration des Sacremens que nostre Seigneur IESVS CHRIST a institutez en son Eglise. Et s’il plaist à vostre Maiesté nous donner lieu, auquel vn chacun puisse voir ce qui se fait en nos assemblees, la seule veüe nous absoudra de l’accusation de tant de crimes enormes, dont nosdites assemblées ont esté diffamees par ci-deuant. Car on n’y pourra voir que toute modestie & chasteté, & on n’y pourra ouyr que louanges de Dieu, exhortations à son service, & prieres pour la conseruation de vostre Maiesté & de vostre Royaume. Que s’il ne vous plaist nous faire tant de graces, au moins qu’il nous soit permis de poursuyvre particulierement entre nous auec repos, l’ordre qui y est establi’. Confession, A4r. 67   ‘Et ainsi qu’il nous soit loisible, seruans à Vostre Majesté, de servir à celuy qui vous a esleuez en vostre dignité & grandeur.’ Confession, A4v. 68   ‘Et ceste est la seule cause, SIRE, pour laquelle les bourreaux ont eu tant de fois les mains souillees du sang de vos pauures subiets, lesquels n’espargnent point leurs vies pour maintenir ceste mesme confession de Foy, ont bien peu faire entendre à tous qu’il a estoyent poussez d’autre esprit que celuy des hommes, qui naturellement ont plus de soucy de leurs repos & commoditez, que de l’honneur & gloire de Dieu.’ Confession, A3r–v.

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grew more tense, and the Protestants became more and more suspect in the eyes of fellow Frenchmen, the letter to François II turned the Confession from a self-contained statement of belief to a public spiritual manifesto. The Discipline The other major achievement of the National Synod was the production of a Discipline. This had also been requested by the ministers who met Chandieu at Poitiers, and to a certain extent went hand in hand with the Confession. If the Confession was the spiritual declaration of the French Reformed Churches, the Discipline was their constitution. Chandieu would defend it several times over his career, most notably in his debate with Jean Morély.69 The Discipline was one of several Church orders that became influential in the development of Protestant organisation. The importance of this step in building a godly community has been aptly described as ‘the slow, painstaking creation of active Christian citizens’.70 The aims were deceptively simple. The Discipline was a practical statement. It was a declaration of how the Church’s structure would work, and for this reason had to be relatively flexible. Because the Discipline was always intended to be protean and changing, it was never intended to be printed. Instead, what survives are the manuscript copies taken by synod delegates back to their congregations, the synod acts themselves, detailing each modification made to the Discipline over time, and reproductions of the Discipline in other works. Unsurprisingly, this resulted in several variant Disciplines, with articles in different orders and with different amounts of detail, but all referring to the same structure. Even the 1559 version, to which Chandieu contributed, exists in varying forms.71 Chandieu and his fellow delegates were not alone in wanting some kind of formal structure set out for the functioning of their Church.   Discussed in Chapter 6.   Pettegree, Culture of Persuasion, p. 5. 71   Manuscript copies in Le Mans and Grenoble dating from 1562 document the 69 70

Discipline as it stood after the second National Synod in Poitiers (1561). But the main sources are the reproductions in La Place’s Commentaires de l’Estat de la Religion et Republique soubs les Rois Henry & François seconds & Charles neufviesme (1565), Beza’s Histoire Ecclésiastique (1580), and the texts supplied in the synod records compiled by Quick and Aymon. With some variation between the various copies, Roussel and Sunshine have worked towards establishing a basic text, which is very close to that found in La Place. Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglises réformées de France en 1559: un royaume sans clergé?’; Glenn S. Sunshine, ‘From French Protestantism to the French Reformed Churches: the Development of Huguenot Ecclesiastical Institutions, 1559–1598’ (Ph.D. Thesis University of WisconsinMadison, 1992), pp. 242–50. All citations are taken from the text reproduced in Roussel.

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Church orders had been a feature of the Reformation from the time of Luther onward.72 The particular predicament here was that as a minority Church in a hostile country, the French Protestants had to find a way of making the Church work, without challenging the legal authorities. As such the Discipline was a balancing act, and one that would come to draw substantial criticism. It had three distinct sections. The first dealt with the overall system, how the Churches related to one another. The first Article was outstandingly clear: ‘1. Nulle Église ne pourra pretendre primauté ne domination sur l’autre.’73 From the outset, central control of the Protestant movement was not going to be practical. Rather, each Church community needed to take responsibility for its own affairs. Although they shared common doctrinal beliefs as set out in the Confession, this did not mean that any one Church needed to corral the others. Certain Churches might be particularly influential amongst their neighbours, as indeed at this stage Paris could claim to be. But the fate of the Paris Church demonstrates why this provision for local autonomy would prove to be crucial in determining the survival of the French Churches. By the mid-1560s, the Protestants of Paris had seen their Church’s influence shattered, and Chandieu was unable to return to his ministry.74 Had Paris held some kind of official position within the Church structure, the effect might have been catastrophic. And whilst stories of the Genevan Church might inspire the persecuted in wartorn France, even the ‘Protestant Rome’ recognised the necessity for French congregations to act independently. Calvin and the Compagnie de Pasteurs received many requests for clarification of practical points of doctrine.75   Michael S. Springer, Restoring Christ’s Church: John a Lasco and the Forma ac ratio (Aldershot, 2007), especially pp. 23–39. 73   Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 186. 74   The rapid rise and fall of the northern congregations is perhaps connected as much to their individual traditions as to political repercussions. Conner points out that Protestantism in fact remained strongest where local autonomy was respected, in the southern congregations. Conner, ‘Huguenot Identities’, p. 39. 75   The French Churches certainly respected the Genevan Church, and did on occasion ask for advice. The fourth National Synod asked the Company of Pastors for their opinion on the Discipline: ‘Nos Fréres de l’Eglise de Généve seront priés de nous écrire leur sentiment touchant quelques Points principaux de la Discipline de l’Eglise, comme aussi touchant les Elections des Officiers de l’Eglise, & sa sentence d’Excommunication, & d’en envoier des Copies à l’Eglise de Lion, que a ordre de les distribuer dans les Provinces de ce Roiaume, afin que les Députés puissent venir au prochain Synode National, bien instruits sur ces articles; & en même tems toutes les Eglises sont requises de se conformer à ces Canons de nôtre Discipline Ecclesiastique, qui ont déja été composés pour eux dans les Decrets de nos trois premiers Synodes Nationaux.’ And the sixth National Synod included a long list of ‘Decisions de plusieurs cas de conscience et autre Points Importants des Eglises Chrétiens Réformées, par R. Mr. Jean Calvin, Pasteur et Professeur à Génévé’. Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, IV Lyon, ‘Mémoire dressé pour le seruice de l’Eglise’, p. 48, and VI Vertueil, pp. 81–97. 72

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But as the National and Provincial Synods referred cases back to the local authority for resolution, so the Genevan Church refrained from giving anything more concrete than general advice and support to supplicants.76 The second article, outlining the role of the synod moderator, also rejected dominance by one figure. The post was to be held by an individual elected by his fellow delegates at the start of each National Synod, for the duration of that meeting only. There was to be no ‘official’ leader of the French Reformed movement. This avoided the Genevan situation, where theoretically the position of moderator was held for one year, but in practice one man was continually re-elected by his colleagues, first Calvin and upon his death Beza. It also meant no one took on a role that could be compared with that of the Pope, frequent butt of Protestant disapproval. Finally, it was a practical measure. Ministers were a prime target in Catholic France – it was too risky to concentrate power in one man. Practicality was the essential backbone of the Discipline: the first section was completed by discussion of how the synods were going to work in practice. Elders and deacons were admitted to membership alongside ministers.77 The criteria for calling and holding National and Provincial Synods were set out in separate articles.78 This was an important division. Much more emphasis was put on the regularity of Provincial Synods, to be held twice a year, than National Synods, which were only to be called as and when necessary. Again, the French Reformed community tried to keep its focus local rather than national. Chandieu would attend more Provincial Synods than National ones, and these could deal with very serious issues: the decisions made regarding Jean Morély’s work came from both provincial and national assemblies. Instigating a national structure would have been problematical at this point, when the Reformed religion was not officially sanctioned. It could well have been interpreted as a challenge to the king’s authority. Keeping the focus local made it much easier for the Churches to function discreetly. It was for this reason National Synods were only to be called when necessary, because the stakes were too high for members to be put 76   Geneva’s main contribution to the Reformed Churches of France was always the provision of manpower. This is clear from the RCP, where the frequency of requests for ministers trained in Geneva is well attested. The RCP also illustrate how the main concern of the Genevan body was doctrinal conformity within their own jurisdiction. RCP, vols 2–6. 77   ‘Article 3: Les Ministres ameneront avec eux au Synode chacun un Ancien ou Diacre de leur Eglise, ou plusieurs, lesquels auront voix.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 187. 78   ‘Article 4: Es Conciles generaux assemblez selon la necessité des Eglises y aura une censure de tous ceux qui y assisteront, amiable et fraternelle, apres laquelle sera celebree la Cene de nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ. Article 5: Les Ministres et un Ancien ou Diacre pour le moins de chacune Eglise de chacune Province, s’assembleront deux fois l’annee.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 187.

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in danger unnecessarily. The Histoire Ecclésiastique recounts the difficulty Paris faced in keeping the first National Synod secret. Promoting local autonomy within the Churches was good for the national movement as a whole. It also meant that even a fully functioning National Synod system, in peacetime, fulfilled a rather different role to that of the Compagnie des Pasteurs in Geneva. The Compangie was able to regulate its members far more closely than was possible in France – in fact, the Compangie was far more consultative, whereas in most instances, the National Synod was acting after the fact. The second section of the Discipline set out the roles of the various Church officers. The minister was unsurprisingly the lynchpin of the Reformed congregation. They were to be elected by the Consistory, who would also deal with any opposition, with the Provincial Synod being the ultimate arbitrator.79 France also had a particular concern with ministers moving from one Church to another. It was stipulated that ministers should always carry with them documentation. This enabled the minister to prove both that he was doctrinally sound and had a valid reason for leaving his old Church.80 This was modelled on the practice of Geneva, where all transfers were dealt with by the Compagnie des Pasteurs. With no such body in France, doctrinal conformity still needed to be assured. If a minister did not have his letters of recommendation on his person, he could expect to undergo vigorous examination. The fear of heresy meant that precautions against religious radicals had to be set up, despite the logistical hurdles. This was also behind the requirement that ministers sign the Confession.81 Those who taught anything contrary to this were to be avoided, and ultimately declared schismatic. If the minister was elected to a new congregation, the nearby Churches were to ensure he was doctrinally competent. A minister refusing the Discipline was not declared schismatic: one who refused the Confession was. Thus flexibility in practice but not in doctrine was underlined once more.   ‘Article 6: Les Ministres seront esleus au Consistoire par les Anciens et Diacres, et seront presentez au peuple, pour lequel seront ordonnerz. Et s’il y a opposition, ce sera au Consistoire de la juger, et au cas qu’il y eust mescontentement d’une part et d’autre, le tout sera rapporté au Concile provincial, non pour contraindre le peuple a recevoir le Ministre esleu, mais pour sa justification.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 187. 80   ‘Article 7: Les Ministres ne seront envoyez des autres Eglises sans lettres authentiques, et sans icelles ou deuë inquisition ne seront receus.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 187. 81   ‘Article 8: Ceux qui seront esleus, signeront la Confession de foy arrestee tant aux Eglises ausquelles ils auront esté esleus, que autres ausquelles ils seront envoyez, et sera l’eslection confirmée par prieres et par imposition des mains des Ministres.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, pp. 187–8. 79

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Equally as important was the ministers’ attitude to their calling. Stability within the Pastorate was a constant struggle. Even Calvin had problems establishing a suitable level of ministry in Geneva, and the realities of mid-sixteenth-century France meant a similar recruitment and vetting process could not be applied. A vetting process like that established in Geneva was not workable amongst the disparate communities scattered throughout France. Instead, an inspired alternative saw the Discipline emphasise the gravity of the ministerial life, setting standards to live by and making provision for those standards to be enforced. The synod delegates were not unsympathetic to the dangers faced by pastors in the field: like Chandieu, many of them would have been pastors themselves. So Article 15 gave them the option of serving a different Church in times of danger.82 Stringent tests were set for converted priests and monks who wished to join the Pastorate. The suitability and reputation of the minister was always to be beyond reproach. This was explained in Articles 16 to 20: the event of ‘scandal’ attaching itself to a minister. Doctrinal crimes such as heresy incurred deposition. Serious crimes – murder, treason – went to the magistrates, whether or not they were committed before the calling to the ministry. There was no intention of contesting the right of the state to administer justice. Smaller crimes, however, went to the Provincial Synod. In cases where a minister might be deposed, it was left in the hands of the Consistory to decide whether to give the reasons to the congregation.83 Elders and deacons were also closely regulated. Together with the pastors as president, they made up the Senate of the Church.84 Elders assembled the congregation and reported scandals, whilst deacons administered poor and sick relief and catechised in houses. Although deacons were not meant to preach, they were allowed to read the Bible in the absence of the minister: although not office holders for life, they were not allowed to leave their Churches whilst they had responsibilities there. They were to be subject to the same moral standards as the ministers and if condemned by the Consistory they could only be restored by a Provincial Synod.85 Thus, the moral standing of the Church leadership was to be completely 82   ‘Article 15: Pour cause de trop grande persecution, l’on pourra faire changement d’une Eglise à autre pour un temps, du consentement et advis des deux Eglises. Se pourra faire le semblable pour autres causes justes rapportees et jugees au Synode provincial.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 188. This was of course to become very important when fighting broke out in 1562. 83   Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, pp. 188–9. 84   ‘Article 19: Les Anciens et Diacres sont le Senat de l’Eglise, auquel doyvent presider les Ministres de la Parole.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 189. 85   ‘Article 24: Les Diacres et Anciens seront deposez pour les mesmes causes que les Ministres de la Parole en leur qualité, et ayans esté condamnez par le Consistoire, s’ils en

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beyond reproach. Article 25 extended this to books: no work by ministers or elders was to be published without first having being found doctrinally sound by two or three other ministers.86 Serious offenders, such as heretics, rebels and traitors were to be excommunicated, excluded not just from the sacraments but from the entire assembly.87 Lesser crimes were punished at the discretion of individual Churches by withholding the sacraments. The reasons for an individual’s excommunication for serious crimes were to be declared publicly to the congregation, but if excommunicated for lesser causes, it was at the discretion of the Church to decide whether or not to inform its members.88 This kept excommunication as a potential punishment for all manner of crimes, not merely the serious ones outlined in the Discipline. Excommunicated members wishing to reconcile to the Church had to approach the Consistory for their penitence to be judged. If found to be truly penitent, they could make reparation to the Church publicly or privately, depending on the original form of their excommunication. 89 Abjuration of the faith during times of persecution was not excused: those who so abandoned their faith were only to be readmitted to the congregation after an act of public penitence. The final section dealt exclusively with one area of communal life where clear guidelines were obviously essential: marriage. The records for appellent, seront suspendus jusques à ce qu’il en soit ordonné par le Concile provincial.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 190. 86   ‘Article 25: Les Ministres, ni autres de l’Eglise, ne pourrant faire imprimer livres composez par eux, ou par autres, touchant la Religion, ni autrement publier, sans le communiquer à deux ou trois Ministres de la Parole non suspects.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 190. 87   ‘Article 26: Les heretiques, les contempteurs de Dieu, les rebelles contre le Consistoire, les traistres contre l’Eglise, ceux qui sont attaincts et conveincus de crimes dignes de punition corporelle, et ceux qui apporteroyent un grand scandale à toute l’Eglise, seront du tout excommuniez et retranchez, non seulement des sacremens, mais aussi de toute l’assemblee. Et quand aux autres vices, ce sera à la prudence de l’Eglise de cognoistre ceux qui devront estre admis à la parole, apres avoir esté privez des sacremens.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 190. 88   ‘Article 27: Ceux qui auront esté excommuniez pour heresie, contemnement de Dieu, schisme, trahison contre l’Eglise, rebellion à icelle, et autres vices grandement scandaleux à toute l’Eglise, seront declarez pour excommuniez au peuple, avec les causes de leur excommunication. Quant à ceux qui auroyent esté excommuniez pour plus legeres causes, ce sera en la prudence de l’Eglise d’adviser si elle les devra manifester au peuple ou non, jusques à ce qu’autrement en soit diffini par le Concile general ensuyvant.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 190. 89   ‘Article 28: Ceux qui auront esté excommuniez viendront au Consistoire demander d’estre reconciliez à l’Eglise, laquelle jugera de leur repentance. S’ils ont esté publiquement excommuniez, ils feront aussi penitence publique; s’ils n’ont point esté publiquement excommuniez, ils la feront seulement devant le Consistoire.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 190.

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both National and Provincial Synods showed congregations asked more questions about wedding regulations than almost any other subject.90 Providing stability in marital conduct was not just theologically desirable: as Chandieu’s career demonstrates, the early modern marriage needed to be flexible yet grounded, so that periods of separation, frequent travel and enforced relocation did not break the bond between man and wife. Those who intended to marry were to inform the Consistory, who oversaw the contract and the publication of the bans.91 Both marriages and baptisms were to be recorded by the Church.92 The Church also had moral oversight of marriage, deciding if a marriage was too potentially scandalous to take place, advising in cases of marital discord, and backing the wishes of the parents in cases of young couples wishing to wed.93 These regulations reflected that this was a community religion, based upon principles of group consultation and deliberation. There was no imposition of rules from above, but rather there was a framework in which the Church community interacted and consulted as a whole. This was clearest in the final two articles of the Discipline: no Church could make a decision of great consequence for the rest of the Reformed community without the consultation of preferably the Provincial Synod but at the very least the neighbouring Churches.94 The regulations governing the Churches were decided between the delegates and stood unless the Church required that they be changed, to be done only in the context of a National Synod.95 The system envisaged multiple levels of consultation, starting at the 90   Baptism of children and the treatment of schismatics were the other two areas in which Churches needed constant advice. The faits particuliers and faits generaux discussed at each synod indicate these areas continued to need clarification throughout the period. At the first National Synod, seven of the 25 faits speciaux were on the subject of marriage, whilst at the fourth, 23 of the 58 listed faits particuliers came from congregations needing advice on wedding regulations. Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, I Paris, pp. 8–12 and IV Lyon, pp. 37–47. 91   ‘Article 31: Les mariages seront proposez au Consistoire, où sera apporté le contract du marriage passé par notaire public, et seront proclamez deux fois pour le moins en quinze jours, apres lequel temps se pourront faire les espouailles en l’assemblee. Et cest ordre ne sera rompu, sinon pour grandes causes, desquelles le Consistoire cognoistra.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, pp. 190–91. 92   ‘Article 32: Tant les mariages que les batesmes seront enregistrez et gardez soigneusement en l’Eglise, avec les noms des peres et meres, et parrains des enfans baptisez.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 191. 93   Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 191. 94   ‘Article 37: Nulle Eglise ne pourra rien faire de grande consequence, où pourroit estre compris l’interest et dommage des autres Eglises, sans l’advis du Concile provincial s’il est possible de l’assembler, et si l’affaire le pressoit, elle commuiquera et aura l’advis et consentement des autres Eglises de la province, par lettres pour le moins.’ Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 191. 95   Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559’, p. 191.

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congregation, right up to the National Synod. Beyond this, there was the spectre of international consultation, through correspondence with foreign communities but most importantly with Geneva. This system of local, regional and national forums encouraging interaction and group participation gave what many thought was an unambiguous structure to the French Reformed Churches. Decisions were to be made at a local level, in accordance with the doctrine set out in the Discipline and the Confession. In theory, each congregation would interact with its neighbours in a self-regulatory pattern. However, the system would not function in the way Chandieu and his fellow delegates imagined. In part this was because of the religious wars that soon followed. As royal policy changed rapidly, and churches fell victim to local fighting and persecution, the rational system laid out in the Discipline was simply not workable. It was too dangerous for people to meet freely in consultation as the provisions expected. Furthermore, the initial document was subject to differing interpretations. Whilst the ministers and the Consistory formed the backbone of this system, others took the underlying principle of congregational and group interaction and interpreted it in a very different way from that envisaged here. At first, this might be individual congregations keeping an established consultative body in addition to or alongside the Consistory.96 But soon, the potential of the system to include wider congregational participation became a contested issue. It would be Chandieu who was called upon to defend the structure of the French Church in the face of opposition. How far under the influence of Geneva were the French Churches at this stage? The traditional view is that they were almost entirely dependant on Geneva for direction and indeed survival. Kingdon emphasised the important work done by Genevan-trained missionaries in establishing Calvinism as the dominant form of Protestantism in France. And certainly Calvin’s letters to individuals and groups show he was always concerned by the progress of events in his homeland. But increasingly, scholars have recognised the independence of the French tradition, in establishing congregations and in these groups’ subsequent direction. From its haphazard origins, French Protestantism had risen to become a largely coherent doctrinal movement, which welcomed the promise of structure Calvin and Geneva offered. But this was not a total victory. Calvin’s teachings gave form and structure, but they needed to be adapted to fit both the traditions already established, and the changing political mood. And these native roots would never be fully eradicated by Genevan imports. This ambiguity lasted well beyond the teething period of French 96   For an example of such interpretations, see Conner, ‘Huguenot Identities During the Wars of Religion’.

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Protestantism. Even a document designed to clarify the position of the French Reformed Churches, the Confession, has been interpreted variously as Calvin’s imposition of Genevan practice on the French Communities, an attempt to find a middle way between the Genevan system and the practicalities of Reformed life in France, and as a well-planned subtle French rebellion against Genevan authorities.97 This last view was taken by Jacques Poujol in his 1973 article examining the period of the synod and its aftermath.98 He found a growing divergence between the life Calvin expected a Reformed Christian to live, founded on his experiences in Geneva, and the realities of persecution faced by the French congregations. The Confession was ‘… une manifestation d’indépendance. L’Église de France se proclamait majeure et capable de présider elle-même à ses propres destinées…’99 In such circumstances, the French Protestant community looked around for the best means by which to promote her continued development. At points, this meant turning to help from fellow Protestants abroad, including the German Protestant princes. But it also included home-grown initiatives that would bring the Protestants closer to the political centre of the nation and secure more concrete concessions. The major attempt to ensure this long-term recognition would nonetheless end in failure, and would blacken Chandieu’s reputation amongst the French political elite. The Conspiracy of Amboise hoped to build on the work of the Confession and Discipline, but instead highlighted the weaknesses still present in the youthful Protestant movement.

  These interpretations are drawn by Philippe de Félice, ‘Le Synod National de 1559’, BSHPF 105 (1959); Sunshine, Reforming French Protestantism, pp. 26–7, and Poujol, ‘De la Confession de Foi’. 98   Poujol, ‘De la Confession de Foi’, pp. 158–77. 99   Poujol, ‘De la Confession de Foi’, p. 162. 97

Chapter 3

The Conspiracy of Amboise and the French Reformed Church

The Conspiracy of Amboise is one of the most intriguing episodes in French history, yet it remains comparatively under explored. A heady blend of high politics, religious fanaticism and personal grievances, it often comes across as a mere precursor to the wars proper. This is far from being the case. The political concerns underlying the episode were revisited throughout the wars, and the Conspiracy itself was hugely significant for the development of the Protestant Church in France. It demonstrated a growing divide between the spiritual leaders of French Protestantism and its most powerful adherents amongst the nobility. Both ultimately hoped for practical concessions from the Crown for Protestants. Contention arose as to how Protestants should lobby for these changes – the nobles turned to armed resistance whilst the message from Calvin in Geneva was that this was not acceptable, and persecution must be endured as part of God’s plan. This divide would be made concrete by the provisions of the Edict of Amboise in 1562 but the fault lines were clearly visible here. For Chandieu personally, the Conspiracy had long-lasting repercussions. His Church was thereafter tainted by sedition, an accusation that continued to be levied throughout the civil wars. Chandieu himself was named as a presumed ringleader and his standing at court was damaged forever. The relationship between the French Churches and Geneva was thrust into the spotlight, and the underlying tensions of their connections tested. And it saw Chandieu’s first clash with the man whom he would ultimately consider to pose the biggest threat to the French Churches, Jean Morély. Chandieu’s career was to a large extent shaped by the events of Amboise. He was notoriously implicated in the attempted coup, as an early plotter and as the link between France and Geneva. Unfortunately, as with so much to do with Amboise, the true extent of his involvement has been obscured by time and rumour. Chandieu did meet with Bourbon and Condé in August 1559, he did go to Geneva to consult with Calvin in   ‘Édit d’Amboise’, available online as part of the Editions en ligne de l’école de Chartres, ‘L’édit de Nantes et ses antécédents (1562–1598)’ at http://elec.enc.sorbonne.fr/ editsdepacification/edit2/. 

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the autumn of 1559, and he did give evidence in the court case against Jean Morély in Geneva in April 1560. Everything else about his involvement in the enterprise is pure conjecture. This chapter will look at the events of Amboise from Chandieu’s point of view, considering his later comments on events, above all his account of the Conspiracy in the Histoire des persecutions. Written with the benefit of hindsight, this nonetheless brings insight to the Conspiracy and its relationship to the French Protestant community. The Conspiracy of Amboise: origins and execution The unexpected death of Henri II in July 1559 created a vacuum at the centre of French political life. As the uncles of Mary Stuart, wife of the new King François II, the Guise dominated court politics and policy making. Legally, Antoine de Bourbon had the strongest claim to lead the regency council, as premier prince du sang. But he was in Guyenne when Henri died, and took six weeks to return to court. The Guise used this delay to exclude Bourbon from practical power. Guise policy over the next few months was for the continued persecution of Protestants. The death penalty was extended to include hosts of clandestine meetings and Anne du Bourg was executed in December 1559. Increasingly frustrated, Protestant nobles cast around for ways to improve their situation. A group of Protestant lawyers were commissioned to investigate the possibilities.   Mary’s mother was Marie de Guise, sister of François, duc de Guise and Charles, Cardinal de Guise. Left a widow by her husband’s death in 1542, she spent much time pacifying Scotland, but left her young daughter in the care of her brothers in France.    Frederic J. Baumgartner, France in the Sixteenth Century (Basingstoke and London, 1995), p. 129.    This had originally been ordered by Henri II, but many Protestants held the Guise responsible. Mathieu Lelièvre, Anne Du Bourg, conseiller au parlement de Paris et martyr (1520–1550) (Toulouse, 1903).    ‘Ce qu’estant proposé aux Iurisconsultes & gens de renom de France & d’Allemagne, comme aussi aux plus doctes Theologiens, il se trouua que l’on se pouuoit legitimement opposer au gouuernement vsurpé par ceux de Guise, & prendre les armes à vn besoin, pour repousser leur violence, pourueu que les Princes du sang, qui sont nais en tel cas legitimes magistrats, on l’vn d’eux le voulust entreprendre, sur tout à la requeste des estats de France, ou de la plus saine part d’iceux.’ Regnier de La Planche, Histoire de l’Estat de France, tant de la Republique que de la Religion, (s.l., 1576), H7v. Jean de Serres also refers to this process; Jean de Serres, Recveil des choses memorables avenves en France sous le regne de Henri II, François II, Charles IX, Henri III et Henri IV, (s.l. 1598), e7r. No evidence survives to indicate who numbered amongst the lawyers, although Romier hazards a logical guess that Chandieu was one of them. Similarly, given his later justification of the episode, François Hotman must also have been a likely contributor. Certainly, there were a number of converts 

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The overwhelming conclusion was that the Bourbon family’s involvement was critical: the support of a prince du sang would legitimate Protestant protest. As it happened, the summer of 1559 saw both Antoine de Bourbon and Louis, Prince de Condé consider the possibility of joining openly with the Protestant cause. The Bourbon brothers encapsulated many of the tensions of the period. The obvious choice of leader was Antoine de Bourbon. Premier prince du sang, a king in his own right, married to the pious Jeanne d’Albret and able to exert influence at the heart of government, he had long been the focus of Protestant hopes. And for a long time these hopes had appeared to bear fruit. In the late 1550s, Chandieu was charged with bringing Bourbon’s support out into the open. Calvin felt that if Bourbon could be persuaded to make his flirtation with Protestantism a permanent commitment, then the fledgling community would be afforded a top-level champion who could ensure their rights would be protected and expanded. Consequently, Chandieu built up a relationship with Bourbon over time. Their first recorded meeting was in March 1558. Their connection was defined by the dramatic intervention of Bourbon upon hearing of Chandieu’s arrest in June that same year – he immediately went to the Châtellet and declared that Chandieu was a member of his household. This not only saved Chandieu’s life, it further raised Protestant expectations of Bourbon’s dedication to the cause.10 They met again at Vendôme on Bourbon’s journey to Paris in August 1559, and later with the English Ambassador Throckmorton in Saint-Denis on 23 August 1559.11 to Protestantism amongst the legal profession, as the Anne du Bourg episode made very plain.    Bernus indicates that Chandieu was twice charged to encourage Bourbon’s conversion by the Consistory of the Paris Church, in March 1558 and July 1559. Auguste Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu d’après son journal autographe (1534–1591)’, BSHPF 37, (1888), p. 62.    Mack P. Holt, The French Wars of Religion, 1562–1629 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 38–9.    Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu’, p. 62.    See Chapters 1, 4 and 5 for further consideration of this relationship. 10   ‘Quum Navarrenus, qui huc ab aula migrarat, missis domesticis ad praetfectum criminum nihil profecisset, ipse multorum precibus sollicitatus in forum venit, et petito homine, quem sibi a cubiculis esse dicebat, eum abduxit non repugnante praefecto. Nescimus tamen quorsum tandem res evadet. Neque enim dubium est qui totum negotium perveniat ad aures regis. Ac iam multi tumultuantur et aiunt Navarrenum nimium sibi sumpsisse. Interea fruemur fratre. Sed perincommode adhuc accidit qudod multae chartae et literae resident in manibus hostium. Servus etiam eius asservatur in spelunca cum homicidis. Rochaeus alio concessit ad tempus ex fratrum sententia, quia iam percrebuit ipsum esse principem sectae.’ Macar to Calvin, 10 June 1558. OC, vol. 17, cols 200–201. 11   Henri Naef, La Conjuration d’Amboise et Genève (Geneva and Paris, 1922), p. 77; Jacques Poujol, ‘L’Ambassadeur d’Angleterre et la Confession de Foi du Synode de 1559’,

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Bourbon’s potential to influence court policy made him very attractive to Protestants. His tendency to vacillate, and his preoccupations with consolidating his lands in Navarre were less endearing. Never fully committed to Protestantism, he was more concerned with his territorial preoccupations than with protecting the new religion. On the other hand, his younger brother Condé was highly dissatisfied with court affairs in the early months of François II’s reign. He felt none of the same trepidation at throwing his lot in with the Protestants as his brother clearly did. Condé was sent to Ghent on a mission to Philip II in August 1559, interpreted as a Guise machination to separate him from the centre of power. When he returned, Condé was noted to spend lots of time with Chandieu.12 When Bourbon failed to promote Reformed interests, many in the Protestant leadership pinned their hopes on Condé. He was a welcome change from the unreliable Bourbon. Like Chandieu, he was young and idealistic, and not prepared to let Guise hegemony dictate Protestantism’s fate. In fact, Protestantism in France would be both sustained and stymied by Condé’s actions over the next few years. The precise origins of the Conspiracy itself will forever be shrouded in mystery. The extent to which Condé set events in motion will never be fully traceable. Lucien Romier believed the plot was hatched by Condé and Chandieu during the period at the end of August 1559, in Paris and La Ferté-sous-Jouarre.13 Other commentators have focused more on the general Protestant unease at the perceived abuse of power by the Guise at court. What all interpretations have in common is a fascination with the ringleader of the piece, Jean du Barry, sieur de La Renaudie.14 La Renaudie was a nobleman from Perigord who had been imprisoned in Dijon in the late 1540s, but had escaped and relocated to Lausanne, where he embraced the Reformation and married Guillemette de Louvain. Guillemette’s sister was married to Gaspard de Heu, seigneur de Buy, a Protestant who was a go-between for Antoine de Bourbon and the German Protestant Princes. De Heu was captured whilst on a mission in the summer of 1558, tortured and executed.15 La Renaudie’s subsequent actions have been blamed on this, and on his anger at losing the legal case against the Guise client Jean BSHPF 105 (1959), pp. 49–53. 12   Lucien Romier, La Conjuration d’Amboise (Paris, 1923), pp. 18–19. Romier contends that Chandieu played some role in Condé’s conversion to Protestantism, although no evidence survives to support this supposition. 13   Romier, Conjuration, p. 24. 14   The best survey of La Renaudie’s role in the Conspiracy, and the historiographical arguments that have surrounded this ‘martyr guerrier’ is Elizabeth A.R. Brown, ‘La Renaudie se venge: L’autre face de la Conjuration d’Amboise’, in Yves-Marie Bercé and Elena Fasano Guarini (eds), Complots et Conjurations dans l’Europe Moderne, (Rome, 1996), pp. 451–74. 15   OC, vol. 18, cols. 162, 183, 202 and 249.

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du Tillet a decade previously which had resulted in his imprisonment.16 Both explanations are plausible, although both perhaps are rather eager to rationalise La Renaudie’s behaviour after the fact. There is little surviving evidence about his motivations, but there is plenty of commentary about the man himself. He seems to have elevated his title to make his origins more illustrious. He was certainly a compelling speaker, able to converse with some of the most influential men of his day, although not all of them found him agreeable.17 Chandieu would describe him as a man ‘d’vn subtil esprit, & de grande diligence’.18 Calvin famously distrusted him.19 But La Renaudie was twice able to organise men to converge from all over the country in relative order, once for a planning meeting in Nantes, and later for the coup itself. If he was a paranoid fantasist, he was an especially wellconnected, and therefore potentially dangerous, one. Who made the vital step that connected La Renaudie to Condé? Chandieu would have to be amongst the candidates. He would have come across La Renaudie in Paris, where the latter arrived in the late 1550s.20 And over the summer of 1559, Chandieu met with Condé and Bourbon on several occasions. At least two of these meetings would later take on significance as regards Amboise. The first was held in Vendôme at the start of August, hosted by Bourbon and Condé, as the former returned to court following Henri II’s death. Its aim was to find ways of diminishing Guise influence, although a suitable course of action was not decided upon at this point.21 Certainly the Venetian Ambassador thought the Conspiracy’s

  Jean du Tillet was a Guise client, and served as greffier civil in the Paris parlement. He was frequently accused of bias in his conduct. Lauren Jee-Su Kim, ‘French Royal Acts printed before 1601: A Bibliographical Study’, (Ph.D. Thesis, University of St Andrews 2008), vol. 1, p. 27; Nancy L. Roelker, One King, One Faith: The Parlement of Paris and the Religious Reformations of the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley, 1996), p. 73. 17   Elizabeth Brown has highlighted the extent to which his actions might have been motivated by a lust to prove his honour after a decade of real and perceived slights. Brown, ‘La Renaudie se venge’, p. 451; Naef, Conjuration, p. 31 ff. 18   Chandieu, Histoire des persecutions et martyrs de l’eglise de Paris, (Lyon, 1563), D8r. 19   As early as Spring 1558, Calvin described La Renaudie in less than glowing terms: ‘Nota mihi est baronis futilitas: ideo quidquid ab eo mihi affertur praeterfluit.’ Letter to Macar, 15 March 1588. OC, vol. 18, col. 96. Romier, Conjuration, pp. 38–9; Naef, Conjuration, p. 159. 20   Naef, Conjuration, p. 45; Macar to Calvin, 6 March 1558, ‘Barro de la Regnaud perlaturus est crastino die, qui extra hoc negotium conventurus erat Navarrenum’. OC, vol. 17, col. 82. 21   Alongside Chandieu, Bourbon and Condé, the meeting at Vendôme was attended by François de Morel, the prince of La-Roche-sur-Yon, the vidame de Chartres, the comte of La Rochefoucauld, the prince de Porcien and François d’Andelot. The other Parisian minister, 16

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origins dated back to the month following Henri II’s death.22 The second significant meeting took place a few weeks later: Chandieu accompanied Antoine de Bourbon to a meeting with the English Ambassador Throckmorton at Saint-Denis. One of the topics under discussion was the perilous state of the French Churches, and a plan was suggested to present the newly developed Confession de Foi to the king, to dispel any disquiet about Protestant intentions. Such a plan of course depended on separating the king from the Guise.23 Chandieu is further implicated by this interpretation of events. He was intimately involved in the development of the Confession, and was widely credited with writing the prefatory letter to François II. A plan to present the Confession to the King would interest him greatly. There is additional evidence to suggest Chandieu took an active role in the developing conspiracy. There was a surge in pamphlets criticising the Guise over the summer and autumn of 1559.24 The main points made by the pamphleteers conformed to a set of key ideas: the Guise’s appropriation of the Duché of Anjou and the Comté of Provence; their fabrication of a genealogy that saw them descended from Charlemagne; their sidelining of the legitimate princes du sang at court; their foreignness, which should have excluded them from high government; their losses in Italy, and their subsequent involvement in a war in Scotland that threatened to cause more financial loss to the kingdom, and increases in both the taille and the gabelle since the death of Henri II. As La Place summarised, ‘la paix estoit plus intolerable au sujets que la guerre’.25 Chandieu’s Histoire and La Place’s Commentaires both contain abbreviated renditions of what appears to be the same pamphlet, discussing the Guise’s usurpation of the La Rivière also possibly attended. Romier, Conjuration, pp. 18–20; Naef, Conjuration, pp. 20–21. 22   Letter dated 28 March 1560, Rublé, vol. II, p. 138, n. 2. Cited Naef, Conjuration, pp. 20–21. 23   Jacques Poujol, ‘De la Confession de Foi de 1559 à la Conjuration d’Amboise’, BSHPF 119 (1973), pp. 158–77 and ‘L’Ambassadeur d’Angleterre’, p. 53; N.M. Sutherland, ‘Queen Elizabeth and the Conspiracy of Amboise, March 1560’, English Historical Review 81 (1966), pp. 474–89. 24   ‘Adonc plusieurs propos & plainctifs se commencerent à esleuer contre le gouruernement[sic] de ceux de Guise: dont plusieurs liures & placarts furent diuulguez’, Pierre de La Place, Commentaires de l’Estat de la Religion et Republique soubs les Rois Henry & Francçois seconds, & Charles neufieme, ([Rouen], 1565), E6v; ‘Et ioignant le maniement d’estat auec les poursuittes pour la religion, animerent tant de sortes de personnes per escrits publiez de part & d’autres, que les plus auancez au gouuernement des affaires, auoient assez d’occasion de penser à y remedier de bonne heure’, Lancelot du Voisin, sieur de La Popelinière, L’Histoire de France enrichie de plus notables occurences suruenues es Prouinces de l’Europe & pays voisins, (s.l., 1582), LL4r. 25   La Place, Commentaires, E7v.

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king’s minority, and comparing them to tyrannical usurpers.26 Chandieu must be considered as this pamphlet’s author. He was known to have contributed to the pamphlet exchange before the Conspiracy. He included other self-penned works in truncated form in the Histoire.27 And this was a pamphlet that inspired a celebrated response, Jean du Tillet’s Pour la Majorité du Roi.28 The strongest indication of Chandieu’s involvement comes not from his pen but from his movements. In September 1559, Chandieu went to Geneva. Whilst he was frequently on the move at this point, Chandieu had not been in Geneva for about two years: this was a mission of some importance. As established in April 1560, Chandieu went to consult Calvin and Beza on the legitimacy of taking action against the Guise. To all intents and purposes, he was running the plan past Calvin. Not surprisingly, Calvin was reluctant to give his support. He maintained resistance was unsuitable, and indicated that any action taken would have to be led by the prince du sang. The silent backing Condé was prepared to offer was not sufficient. And this seems to have been the end of Chandieu’s direct involvement.29 Without Calvin’s approval, his name is distanced from the events of the next few months. Where things got more complicated was in connection with Beza. La Renaudie also made a trip to Geneva in December 1559.30 Calvin reiterated his autumn remarks to La Renaudie. Beza on the other hand appears to have given La Renaudie at least tacit support: he gave him a translation he had made of Psalm 94 and a pamphlet, the Epistre au Tigre de France, by François Hotman, which circulated contemporaneously with the plot.31 This short work was directed at the Cardinal of Lorraine. It was highly inflammatory, opening with the declaration ‘Tigre enragé, 26   The Guise were compared to ancient tyrants, including Tarquin in Rome, Andronodorus in Sicily and Antiochus in Egypt. Chandieu, Histoire, D8r ff; La Place, Commentaires, E7r ff. The version in La Place is slightly more detailed than that in the Histoire. 27   For example, Chandieu included text from his remonstrance to the king and the ‘Apologie ou defense des bons chrestiens contre les ennemies de l’Eglise’ within the text of the Histoire, a8r ff. 28   Jean du Tillet, Pour l’entiere majorité du roy tres chrestien contre le legitime conseil malicieusement inventé par les rebelles, (Paris, Guillaume Morel, 1560). 29   Chandieu’s meeting with La Renaudie in February 1560 in Paris might indicate a continuing interest in the conspiracy, but could equally refer to a last-minute attempt to dissuade the Conspirators from ignoring Calvin’s advice. 30   Naef, Conjuration, p. 51. 31   The extent to which Hotman was directly involved in the planning of the Conspiracy has never been fully established. Kelley stresses that if nothing else, Hotman was ‘committed emotionally to resistance’. Donald R. Kelley, François Hotman: A Revolutionary’s Ordeal (Princeton, 1973), p. 110.

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Vipere venimeuse, Sepulcre d’abomination, spectacle de malheur: iusques à quand sera ce que tu abuseras de la ieunesse de nostre Roy: ne métras tu iamais fin à ton ambition demesuree, à tes impostures, à tes larcins?’32 The Guise were portrayed as maniacally ambitious, desiring the crown for themselves, promoting their family above their station and causing the deaths of many good men by their advice to Henri II, even delaying the advent of peace with Spain. They had cost the French the town of St Quentin,33 exploited the royal finances, and disrupted the running of government: ‘Se ie te dy encores que tu tes emparé du gouuernement de la France, & as desrobé cest honneur aux Princes du sang, pour mettre la couronne de France en ta maison: que pourras tu respondre?’34 Hotman despaired that any remorse might be felt by this ‘Monstre’, and made a chilling threat, that there were ‘cent mille espees qui t’attendent tous les iours’.35 The piece ended with the declaration that the Cardinal would one day reap the consequences of his actions. This little book was incredibly provocative and militantly Protestant. It is hardly surprising that questions would be asked about Geneva’s true involvement with the undertaking, when Beza promoted such literature to the ringleader. La Renaudie hired mercenaries and recruited noble adherents through the later months of 1559, visiting Lyon, Périgord, Brittany, Provence and Languedoc. The plan was to use these men to separate François II from the Guise, by force if necessary. They would then present their petition of grievances to the king, demanding the arrest of the Guise. This plan was finalised at a meeting purporting to be an ‘Estates General’ in Nantes at the start of February 1560. The plotters used the meeting of the Brittany estates as a cover for their gathering.36 Thirty captains were appointed to serve under La Renaudie, who indicated the enterprise had support from a powerful source. The implication was that the silent partner was Condé. From Nantes, the plotters spread throughout France to gather their men, La Renaudie going to Paris. He lodged with a fellow Protestant, a lawyer named Pierre des Avenelles.37 Des Avenelles became suspicious and rather concerned at the number of known Protestants who arrived to see his   François Hotman, Epistre au Tigre de France (s.l., s.n., 1560) A2r. This was neatly described as ‘not only the most spectacular polemic produced by the first major clash between Catholics and Huguenots … it was the J’accuse of the religious wars in France’. Kelley, François Hotman, p. 113. 33   Saint Quentin was lost during the wars of the 1550s. 34   Hotman, Tigre, A5r. 35   Hotman, Tigre, A6v. 36   La Popelinière, L’Histoire de France, QQ3r; La Planche, Histoire de l’Estat de France, I1v–2r. 37   La Popelinière, L’Histoire de France, QQ3v. 32

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house guest, including Chandieu.38 Worried the authorities might pursue him for holding Protestant meetings, des Avenelles asked La Renaudie for an explanation. When told of the plans to take the king, des Avenelles faced a crisis of conscience. Although a loyal Protestant, who would continue in the reformed faith until the end of his life, he understood the projected enterprise as nothing less than a coup d’état. He went to Guise’s secretary Milet with his information.39 Around the same time, the Guise received warnings of plots by agents outside France, most specifically from Cardinal Granvelle in the Low Countries.40 In the face of such evidence, the Guise told the king of the rumoured enterprise. Presented with the plot, the Crown’s reaction was to try to diffuse the situation. The strict interpretation of the heresy laws over the last few months had produced a backlash that needed to be quelled. An edict was proclaimed on 8 March 1560, granting immunity to all those who laid down their weapons, and returned to the Catholic faith, apart from ministers, and those who had used religion as a pretext for sedition.41 This was registered on 11 March, the same day the first plotters were arrested in the woods around Amboise. From this point on, the action disintegrated into a series of evermore futile skirmishes. The crown sent out troops to Orléans, Blois, Tours, Angers and other strongholds in the region. Plotters were captured all over the countryside around Amboise, but groups continued to emerge, only to give themselves up to the authorities with little resistance. This was in spite of a second edit, given on 16 March, which guaranteed no reprisals for those who left the area within 48 hours, having left their arms and progressing in groups no larger than three.42 The day after this proclamation, Bertrand de Chandieu and Edme de Maligny led 100 men in an attack on the Bonhommes gate of Amboise itself. The aim was to meet up with those already inside Amboise, but the party that left Blois mistimed their arrival, and so the attack took place in broad

38   Naef, Conjuration, p. 53 and A. D’Aubigné, Histoire Universelle, André Thierry (ed.), (Geneva, 1981) vol. 1, p. 272, confirm that Chandieu met La Renaudie in the weeks before the plot. Etienne Pasquier reported there was a planning meeting held ‘au village de Vaugirard prés Paris, où se sont trouvez plusieurs personnages d’estoffe: & que là il a esté arresté de s’emparer du Roy à quelque prix que ce fust.’ Etienne Pasquier, Lettres Historiques pour les années 1556–1594, D. Thickett (ed.), (Geneva and Paris, 1566), p. 40. 39   La Popelinière, L’Histoire de France, QQ4r; La Planche, Histoire de l’Estat de France, K6r–7v. 40   C. Paillard, ‘Additions critiques a l’histoire de la conjuration d’Amboise’, Revue historique 14 (1880), pp. 61–108 and 311–55; pp. 79–87. 41   Serres, Recveil des choses, f1v–2r; La Planche, Histoire de l’Estat de France, L3r. 42   Arlette Jouanna, La France du XVIe siècle, 1483–1598 (Paris, 1996), p. 352.

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daylight rather than under cover of night.43 By this point the Crown’s forces were more than able to discourage the stragglers. The punishments were severe. The common soldiers were tortured for their information and executed without further trial, the majority drowned in the river Loire. More significant prisoners were captured and put on trial. La Renaudie himself was shot in a confrontation with the Seigneur de Paillardain, in the woods around Château-Renard. Taken by surprise, he wounded his ambusher, only to be killed by the seigneur’s servant.44 His body was taken back to Amboise, where it was symbolically re-executed, and the corpse displayed with a sign that proclaimed La Renaudie ‘Chef des Rebelles’.45 The executions provided a great spectacle. That of the sieur de Villemongys was especially noteworthy. Taken to the scaffold that had already seen the execution of his fellow conspirators, he dipped his hands in their blood, and raising them to the sky called out ‘Seigneur, voicy le sang de tes enfans. Tu en feras la vengeance.’46 The bodies of those executed stayed on display into April.47 But the ramifications rumbled on over the summer. At court, Condé and his household came under scrutiny. Whilst he had quickly presented himself to the king, rumours implied that Condé was tied more closely to the events of Amboise than he had stated. When a former Amboise conspirator, Edme de Maligny, attempted to lead an uprising in Lyon in September 1560, it did not take long for concrete links to Condé to surface.48 Called to court, Condé was put on trial for treason and convicted by the Estates-General in Orleans at the end of the year. He only escaped the death sentence laid down at his trial because of the unexpected death of François II from an ear infection. And outside France too, the plot led to accusation and suspicion. At court the Spanish Ambassador Chantonay believed England and Elizabeth I were deeply involved, and accused Throckmorton.49 But unsurprisingly, the prime   La Popelinière, L’Histoire de France, RR5v; La Planche, Histoire de l’Estat de France, M8r. 44   La Popelinière, L’Histoire de France, RR4v; La Planche, Histoire de l’Estat de France, M4v–5r. 45   La Bigne, La Renaudie’s secretary, was found to be in possession of his late master’s papers including a document entitled ‘Protestation faite par le chef & tous ceux du conseil, de n’attenter aucune chose contre la maiesté du Roy, ni les Princes de son sang, ni l’estat du Royaume’, and a remonstrance to the king defending Protestant beliefs. La Popelinière, L’Histoire de France, RR5r; La Planche, Histoire de l’Estat de France, M5v–7r. 46   La Planche, Histoire de l’Estat de France, O4r. 47   Serres, Recveil des choses memorables, f3v. 48   Naef, Conjuration, p. 195; Jouanna, La France du XVIe siècle, pp. 361–4. 49   ‘Je crois que led. Fragmaton [=Throckmorton] ne se sera vanté de ce que j’ai dit à lui et à ses gens touchant les mutineries de ce côté, leur déclarant l’opinion que l’on avoit par tout le roiaume que sa maitresse et lui y avoient grand part, lui remonstrant la mauvaise 43

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suspect was Geneva. April 1560 saw a high profile slander case that hinged on Chandieu’s visit the previous autumn, and the role of the Genevan Pastors in the planning of the Conspiracy. Amboise and Geneva: the case of April 1560 Despite the best efforts of the Crown and Protestant apologists to highlight the political origins of the episode, Catholics remained convinced this was a Protestant plot designed to kidnap the king and force his conversion. Protestant chroniclers continued to stress that the high number of Protestant participants was due to the purity of the ultimate cause.50 The Protestant Church was keen to dispel any accusations of disloyalty. But even at the time, there was considerable doubt as to how far the Protestant Church, and Calvin and Beza in particular, had supported the endeavours of La Renaudie. The position of the Genevan pastors was questioned in the case brought against Jean Morély and François Bourdon by the city of Geneva in April 1560. Morély and Bourdon were charged with slandering the ministers of the city, namely Beza and Calvin, by declaring their complicity in the recent plot. Suspicions were first raised by Jean de Saint Martin, who had overheard Bourdon talking in the city. He reported that Morély had been questioned by the Genevan authorities on his return from France in the aftermath of the Conspiracy. Morély had reported the rumour that Beza had written on behalf of the Genevan ministers to encourage support for the Conspiracy.51 Such an allegation, no matter how ill-founded, could not be allowed to stand. And so Chinese whispers in Geneva resulted in Bourdon and Morély’s prosecution for slander, and Calvin, Chandieu and Beza being called to the stand, forced to justify their actions the previous conséquence et exemple que c’étoit pour tous sujets des princes et potentats, et qu’il ne se touchoit seulement au roi de France de y remédier, mais à tous les princes et potentats du monde d’y assister, voire courir sus à ceux qui en seroient promoteurs ou fauteurs de telles émotions.’ Letter from Chantonay to the Bishop of Arras, 26 March 1560, reproduced in Paillard, ‘Additions critiques’, pp. 335–6. On Throckmorton and Elizabeth’s potential involvement in the Conspiracy, see Sutherland, ‘Queen Elizabeth and the Conspiracy of Amboise’. 50   Chandieu’s own Histoire is a good example of Protestant apologetic for Protestant involvement in Amboise: ‘A eux se ioignirent beaucoup de personnes tenans la doctrine de l’Euangile: pource qu’il leur sembloit que ceste entreprise estoit bonne, & qu’ilz pourroyent en cela faire seruice au Roy, & à tout le Royaume. D’auantage encores qu’ilz ne prinssent les armes pour le Religion, si est-il vray-semblable qu’ilz esperoient sil les Estats estoyent vne fois assemblez legitimement, presenter leur confession de foy, & debattre leur cause:’ Histoire, F8v. 51   Naef, Conjuration, p. 121.

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autumn. Morély’s testimony was admittedly vague, and based largely on hearsay and conjecture, but nonetheless it was very damaging. He said that Chandieu had travelled from France to Geneva in September 1559 to talk with the ministers about the ongoing persecution in France and to ask what might be done. When Chandieu returned to France, his message was that armed resistance was legal if it was sanctioned by a prince du sang. Crucially, Morély did not say explicitly that the ministers had approved an armed uprising, but the impression was that they had given their tacit support. Secondly, he noted that Beza had sent an inflammatory pamphlet to France for the conspirators, along with a letter giving his support to the enterprise. The pamphlet, known as the ‘livret de Strasbourg’, was in fact Hotman’s Tigre. Along with this, Beza had also sent his translation of Psalm 94 to La Renaudie. This militant psalm gave the conspirators spiritual justification for their actions: O Lord God, to whom vengeance belongeth; O God, to whom vengeance belongeth, shew thyself. Lift up thyself, thou judge of the earth: render a reward to the proud. LORD, how long shall the wicked, how long shall the wicked triumph? How long shall they utter and speak hard things? and all the workers of iniquity boast themselves? They break in pieces thy people, O LORD, and afflict thine heritage. They slay the widow and the stranger, and murder the fatherless. Yet they say, The LORD shall not see, neither shall the God of Jacob regard it. Understand, ye brutish among the people: and ye fools, when will ye be wise? He that planted the ear, shall he not hear? he that formed the eye, shall he not see? He that chastiseth the heathen, shall not he correct? he that teacheth man knowledge, shall not he know? The LORD knoweth the thoughts of man, that they are vanity. Blessed is the man whom thou chastenest, O LORD, and teachest him out of thy law; That thou mayest give him rest from the days of adversity, until the pit be digged for the wicked. For the LORD will not cast off his people, neither will he forsake his inheritance. But judgment shall return unto righteousness: and all the upright in heart shall follow it. Who will rise up for me against the evildoers? or who will stand up for me against the workers of iniquity? Unless the LORD had been my help, my soul had almost dwelt in silence. When I said, My foot slippeth; thy mercy, O LORD, held me up. In the multitude of my thoughts within me thy comforts delight my soul.

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Shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee, which frameth mischief by a law? They gather themselves together against the soul of the righteous, and condemn the innocent blood. But the LORD is my defence; and my God is the rock of my refuge. And he shall bring upon them their own iniquity, and shall cut them off in their own wickedness; yea, the LORD our God shall cut them off.52

Finally, Morély contended that he had personally asked Beza what actions should be taken in this matter, and that the reply led Morély to believe that the coup had Genevan backing. The case against Morély began on 12 April 1560. Morély maintained that what he had said was in essence true, but admitted that actual events might have been misconstrued by his reporting of them. There was still ambiguity concerning Chandieu’s meeting with Calvin in September 1559, not helped by Calvin’s reticence to explain events. When eventually Calvin did testify, he gave an account of the meeting that provoked further questions. His first statement was that ‘led. de la Roche n’est point venu et n’a communiqué à eux dud. affaire, tellement que led. Morelli en a dist est faux et controuvé’.53 He was forced to clarify this ambiguous statement later: Chandieu had come to discuss ways in which the French Protestant Churches could stop the persecutions. Calvin had replied that the enterprise as it stood had no foundation in God’s law, but that a non-violent enterprise led by the prince du sang would be legitimate, if done to restore the order of law in France.54 In a letter to Coligny written in the aftermath of the court case, Calvin was even more explicit: Chandieu had suggested that it did not need to be the premier prince du sang who led the resistance, but that any prince du sang had sufficient authority, an interpretation that Calvin rejected outright. Calvin’s testimony therefore established that Chandieu had come to Geneva to discuss a potential resistance plot, but that the plan had been rejected. Beza’s account similarly trod a fine line: he had given La Renaudie the psalm translation, but insisted there was no hidden significance to it; he had forwarded a letter to France, but it called for justice, not violence. He had met with Morély and discussed the situation in France, but had only discussed ‘les moiens qu’on pourroit 52   Psalm 94 was especially apt for those who experienced persecution, speaking as it did of God’s actions against the tormentors of his people. 53   Naef, Conjuration, p. 136. 54   Romier points out that Calvin’s reticence to condemn the plot out of hand may well have arisen from a fear that doing so could have split the French Churches into splinter groups.

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tenir s’il advenoit que Dieu voulut adresser les choses à quelque tranquilité et meilleur estat.’55 Morély countered that he had been wrong to draw so many conclusions, not least that the ministers as a whole were supportive of the coup – Bourdon was less conciliatory. Finally, Chandieu testified in support of the ministers on 13 April 1560. His testimony was perhaps not essential at this stage, Morély having admitted that much of what he had said had been based on his interpretation of rumours alone. But it was important that Chandieu confirm Calvin’s account of the October meeting. If he failed to do so, the Genevan ministers would remain deeply suspect. His testimony also had significance for the French Churches. If it was understood that one of their chief pastors had sanctioned the Conspiracy, it would immediately negate the concessions granted by the Crown in the aftermath of the event. Amboise had officially been accepted as a rising by disaffected political renegades. It was crucial that Chandieu did not cast doubt on this generous settlement. Chandieu started by stating his regret at the whole incident, and confirming La Renaudie’s role as ringleader. He declared that the Genevan ministers had not known of the enterprise as it was carried out, and that they had disapproved of it. He admitted coming to Geneva the previous October to see Calvin, where he had discussed the tyranny of the Guise, and their actions in France. He had suggested to Calvin that as foreign princes, the Guise had no right to act as governors of an under-age king. Calvin had confirmed that Bourbon had the right to restore civil order, and that Protestants could help him in such an endeavour. But, as he reiterated to the court, Calvin had not sanctioned the enterprise that was carried out in March 1560.56 Chandieu’s testimony brought the trial to a conclusion. The judgment, passed on 15 April 1560, found Bourdon guilty of spreading misinformation, for which he was to ask for God’s forgiveness, be expelled from the Conseil de Deux Cents for a year, and to be subject to the ministers in matters of conduct. Morély was sentenced to a 500 écu fine for having circulated misinformation that had impugned the name of the Genevan ministers. The judgment of April 1560 may have cleared the Genevan ministers of involvement in the Conspiracy of Amboise, but it did not solve all the mysteries. Critically, the meeting between Calvin and Chandieu raised serious questions about Chandieu’s involvement in the enterprise, and his attitude to resistance. The impression Chandieu gives in this short episode, as recounted to the court by Calvin, is not all that edifying. Chandieu was looking to end the Churches’ sufferings, wanting a ‘remede pour 55   Naef, Conjuration, p. 141; Philippe Denis and Jean Rott, Jean Morély, (ca 1524–1594) et l’Utopie d’une démocratie dans l’eglise (Geneva, 1993), p. 47. 56   Naef, Conjuration, pp. 145–6.

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empesher les persecutions’ rather than endure persecution, albeit in God’s name. When Calvin rejected the scheme as mooted, Chandieu presented an alternative, using the other prince du sang, one being as authoritative as the other. Chandieu seems to have tried to argue the point with his mentor, to no avail.57 This interview is highly problematic, as it provokes more questions than it can ever answer. The best indication is that Calvin thought he had dealt with the situation, and imagined it would progress no further once Chandieu reported back his misgivings. Certainly, when La Renaudie arrived in Geneva three months later, Calvin was upset that the plot was active.58 The main issue is what to make of Chandieu. He had worked for four years in great danger to establish Protestant worship in France. He must have felt this was at last the opportunity the Churches had been waiting for. Once Calvin said no, was Chandieu obedient enough to listen to his spiritual and practical concerns? Or was he headstrong enough to ignore them? He had already struck out from Geneva in the development of the Confession and the Discipline. He was more aware than most of the high stakes involved, having been imprisoned and lived under threat of discovery in Paris. It is unfortunate that his movements between autumn 1559 and spring 1560 are so obscure. He was in Strasbourg in December 1559 with his fellow Parisian pastors, but this hardly removed him from the scene of the crime. Hotman was based in Strasbourg, as was Jean Sturm, both men widely believed to have ideological sympathies, if not outright support, for the Conspiracy. Chandieu then appeared in Paris, at the house of des Avenelles in February 1560, where he met with La Renaudie and others.59 Meeting with the ringleaders of the plot in the weeks before the Conspiracy does little to allay suspicion of Chandieu. Two considerations might modify this outright condemnation. The first is admittedly conjectural. Chandieu’s aim was the establishment of a stable Protestant community in France. This is what he had worked for, and in this, his aims were identical to those of Calvin. Once he had discussed the issues with his mentor, in what was clearly a very frank exchange of ideas, it is highly debatable that Chandieu could in all conscience have given the plot his support. Whilst independent and strong minded, he was not a fool – without practical endorsement from Geneva, the plot would struggle to get off the ground. All that was likely to happen was that Protestants would be accused of insurgency. Chandieu was far too practical a Churchman to gamble the Churches’ future for short term gain. Also, Calvin’s arguments   ‘[Calvin] confesse que led. Chandieu luy fit plusieurs repliques, mais il ne voulut passer plus oultre, luy declairant qu’il ne luy estoit point licite selon la Parolle de Dieu.’ Naef, Conjuration, p. 139. 58   Naef, Conjuration, p. 159. 59   D’Aubigné, Histoire Universelle, vol. 1, p. 272. 57

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had hinged less on practicalities than on the legality of the action. He had stated categorically that the plot was not founded on the word of God. It is extremely unlikely that Chandieu could have set aside such an explicit condemnation from Calvin. It should also be recognised that Chandieu’s plan as outlined to Calvin was different to that which took place in March 1560. Calvin theoretically supported a challenge to Guise authority led by Antoine de Bourbon as premier prince du sang. Chandieu’s alternative was the substitution of Bourbon for Condé, a minor modification, but one that rendered the entire operation unacceptable to Calvin. Yet neither of these plans as argued in Geneva bore much resemblance to the actions of La Renaudie and his supporters at Amboise. Condé’s support was so concealed as to be little better than rumour – he was after all able to protest his innocence to the king, until implicated in the Lyon uprising of Edme de Maligny. Amboise as it unfolded was so far removed from what had been originally discussed that we have no choice but to begrudgingly accept the pastors’ cries of noninvolvement. So why did Chandieu suddenly appear back in the narrative of Amboise in February 1560? As pastor of the Paris Church, large gatherings of Protestants at a house known to have reformed sympathies must have caught his attention. He would have been aware of the significance of La Renaudie’s presence in the capital, either from his own earlier culpability, from Calvin’s warnings or from his own brother. By this time, Amboise was a very different beast to that of six months previously. Chandieu would have had no choice but to challenge the conspirators over their actions. The second consideration to be made regarding Chandieu’s involvement comes directly from his own writings. In his poetry, he responded to Catholic accusations of treachery with an explanation of Amboise that emphasised Protestant loyalty to the ideals of France, whilst underlining the instability brought by the Guise. Ainsi Ronsard louoit en blasmant faulsement Tant de gens de vertu qui vertueusement Ont rendu dans Amboize un certain tesmoignage De leur fidelité, et de leur haul courage, Pour retirer leur Roy de son present danger, Et pour le garentir du joug de l’Estranger, De ces Tyrans Jumeaux, desquels l’audace extreme, Fait que la France encor’ se deschire soy-mesme, Fait que le bras du frere au frere est violentm Fait du sang de son fils le pere estre sanglant.60 60   Antoine Chandieu, Response aux Calomnies Contenves av discours & suyte du discours sur les Miseres de ce temps Faits par Messire Pierre Ronsard, iadis Poete, &

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And the Histoire des persecutions de l’eglise de Paris went even further. Written two to three years after the fact, Chandieu’s account of Amboise in the Histoire is fascinating, as much for what it did not say as for what it did. The Conspiracy was the final episode described in the narrative of events, the climax of the persecutions that the Protestants had suffered. That it was included at all raises some questions. Amboise was not linked to the Paris Church directly, except through Chandieu and La Renaudie. Yet Chandieu’s repeated description of the events as political rather than religious did not disguise the significance for the French Churches. Unsurprisingly, Chandieu’s own involvement was not raised at all. Instead, the episode was presented as a tableau in a narrative of divine justice.61 Chandieu expounded the political foundations of the discontent, illustrating the legal arguments by synopsising his own tract. He distanced himself and the other Protestant leaders even further from events by his description of La Renaudie, by then the accepted scapegoat of the enterprise, cunningly recounting his character as if from second-hand accounts.62 La Renaudie’s authority crucially was not legitimate, in spite of his claims; any Protestants who did join him did so as his dupes. Chandieu did need to explain why so many Protestants did take part, which could only be satisfactorily explained by viewing the coup as a noble endeavour to restore the throne’s ancient traditions.63 It is striking that the plan to present the Confession is referenced here, as that hints towards Chandieu’s lingering personal involvement in events. Chandieu’s account of the events themselves was not innovative when compared to the better known chroniclers’ treatments. He was condemnatory of the duplicity of Nemours towards the men who gave themselves up to his promise of safe conduct, as subsequent commentators would be. He did tend to describe the Conspiracy in terms not dissimilar maintenant prebstre. Le premier par A.Zamariel: les deux autres par B. de Mont-Dieux Ou est aussi contenue la Metamorphose dudict Ronsard en Prebstre (Lyon, 1563) B2v. 61   ‘Car Dieu ne laisse pas tousiours reposer la verge d’iniustice, & tyrannie dessus son Peuple: mais a de coustume de donner relasche par fois, à fin que son Eglise puisse respirer.’ Chandieu, Histoire, D6v. 62   ‘Esmeus de ces choses, comme ils ont fait apparoir par leurs placars, ainsi que i’ay dit, ils se rallient sous vn chef, lequel il pretendoyent estre legitimement authorisé … Le chef estoit vn Baron de Perigort, nommé la Renaudiere, homme, comme on disoit, d’vn subtil esprit, & de grande diligence.’ Chandieu, Histoire, D8r. 63   ‘A eux se ioignirent beaucoup de personnes tenans la doctrine de l’Euangile: pource qu’il leur sembloit que ceste entreprise estoit bonne, & qu’ilz pourroyent en cela faire seruice au Roy, & à tout le Royaume. D’auantage encores qu’ilz ne prinssent les armes pour la Religion, si est-il vray-semblable qu’ilz esperoient, si les Estats estoyent vne fois assemblez legitimement, presenter leur confession de foy, & debattre leur cause: & que par ce moyen ilz pourroyent auoir quelque relasche des persecutions, qu’ils souffroyent par la cruauté de ceux de Guise. Voilà qui les faisoit estre de l’entreprise.’ Chandieu, Histoire, D8v.

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to those applied to the martyrs depicted elsewhere in the work. His own brother’s involvement is recounted, although Bertrand was not mentioned by name. Interestingly, the overriding theme was that of redress and vengeance – although the coup was essentially a failure, it was something that Chandieu understood. He presented it in terms of men fighting for tradition in the face of tyranny. Whilst he was not so foolhardy as to sanction the enterprise outright, he gleefully noted its immediate repercussions – the temporary reprieve from persecution, and the death of Chancelier Olivier, who had failed to protect the Protestants. Protestant life following Amboise was easier, and confidence grew. It is not hard to see Chandieu carefully justifying events after the fact. He could not sanction the Conspiracy, and he certainly could not admit any involvement on behalf of the Churches or the pastorate, but he could appreciate the tangential benefits the Protestant Churches enjoyed as a result of the uprising. His only regret was that these did not last longer, and the Histoire ended with the resumed persecution of Protestants and the dogged pursuit of Condé by Guise. Chandieu’s role in the Conspiracy does not become clearer as time passes. Whilst Romier’s account of Chandieu as ringleader seems overly condemnatory, circumstantially it is hard to disassociate him from the coup. One interpretation even held that the Conspiracy aimed to present the king with a copy of the recently developed Protestant Confession. It is highly unlikely the French National Synod would have been unaware of a plan to present this to the king. Chandieu, as a leading figure in this network, must have had knowledge of the possible plot at least, as evidenced by his Genevan visit. What is less clear is what he thought the plot was for. He was connected to some of the plotters, not least through his brother Bertrand. Chandieu was one of the most recognisable and most respected ministers within the French Protestant community. He was also known to be close to Beza and Calvin in Geneva and had links to influential nobles in France. To stand a chance of success, the Conspiracy needed the support of these people. Chandieu was ideally placed to introduce the various actors to each other. It seems unlikely that his discussion with Calvin was solely about a hypothetical enterprise; if so then it was very unfortunately timed. And he reportedly engaged in the theoretical justification of the action. The legacy of Amboise Amboise lingered in the Protestant collective memory. Although many of the conspirators caught up in the events thought they had been fighting for their religion, as this was how the plot had been presented to them, their leaders and more visibly their apologists formulated different explanations.

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What was written to justify the plot did not necessarily correlate with the aims promoted by La Renaudie and his lieutenants. Almost immediately, François Hotman rushed off a pamphlet to the presses. L’Histoire dv Tvmvlte d’Amboyse advenv av moys de Mars, M. D. LX portrayed the episode as an attempt to restore ancient values to government that the Guise had destroyed, along the same lines as Chandieu’s Histoire.64 The next generation of historians – La Place, La Planche and La Popelinière – all followed this formula.65 Their accounts all began with some description of Guise abuses. They emphasised the aim of restoring authority to the princes du sang, before presenting La Renaudie. In the literature, he took on the role of the outside agent working to bring about something wanted by the whole. Finally, the events of the Conspiracy were described in detail, with the various attacks and arrests, before a summary of the crown’s provisions to bring about an end to the disturbance. As time passed, the Conspiracy began to take on a different light, one that was far more tied in to Protestant militancy. When Jean de Serres came to write his account of French History, the Protestantism of the participants was at the heart of the matter. In the descriptions of the aftermath, Serres came close to accusing the Guise of genocide.66 The king was prevented from righting the situation by the Guise, and the murderous spree continued unchecked. By the time Serres came to write, there had been far more bloodshed, there had been atrocities committed on both sides, but still the inhumanity of the punishments of Amboise rankled.67 And this did not fade. Whereas Chandieu had needed to justify   François Hotman, L’Histoire dv Tvmvlte d’Amboyse advenv av moys de Mars M.D.LX., (s.l., s.n., 1560). 65   La Place, Commentaires; La Planche, Histoire de l’Estat de France; Lancelot du Voisin, sieur de La Popelinière, L’Histoire de France enrichie de plus notables occurences suruenues es Prouinces de l’Europe & pays voisins, (s.l., 1582). 66   ‘Ceux de Guise sentans loin les troupes qui leur en vouloyent, & le reste es prisons, puis assistez du secours qui leur venoit de toutes parts, commencent à faire poursuiure de tous costez ceux qui se retiroyent, & en attrapent quelques vns: font commander par le Roy au prince de Condé, de ne partir de la Cour sans congé: & commencent à faire decapiter, prendre, ou noyer leurs prisonniers, ce qui dura plus d’vn mois. La riuiere de Loire estoit couuerte de corps attachez six, huict, dix, douze, quinze, a des longes perches. Les rues d’Amboise ruisselloyent de sang humain, & en tous endroicts estoyent tapissees de corps morts. On en pendoit plusieurs aux fenestres du chasteau: & pour faire croire que tout cest effort ne procedoit d’autres que de ceux de la Religion qui se vouloyent establir à coups d’espée, l’on interroguoit la pluspart de leur foy, & disputoit on contre eux des poincts qui sont en controuerse, afin d’esgarer les matieres, & ne point toucher à ce qui concernoit l’estat, & à l’occasion dequoi l’entreprise auoit esté faite.’ Serres, Recveil des choses memorables, f3v. 67   ‘Incontinent apres ces lettres, on vint aux executions, & ne se passoit iour ni nuict, que l’on ne fist mourir fort grand nombre de prisonniers, & tous personnages de grande 64

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and apologise for Protestant involvement in the Conspiracy in the 1560s, Agrippa d’Aubigné had no such qualms when he came to remember his personal experience of the episode in his Sa Vie à ses Enfants.68 Amboise had a special significance for the old Protestant soldier. It was an event to be cherished by Protestants, it was something to live up to. The young boy who looked on the corpses of the conspirators grew up to be a soldierpoet, who knew the reality of battle first hand. But the legacy of Amboise, and the father’s command to a young boy to legitimise his antecedents’ sacrifice, lingered in the memory, eventually becoming immortalised in d’Aubigne’s great Protestant epic, Les Tragiques: Tel est l’hideux portrait de la guerre civile, Qui produit sous ses pieds une petite ville Pleine de corps meurtris en la place étendus, Son fleuve de noyés, ses créneaux de pendus. Là, dessus l’échafaud qui tient toute la place, Entre les condamnés un élève sa face Vers le ciel, lui montrant le sang fumant et chaud Des premiers étêtés, puis s’écria tout haut, Haussant les mains du sang des siens ensanglantées: «O Dieu, puissant vengeur, tes mains seront ôtées De ton sien, car ceci du haut ciel tu verras Et de cent mille morts à point tu vengeras.69 aparence, les vns pendus, les autres noyez, les autres decaptiez, sans prononcer en public aucune sentence, sans declairer la cause de leur mort, sans dire leurs noms. On contraignoit le Roy & ses ieunes freres d’assister à ces spectacles. Outre lesquels, le duc de Guise quelquesfois pour passetemps à l’issue de son repas faisoit amener & pendre aux fenestres de sa chambre quelques vns de ceux à qui il en vouloit particulierement. … Mais ni le haut courage des prisonniers, ni les pleurs de grands & peris qui se trouuoyent à ces executions, ni les plaintes du Roy mesmes, ne peurent en rien adoucir le cœur de ceux de Guise, ni la rigeur des supplices.’ Serres, Recveil des choses memorables, f4v. 68   ‘A huit ans et demi le pere mena son fils à Paris, et en le passant par Amboise un jour de foire, il veit les testes de ses compagnons d’Amboise encores recognoissables sur un bout de potence: et en fut tellement esmeu, qu’entre sept ou huit mille personnes il s’escria, Ils ont descaptié la France, les Bourreaux. Puis le fils ayant picqué pres du pere pour avoir veu à son visage une esmotion non accoustumé, il luy mit la main sur la teste en disant, Mon enfant il ne faut pas que ta teste soit espargnée apres la mienne, pour venger ces chefs pleins d’honneur; si tu t’y espargnes tu auras ma malediction. Encore que cette troupe fust de vingt cheveaux, elle eut peine à se desmesler du peuple, qui s’esmeut à tels propos.’ Agrippa d’Aubigné, Sa Vie à ses Enfants, Gilbert Schrenck (ed.), (Paris, 1986), p. 52. D’Aubigné’s father Jean was one of the Amboise conspirators. He was able to escape the round-up of participants and returned shortly afterwards to the scene of the executions, described in the author’s own Histoire Universelle, vol. I, pp. 256–71. 69   Agrippa d’Aubigné, Les Tragiques, Frank Lestringant (ed.), (Paris, 1995) V, Les Fers, ll. 351–62.

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The drama of the event was captured by the celebrated engravers Jean Perrissin and Jacques Tortorel, who created two dramatic pieces from the events of spring 1560: one showing the unfolding of the plot in the countryside around Amboise, the other the death of Villemongis. Even as late as the nineteenth century, the conspiracy could be ranked amongst the most dramatic episodes of French history. It was used as a backdrop for a romantic melodrama, with Condé cast as a dashing romantic hero separated from his lady love by politics and circumstance.70 Amboise and French Protestantism The official explanation of Amboise as a political uprising that attracted Protestant support as opposed to an actual Protestant plot did not endure long. When open war broke out in 1562, the events of 1560 suddenly seemed far more significant, and the ill-fated plottings of La Renaudie far less noble in intent. The religious and the political sides of the plot were in fact far too closely intertwined to ever be fully separated. It is this patchy evidence and the impassioned contemporary justifications that have made Amboise something of a minefield for modern historians. Whilst few have been so eloquently convinced of an underlying Protestant plot as Lucien Romier, none would deny that on some level, there was Protestant involvement in the Conspiracy. Although the actions of La Renaudie and the intentions of Calvin continue to draw deserved and enlightened discussion, it is perhaps in the career of Antoine de Chandieu that the true significance of Amboise lies. Chandieu was a man dedicated to the Protestant Church, who had a vested interest in maintaining its growth in France despite opposition. Options to safeguard this growth had to be considered against their risk. Chandieu, Beza and Calvin all testified in the April court case because they were aware of the delicacy of their situation. There had clearly been some kind of discussion in Geneva the previous autumn that had left the ministers feeling vulnerable regarding the potential interpretation of their deliberations. However, the events of March 1560 had little in common with the plans discussed by Calvin and Chandieu in Geneva. Somewhere the religious aims of the ministers were supplanted by the political concerns   Louis Bouilhet, La Conjuration d’Amboise: une drame en 5 actes (Paris, 1866). The audience saw the unhappily-married comtesse de Brisson fall in love with the young, gallant and dashing Prince de Condé, a romantic hero who also happened to be caught up in a plot to remove the king from the clutches of his corrupt and evil ministers. In the best romantic tradition, the lovers faced all manner of complications, not least his being jailed for his plotting, and her husband being warned of the affair. But there was a happy ending, with Condé released from jail, and the lovers reunited. 70

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of the active noble participants. The logical assumption is that this shift happened after Calvin expressed his misgivings, but the documentation to confirm this is lacking. The main indicator that this might well have been the case is in fact Chandieu’s actions. Having written to justify the enterprise and travelled to ask Calvin’s advice, he suddenly distanced himself from the conspirators altogether. This suggests that the original idea discussed amongst prominent religious leaders was overtaken by the lesser nobles with fewer scruples as to the practicalities, with the end result of March 1560. But Amboise left a more dangerous legacy. The strength of resistance to official persecution was now out in the open. Condé and the other noble Protestants had seen how men would come out to fight for the cause. The battle lines of the later wars were forming. For Chandieu and the pastors responsible for the French congregations, a dangerous precedent had been set. Whilst their Churches might be nominally independent, they were still tied to Geneva and to Calvin in the public imagination. Chandieu’s visit to Geneva and his abandoning of the Amboise project suggests these links were not hypothetical – there was a need for Calvin to sanction the enterprise before French Protestants could commit to it. And the court case established this relationship further. The French Churches, in the person of Chandieu, were still reliant on the support and guidance of Geneva, despite the provisions of the Confession and the Discipline. When the Churches were next threatened, a choice would have to be made, as to the extent to which that independence allowed for innovation, or whether Geneva would always dominate French Protestantism.

Chapter 4

‘Armez-vous pour vostre Poësie’: Chandieu, Ronsard and Polemical Poetry

The Conspiracy of Amboise added fuel to an already combustive situation. Catholics believed Protestants were not merely heretics, but disloyal conspirators prepared to jeopardise the life of the king. Although it would take another two years for all-out war to arrive, the period 1560–1562 saw the battle lines drawn up. Much of this was through the medium of print. In this endeavour, Chandieu placed the full array of his talents at the Church’s disposal. He wrote with the authority of a theologian, as an experienced political operative and as a gifted writer of both poetry and prose. Chandieu was prepared to fight the good fight with any means at his disposal. Over the course of the first war, he adopted various styles and genres to articulate the hopes and fears of his co-religionists, something official Church documents like the Confession and Discipline could not do. This was an exhilarating time to be a writer in France. The early 1560s saw an explosion of pamphlets leave the presses. The volatility of the political situation combined with a maturing printing industry to produce a remarkable bibliographic phenomenon. Events progressed rapidly, and it did not take long for the political players and commentators to realise the printing press was key to promoting their agendas. An increasingly mediasavvy population wanted to keep abreast of developments as and when they happened. Printers became skilled in producing short, inexpensive tracts that filled readers in on the latest happenings. These pamphlets tended to be made up of relatively few sheets; they were quick and inexpensive to produce, and could be re-printed rapidly should the text prove popular. For readers, they were cheap, informative, and easy to conceal should the contents prove controversial. These short tracts have always fascinated latter-day observers for the insight they bring to the complex situation. Their full range has only recently been clarified by the work of the St Andrews French Vernacular Book Project. Surveying the results of this    Andrew Pettegree, The French Book and the European Book World, (Leidan and Boston, 2007).

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project, Pettegree has identified the early 1560s as a ‘pamphlet moment’ – a time when pamphlets ‘accompanied an upsurge in fresh thinking and encapsulated some of the core messages of the new movements’. Between 1559 and 1564, the number of Protestant works published in French grew dramatically. In 1559, under 100 editions a year were coming off the presses. This grew exponentially as war loomed, reaching a peak of over 300 bibliographically distinct items in 1563. And whereas Geneva had traditionally dominated the vernacular Protestant book market, by 1560, less than half the items printed came from her presses. This reflected both the practicalities of transporting books cross-country, and the diverging political realities of France and Geneva. The accepted mechanics of book production and more importantly book purchasing were turned on their heads by widespread public interest that led to purchasers with large incomes buying a range of pamphlets on a particular topic. These pamphlets articulate the dilemma posed by the Reformation in France. Here is displayed in finest detail the range of arguments used from the court to the street. These short works show us what people thought, what they cared about and how they saw each other. Was there a link to the sudden expansion in Protestant adherents? Conversion is a notoriously nebulous experience – even when accounts of individual conversion experiences survive, these tend to focus on the decisive events along each personal Damascene journey, perhaps most famously Luther’s vow to St Anne. But exposure to the practical realities of a faith also prompted conversion – meeting a preacher, hearing a martyr’s final proclamation, encountering Protestants singing in chorus. Books played a vital role in shoring up the adherent’s faith once that decisive commitment had been made. The written word confirmed one’s own convictions, and kept the faithful strong in times of persecution. Books and pamphlets further maintained the lines of communication between disparate groups unable to worship openly. The ‘livret de Strasbourg’ took on an emblematic role in the Conspiracy of Amboise, promoting solidarity between communities that transcended the avowedly controversial text itself. In periods of expansion, books carried the hopes of the faithful   Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge, 2005),



p. 163.

  Pettegree, French Book, pp. 98–101 and 105.   The other ‘pamphlet moments’ Pettegree identifies are the period of flugshrift

 

production in Germany in the 1520s and the three-sided confrontation in french politics between Catholics, Protestants and Politiques in France in the late 1580s and 1590s. Pettegree, Culture of Persuasion, chapters 6–7, especially pp. 161 ff.

  Pettegree, Culture of Persuasion, p. 4.   See Chapter 3.

 

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throughout the country. As such, it is small wonder that those at the centre of French Protestantism published as much as possible during this crucial phase. Chandieu, one of the movement’s most dynamic and persuasive figures, did not hesitate in putting pen to paper. Interestingly, he did not limit himself to theological justifications of his Church’s position. Instead, in a conscious effort to push genre boundaries, his chosen medium was verse. In poems addressed to Ronsard, and in a play directed to the Protestant grandees, Chandieu reached out beyond the traditional tools of the pastor to spread God’s message. His successes may have been mixed, but his adaptability deserves closer scrutiny. The Tragi-comedie and Chandieu In the early 1560s, a play appeared from an unknown French press. The only identifying feature was a letter dedicating the work to Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of Navarre. This was dated Paris, 9 August 1561, and carried the initials A.D.L.C. An Ode that followed the work, by the Protestant pastor Bernard de Montmeja, named the author as ‘Monsieur La Croix’. The Tragi-comedie itself had been composed whilst the author had been in the service of Jeanne d’Albret’s husband, Antoine de Bourbon. Its subject matter was a biblical story that had ample resonance for the Protestant community, the miraculous escape by three Jews from Babylonian persecution. Literary scholars have tended to dismiss this work, finding it hard to categorise and technically lacking. Recent work by Damon di Mauro has    [Antoine de Chandieu], Tragi-comedie. L’argument pris dv troisieme chapitre de Daniel. Auec le Cantique des trois enfans, chanté en la fournaise, (s.l., [1561]).    The work’s provenance looks likely to remain secret. There are no clues given by the typographical material; there are only two woodcut initial letters on A2r and A3r, both of which are relatively plain. The sole surviving copy of the play is in a small recueil in the Bibliothéque Nationale de France, where it is bound with four other tragedies. These were all produced a decade or so after the likely production date of the Tragi-comedie: Florent Chrestien’s translation of George Buchanan’s Jephté (Paris, Robert Estienne, 1573); Claude Roillet’s Philanire (Paris, Nicolas Bonfons, 1577) and two works by Gerard de Vivre, the Comédie de la fidélité nuptiale and the Comédie des Amours de Thesus et Dianira (both Paris, Nicolas Bonfons, 1578).    H.C. Lancaster refers to ‘the crudity of the piece’ in The French Tragi-Comedy: Its Origin and Development (Reprint, New York, 1966), p. 50. Yves Le Hir remarks on the ‘écriture rudimentaire’ and the old-fashioned versification in Les Drames Bibliques de 1541 à 1600, (Grenoble, 1974). Most condemnatory of all is Raymond Lebègue, who accuses the author of naivety: ‘La Croix n’a rien su imaginer, ses personnages sont inextistants, ses rhymes lyriques sont élémentaires, et son style, émaillé de pénibles hiatus, est de la dernière platitude.’ La Tragédie religieuse en France: Les Débuts (1544–1573) (Paris, 1929), p. 322.

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indicated contextual and stylistic parallels with the work of Antoine de Chandieu.10 His compelling evidence relies on four observations. Firstly there is the question of the author’s age. The Ode by Montmeja makes specific reference to the author’s youth. Heureux, la Croix, que ta veine Fait iouïr des fruicts plaisans Du doulx labeur de ta peine Sur le printemps de tes ans. Que feras-tu d’auantage Quand sur le blanchissant aage On te voirra mesurant Ta voix au son de ton poulce? Ta chanson sera plus doulce, Que d’vn cygne doulx mourant. … Demonstrant que ta ieunesse Brossant à trauers la presse Des aucteurs du temps passé, Se sçait orner des fueillages, Et enrichir des fruitages Qu’ell’en en auoit ramassé.11

Chandieu was in his early 20s when he was called to the pastorship of the Paris Church. If the play was written around 1558–1559, that would make Chandieu about 25 years old. Always rather precocious, Chandieu’s youth was thrown into even sharper relief by his prodigious achievements as a pastor and as an author.12 If Chandieu did compose this work, it would be his only foray into the world of drama. As a poet, his first major period of verse production occurred as the Tragi-comedie itself was going to the presses. Many of the issues raised by literary critics about the relative merits of the play are contextualised by seeing this as a junior work by a poet in the early stages of his writing career. Di Mauro’s second strand of evidence involves tying Chandieu by name to the work. The author has always been credited as ‘La Croix’, after Montmeja’s Ode. The dedicatory letter is signed A.D.L.C., which would fit with an ‘Antoine de la Croix’. Chandieu went by a number of pseudonyms over his lifetime, but most of these were simple to decode: Zamariel and Sadeel used explicit wordplay on Chandieu’s own name. However, he spent much of the 1550s and 1560s under constant threat 10   Damon Di Mauro, ‘Antoine de Chandieu, auteur d’un drame biblique?’ BSHPF 151(2005), pp. 219–29. 11   ‘Ode de B. de Monmeia, a M. de la Croix’, in [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, G4r. 12   Beza for example was born in 1519, about 15 years before Chandieu.

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of imprisonment and execution. In all probability, Chandieu had several working covers to conceal his writings, actions and movements. A letter to Calvin from the same period as the dedicatory letter indicated Chandieu did use the name La Croix in the summer of 1561. On 22 July 1561, a letter was sent to ‘Monsieur d’Espeville’ from La Croix in Paris.13 The letter discussed the influence of the Duke of Würtemberg over Antoine de Bourbon, the possible adoption of the Confession of Augsburg in France, and the ambitions of the Cardinal of Lorraine. The dates of the letters to Calvin and Jeanne d’Albret lead both Di Mauro and Anthanase Coquerel, chronicler of the Paris Church, to surmise they were written by the same person. Interestingly, the letter to Calvin contains a note on the authorship – on the back of the original is noted ‘Sadeel qui s’appelle la Croix’.14 Finally, Di Mauro cites the author’s relationships with Bernard de Montmeja and Antoine de Bourbon. Chandieu collaborated with Montmeja on the Ronsard polemic. Both were noted pastor-poets, who continued to experiment using poetry in the conduct of the Christian life. Montmeja’s Poemes Chrestiens enjoyed success in the 1570s as Chandieu’s Octonaires would do in the 1580s.15 Perhaps the more intriguing relationship is with Antoine de Bourbon. The play’s author was in Bourbon’s service when the piece was first brought to the attention of Jeanne d’Albret. More specifically, the king took the author into his household.16 Di Mauro connects this to Bourbon’s celebrated rescue of Chandieu from prison in the summer of 1558.17 The dedicatory letter does reinforce circumstantial claims to Chandieu’s authorship. Chandieu was imprisoned in June 1558 – both Jeanne and her husband were in the capital at this time, to celebrate the marriage of Mary Stuart to the Dauphin François and in Antoine’s case to contribute to the growing war effort against the Spanish on the northern frontier. After his dramatic intervention in Chandieu’s life, Antoine spent the summer and autumn on campaign, in an attempt to wrestle Spanish Navarre from the grasp of the Hapsburg king. At the same time, Jeanne was in Paris, based   Monsieur d’Espeville was a common cover for Calvin, frequently used in his correspondence. 14   La Croix to Calvin, 22 July 1561. OC, vol. 8, cols 568–71. The compilers of the OC acknowledge that there is no other usage of the name ‘La Croix’ in connection to Chandieu, but base their identification on the note on the back of the letter. It is worth noting that this would probably be a later addition – Chandieu did not start using the pseudonym ‘Sadeel’ until later in his writing career, in his exchange with the Jesuits. 13

15   Montmeja’s verse made up the first section of this anthology, with a series of Odes and funeral verses, with the later sections including works by Beza and Goulart amongst others. Bernard de Montmeja, Poemes Chrestiens De B. De Montmeja, & Autres Diuers Auteurs. Recveillis et novvellement mis en Lumiere, (s.l., s.n., 1574). 16   ‘il pleust a Roy vostre mari me receuoir à son seruice’. [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, A2r. 17   See Chapter 5.

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in the Marais, pregnant with Catherine de Bourbon. Soon to embrace Protestantism openly, it is logical that she had contact with the local pastors at this time.18 About 18 months then passed before the play was published, during which time Chandieu was occupied first by the National Synod and then the Conspiracy of Amboise and the Estates-General in Orléans. Jeanne d’Albret returned to the court in late August 1561 following a lengthy progress through the provinces from Béarn that saw her become the focus of much Protestant attention.19 The play was published to celebrate her return: ‘Madame, voyant la pluspart des François tascher à vous tesmoigner par tous moyens, le plaisir qu’ils reçoiuent de vostre tant souhaittee arriuee à la Court, pour l’heur, repos & contentement qu’ils en esperent: & desirent les accompagner en vne si saincte volonté … si n’ay-ie sceu si bien retenir mon affection, qu’elle ne se soit enhardie de mettre en lumier, & vous offrir ceste petite Tragi-comedie: laquelle a desia receu tant de faueur de vous, Madame.’20 Interestingly, the author says he hoped to write something new for her, but pressures on his time have rendered this impossible: ‘beaucoup d’incommoditez qui interrompent mes petites estudes m’ayent empesché de vous presenter chose nouuelle digne selon mon desire de vostre grandeur’.21 This would certainly match up with Chandieu’s exploits between 1558 and 1561, when he was at the heart of the Protestant religious and political movements. Not only is there a chronological fit, but the subject of the play, the story of Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego in the fiery furnace, reflects contemporary events, and Chandieu’s life in particular. Di Mauro emphasises Chandieu’s ‘life changing’ experience in prison, and draws parallels with the ‘miraculous delivery’ in the play. Chandieu’s Histoire indicates he was indeed shaken by his imprisonment.22 Yet the play serves another function in the connection to Bourbon and the fate of Protestantism in France. The predominant concerns of the emerging Protestant community were persecution and tyranny.23 Textual analysis illuminates how political the author’s ambitions were, and forces reconsideration of the problematic role of Antoine de Bourbon. Biblical drama was still very much a genre in its infancy at this point. Beza’s Abraham Sacrifiant was only a decade old, and provided an important template for Protestants engaging in literary production.   Chandieu did spend some of the summer of 1558 away from Paris, but precise dates are lacking. Alphonse de Reuble, Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret (Paris, 1881), vol. 1, pp. 268 and 314. 19   Reuble, Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret, vol. 3, pp. 136–41. 20   [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, A2r. 21   [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, A2r. 22   See Chapter 5. 23   This of course would be further explored in Chandieu, Histoire. 18

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A number of plays appeared in this period that used biblical episodes to build dramas that commented on contemporary events.24 The failure of subsequent dramatists to recreate the emotional complexity of Beza’s Abraham has seen strident criticism of the Tragi-comedie and its ilk. But this is to misconstrue the genre. Street highlighted the didactic aims of La Croix and others in their writing.25 Beautiful drama was not the prime consideration.26 These plays had a more immediate aim. They provided examples for embattled Christians to follow. The lack of characterisation was helpful, in that it made characters into templates rather than idealised heroes. In this respect, the Tragi-comedie was a product of its time, and criticising it for its failure to conform to a dramatic continuum is to miss the author’s point. For those not as familiar with their Bible, the story of the fiery furnace was included after the luminary pieces. It is a short but striking episode that lends itself well to dramatic rendering. Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, orders a golden statue be placed on public display, with instructions for men to worship it. Three Jews, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, refuse to do so and are brought before the king.27 Refusing to betray their God, 24   Apart from Beza’s Abraham Sacrifiant (Geneva, Conrad Badius, 1550), Joachim de Coignac used I Samuel 17 as the source for La desconfiture de Goliath (Geneva, Adam and Jean Riveriz, 1551). Louis des Masures also produced a series based on events in the life of David, Tragedies sainctes. Dauid combattat. Dauid triomphante. Dauid fugitif. (Geneva, François Perrin, 1566). 25   J.S. Street, French sacred drama from Bèze to Corneille: Dramatic forms and their purposes in the early modern theatre (Cambridge, 1983), p. 43. 26   In fact, characters like Abraham, who could be interpreted as wavering in their faith, were dangerous examples for impressionable audiences, and ran perilously close to blasphemy, a concern that eventually led to stricter regulations of religious drama. The Synod of Nîmes (1572) would ban Biblical drama outright, and restrict other forms of theatre to educational use only. ‘Il ne sera pas permis aux Fideles d’assister aux spectacles profanes, comme aux Danses de Theatres, aux Comedies, Tragedies, ou Farces, soit qu’on les represente en public, ou en particulier; parce qu’ils ont été defendus de tous tems par les Eglises de Dieu, comme des amusements illicites & qui corrompent les bonnes mœurs, particulierement lorsque la Sainte Escriture y est profanée. Mais si le College juge conventable pour exercer la jeunesse de representer des histoires qui ne soient pas contenuës dans la Sainte Escriture, (laquelle ne nous a pas été donée pour nous servir de Passetems, mais pour être prêchée, & pour nôtre Conversion & Consolation;) pourvû que cela se fasse rarement, & par l’avis du Colloque, qui en fournira le sujet, ces representations seront tolerées.’ Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, VIII Nîmes, ‘Observations sur la Confession de Foi, sur la Discipline Ecclesiastique, et sur les Decrets du Dernier Synode National de la Rochelle’, Article XXIX., pp. 118–19. 27   Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego are introduced earlier in the book of Daniel as companions of the prophet. Of noble Jewish lineage, they were taken to the Babylonian court after the defeat of Judah, and were supposed to be re-educated as Babylonians. In the book’s first chapter, they refuse to break their kosher diet, along with Daniel, when presented with court food.

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they are thrown into a fiery furnace, where they astound observers by walking around in the flames and singing praises to God. An angel is sent to join them. Nebuchadnezzar commands them to leave the furnace, and issues a proclamation that their God must be respected throughout Babylon. The play followed the Bible story with two notable additions: a scene between the protagonists described below, and several cantiques, dramatic conventions that split up the action and allowed outsiders (and the audience) to reflect upon the action.28 Deliverance from persecution, and the timely conversion of a formerly tyrannical monarch – the story of the fiery furnace had special significance for Protestants in the dying days of Henri II’s reign. Di Mauro adds a further layer of relevance by highlighting the parallels with Chandieu’s own miraculous deliverance from prison by Antoine de Bourbon. But there were wider implications by the summer of 1561, when the printed version was conceived and executed. By far the largest sections of the play dealt with episodes either skimmed over or not mentionned in the biblical original. A long scene in which the three Jews debated what they should do in response to Nebuchadnezzar’s demands had no parallel in the biblical text. This was clearly intended to articulate the problem of choosing between one’s faith and one’s ruler. With three interlocutors, the debate was both timely and useful. But it needed to be handled carefully. Shadrach plays the role of the uncertain adherent, who questions what they should do if pressed into veneration of the idol. It is his exchange with Abednego that articulates the dilemma, equally applicable to French Protestants – should they follow the strictures of their faith, or the laws of their king? Abdengao: Nous, nous ne l’adorerons pas: Cela seroit sans fiction Renoncer l’adoration De Dieu, voire & le blasphemer Au lieu que le deuons aimer. Sidrach: Le blasphemer! mais veult-il point Qu’obseruions tous de poinct en poinct Les loix & les edicts du Prince, Dont nous habitons la prouince?29   The ‘Cantiques’ also reflected the popular protestant pastime of psalm singing. Théodore Beza, Abraham Sacrifiant, Keith Cameron, Kathleen M. Hall and Francis Higman (eds) (Geneva, 1967), p. 38. 29   [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, C4r–v. 28

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The answer is as simple for Abednego as it was for Calvin – they must obey God in the first instance. Il faut donc à Dieu tascher plaire, Veu qu’il est le grand Roy sur tous, Premier qu’aux Rois qui sont sur nous, Tenans son lieu, pour en droicture Gouuerner toute creature, Et non point pour leur faire faire Chose à ses mandemens contraire. … Dieu ne s’estant tant seulement Reserué que la conscience, Qu’il n’a submise à leur puissance, Si qu’ils ne doiuent pas oser Aucunes loix luy imposer, Que celles qu’il nous proposa, Et luy-mesme y imposa: Lesquelles, entant qu’en eux est, Comme vn inuiolable arrest, Ils doiuent faire entretenir, Les obseruer & maintenir, Mettans à ce toute leur cure, S’ils veulent que leur regne dure Longuement tranquille & paisible. De nous, il ne nous est loisible Renier Dieu, pour leur complaire: Et nous ne pouuons honneur faire A l’Idole, sans franchement Le renier tacitement.30

Both the Jews of the play and the contemporary Protestants are left in no doubt as to their duty to their faith over temporal concerns. God has ultimate supremacy, and whilst kings are put in place by him, loyalty to them does not override duty to God. As for subjects, they must obey the laws of the country and pay their taxes, so long as these laws do not contradict those set out by God. This is reiterated in the long exchange between the three Jews and Nebuchadnezzar.31 The possibility of outward conformity is raised and immediately rejected. Abednego expands on the horror of such action in a further speech, where he states that kneeling before a statue was as bad as making it oneself. When Meshach advances   [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, C4v–5r.   [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, D5v–E1v.

30 31

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the possibility of pretending to honour the statue whilst ‘on tienne Tousiours son cœur en Dieu fiché’, Abednego reacts angrily, comparing this to adultery. Tais-toi, n’allegue point tel terme. Vien-ça, si vne femme afferme Auoir son cœur à son epoux, Et que ce pendant face à tous, Ou à maints plaisir de son corps: S’ensuyura-il qu’elle soit lors Femme de bien, & point paillarde? De telle excuse babillarde Son mari sera-il content? Ne la haira-il pas autant, Que si d’vne telle feintise Ell’ne couuroit sa paillardise?32

This passage is fascinating for its vivid condemnation of the act of Nicodemitism. The lesson is clear – no matter how well one can justify it to oneself, God will understand that he has been betrayed. Shadrach then suggests that because others are committing greater crimes, surely God is likely to be merciful to those whom he recognises are acting purely for expediency, rejected again by Abednego. In a moving section, Meshach articulates the horror of a martyr’s death. Abednego rejects this, saying it is not for them to attempt to prolong their time on earth. Misach: C’est vne dure passion: Toutesfois de mourir par feu, De s’en souuenir tant soit peu, Et mesme horreur espouantable. Abdenago: O la folie abominable! … [Abdenago] Nous endurons bien pour les hommes, Pour nostre Roy, pour nostre maistre, Nostre vie ne craignons mettre Au hazard, pour moins d’vn festu, Reputans cela à vertu: Et pour Dieu nostre createur, Nostre Roy, pere, & saluateur, Qui nous peult tirer d’enfer mesme 32

  [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, C5v–6r.

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Par sa force & puissance extreme, Encores que les diables tous Machinassent encontre nous: … Nous craignons nous mettre en danger? Puis noz ans pourrons prolonger, Ce dis-tu, O poure hebeté! N’a-il pas le temps limité, Que deuons viure en ce bas monde? Yci ne fault que l’on se fonde En l’habilleté de ses sens. Prolonger sçaurions nous noz ans Outre son vueil de demye heure?33

This passage on martyrdom is especially telling. Chandieu had a similar ‘dark night of the soul’ following his arrest in June 1558. Could this debate have its origins in his own incarceration under threat of execution? It is certainly one of the most vivid of Abednego’s retorts, and it closely prefigures the message of Chandieu’s compendium. And Chandieu’s Histoire mentions the story of the fiery furnace as a model of constancy: God’s support is given to the whole Church, but martyrs are a special case, ‘vne œure plus excellente’.34 Both play and martyrology are keen to emphasise the glories of martyrdom, and give frightened Protestants examples to follow. This scene is notable for its didactic qualities.35 In fact, it presented a Protestant audience with an excellent synopsis both of their worship options, and common reactions to the challenges facing them as a minority community. Shadrach and Meshach both at different points expressed doubts about the proposed course of action, although their faith and love for God himself were never called into question. Instead, they were open about their confusion, their fears and their need for guidance. Abednego on the other hand was the archetypical Protestant leader, sure both in his faith and the path he must take. He fulfilled a similar function to the martyrs in Chandieu’s Histoire – they were both perfect models who articulated the ultimate dedication to God, and who   [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, C6v–7r.   ‘C’est bien vne œuvre de Dieu admirable que les prisons soyent ouuertes sans la main de l’homme, comm’il est aduenu quelques fois aux Apostres, que les flammes n’ayent peu endommager les trois enfans en la fournaise: mais c’est vne œuvre encore plus excellente, qu’vn ver de terre tant fraisle de sa nature, aimant la conseruation de sa vie, & redoutant tousiours la mort, ait vn courage si deliure de toute crainte, qu’il marche auec ioye à vn supplice si extreme, que les baaillons, le retranchement de la langue, les flammes ne le puissent empesher de glorifier Dieu’. Chandieu, Histoire, ee3r–v. 35   Street, French sacred drama, p. 45; Lancaster, French Tragi-Comedy, p. 52. 33

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provided inspiration and support for those as yet unready to make the final commitment. In making this a three-way debate between the Jews, the author could explore multiple interpretations of what fidelity to God entailed. This is all the more remarkable when we consider the fragility of the French congregations at this time – with a national structure still under development, with no clear leadership, and with variant traditions between Churches, the Protestants of France were potentially as divided as the three Jews when confronted with their persecuting monarch. The play was able to give full rein to the debate, and draw the conclusion that Martyrdom was preferable to Nicodemitism. In fact, for those concerned that the three Jewish heroes might have expressed doubt in their faith, Shadrach then reveals that he did not in fact experience the doubts he expressed at the opening of the scene, but just wanted to hear his companions’ reasoning. The entire exchange has been a theoretical debate, one in which God’s pre-eminence has been reaffirmed, and these exemplary pseudo-martyrs can continue without any aspersions cast on their constancy. This further underlines the didactic aims of the author – the scene was a construct which allowed him to lecture the audience, and ensured that everyone was at the same point as the martyrs, joyfully accepting their fate. Misach: Mourons, freres, mourons, mourons, Et ioyeux à la mort courons, Plustost seulement que penser De tant nostre Dieu offenser.36

It is noticeable that the three Jews, and to a lesser extent the other characters, were not strong individual characters. This has led to comparisons with mystery plays, in which characterisation was secondary to religious message.37 This is also true of martyrology. Chandieu’s Histoire des persecutions appeared less than two years after this play was printed. If Chandieu was the author, it should not surprise us that there were marked similarities between the texts’ approaches to exemplarity. Personality was far less important than creating an ideal stereotype for Protestants to live up to. Other aspects of the play would have struck deep chords with Chandieu’s fellow Protestants. Nebuchadnezzar is a chilling representation of a tyrannical monarch. In the opening scene, his ego-mania and boundless lust for power is made obvious.

  [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, C7v–8r.   Street, French Sacred Drama, p. 45.

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I’ay sceu renger soubs ma subiection Et toute langue, & toute nation, Toute dessous moy tremble & fremit de craincte, De qui me plaist ie rends la vie esteincte. Ie tue & frappe ainsi que bon me semble, Il n’y a roy viuant qui me ressemble: I’exalte aussi qui ie veux, & rabaisse Le hault monté, ou en son lieu le laisse, Ie say de tout, & du tout ie dispose Comme-il me plaist, sans que nul s’y oppose.38

This is a king who thinks nothing of using force to strike at his opponents – as Henri II did against Anne du Bourg. When he confronts the Jews later in the play, he is contemptuous and proud: ‘Qui est le Dieu (pouures humains) Qui vous sauuera de mes mains?’39 Nebuchadnezzar promotes who he wants at court, including the sycophantic Asphene, chief Eunuch. Asphene inflates the king’s ego and also encourages him in his cruelty to the subjugated people of Jerusalem.40 Protestants would not be slow to identify the manipulative councillor with the Guise, most notably the cardinal of Lorraine. Enforced adherence to an idolatrous religion was as painful for Chandieu’s contemporaries as for the Jews in the drama. If casting this as a microcosm of 1560s politics, the three Jews themselves must be considered.41 They are introduced as gentlemen of status. The prologue calls them ‘trois qu’il feit grands seigneurs … sur Babylone gouuerneurs’.42 They are significant as temporal as well as spiritual leaders. They have a responsibility to the Jewish population of Babylon, to protect their way of life against the demands of the tyrannical Nebuchadnezzar. Did the author equate them with the Protestant leaders of his day? The French Protestant community lacked a clear political leader until Condé emerged in 1560. When the play was first written, most     40   41   38

[Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, B3r. [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, D5v. [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, B3v. Traditionally, they are referred to as children, as they are in the play’s title. This comes from the Bible, where they are introduced as ‘children of Judah’, alongside Daniel (Daniel 1.6). This clearly refers to their lineage rather than their age. At the end of Chapter 2, Nebuchadnezzar gives them responsibility over the province of Babylon, and in Chapter 3, they are categorised as ‘men’ when they are brought to Nebuchadnezzar (Daniel 3.13). In artistic renderings of the story, they are traditionally middle-aged men, but the focus tends to be on the events outside the furnace. A wide selection of images is available at http://www. biblical-art.com, showcasing the subject’s enduring popularity from the middle ages to the present day. 42   [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, B1v. 39

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hopes were pinned on Antoine de Bourbon. Chandieu himself worked to bring Bourbon around to open support of the Protestant cause.43 Always the weakest link in the Protestant chain, but for so long the focus of hopes, might not the play originally have been conceived to encourage his open avowal of the Protestant faith? Dedicating the work to his more sympathetic spouse brought it to his attention without forcing the parallel too far. It also reinforced the responsibility Jeanne d’Albret had to the cause. By the time of publication, Bourbon had renounced his regency and soon would join the Triumvirate, abandoning the Protestant cause for good. But there were other leaders to turn to. Condé was now the heart of the Reformed movement in France, with Coligny and d’Andelot at his side. The themes were still relevant in 1561 as in 1558–1559: God would protect those who demonstrated their fidelity to him and examples should be set by those in positions of influence. The play’s conclusion would also give hope to those suffering under the yoke of persecution. Having witnessed the miraculous events in the furnace, Nebuchadnezzar relents and converts. Donc à luy vueil m’humilier, Et humblement le supplier, Qu’il vueille auoir de moy pitié, Ne regardant ma mauuaisité, Mais me faisant grace & mercy.44

With the crown granting Protestant concessions over the course of 1561, a similar turnabout was hoped for in France. The epilogue reiterates the point: God ‘a les cueurs des tyrans en ses mains’ and he can bring about their conversion if he wishes, or punish them for the injuries they do to the faithful.45 In either case, steadfast Christians will be blessed with Salvation. The evidence for Chandieu’s authorship is fairly convincing, if unfortunately unlikely ever to be fully conclusive. The dedications, the timing and the biblical theme all fit with Chandieu’s priorities on the eve of the war. The significance of Antoine de Bourbon is especially important, given his relationship with Chandieu, and the emphasis in the play on exemplary leadership through persecution. Despite the weaknesses of the piece as drama, the historical circumstances imply the author, Chandieu or another, would have been less preoccupied by artistic integrity and conformity to a genre than later commentators might prefer to be the case.   See Chapters 1 and 3.   [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, F6r. 45   [Chandieu], Tragi-comedie, G2r-v. 43 44

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If Chandieu did write the Tragi-comedie, as seems very likely, it would only be the first time that he took a popular genre and used it to make a pragmatic point. Biblical drama was an infant genre, one that could be moulded by a knowledgeable practitioner into obvious relevance to contemporary events. Chandieu would appropriate martyrology and psalm mediations in much the same way.46 But immediate events would see him turn to another branch of literature, and attract the attention of the literary elite. The use of poetry during the Wars of Religion The early 1560s were an especially rich period for French literature. A royally endorsed renaissance had seen the arts flourish at the court of Francis I. Poetry especially was invigorated by the rediscovery of classical models such as the Ode. Printing ensured wider distribution, and wider recognition, for poets who excelled. At the centre of this literary cabal was the Pléiade, grouped around Ronsard. The combination of printing technology, literary endeavour and a volatile political situation ensured the battle for France’s religious soul was soon played out in verse too. Poets eager to flex their literary muscles relished the challenge. This was an opportunity to elucidate one’s feelings to one’s patrie, one’s king and one’s faith. An environment of elevated debate and argument prevailed in the pages of pamphlets taken up by a fascinated reading public. Yet in considerations of the polemical conflicts of the Reformation era, works in verse have received little attention. Such comment as there has been has focused primarily on satire, witty, often scatological abuse directed towards opponents of the faith. These works have seldom impressed critics for their merits in terms of poetical style or sophistication. But the first years of the religious war saw a poetical polemical exchange that engaged some of the finest writers then active in French. On the Catholic side, Pierre de Ronsard, the prince des poètes, was persuaded to lend his pen to defend both royal policy and the Catholic faith. The importance of Ronsard’s intervention was widely appreciated and inspired a Protestant counter attack of considerable weight and not inconsiderable poetical skill. Chandieu played a leading role in this poetical exchange and in the process established himself as one of the leading verse writers of French Calvinism. Poetry had already been used as a tool of debate and public manifesto before the outbreak of war in 1562. Competitive poetry had been an 46   Chandieu’s Histoire des persecutions de l’eglise de Paris is discussed in Chapter 5, his Meditations sur le psalme XXXII in Chapter 8.

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element of French culture from the Middle Ages: northern French towns including Amiens, Abbeville, Dieppe and Rouen had assimilated the Flemish tradition of holding annual poetry competitions.47 Using poetry for debating purposes was not unknown either: perhaps the most celebrated poetical debate was that of 1536, when Renée de France presided over the Concours de Blasons in Ferrara, attended by such luminaries as Clément Marot, Maurice Scève and Jacques Peletier du Mans.48 But poetry itself, with its associations with love and courtly values, was always slightly problematic for Protestants. It was seen as slight and superficial. Originally, poetry was not used to discuss profound matters. This arose later, as Protestantism found more converts amongst the educated literati: they felt it immoral to use verse to celebrate such worldly concepts as love and beauty. Instead, verse should be used to praise God, as King David had done. It was in this context that the psalm translations of Clément Marot and Theodore Beza became so important: Beza especially felt guilty for having indulged in ‘scandalous’ verse as a youth, and used the preface to his 1550 tragedy Abraham Sacrifiant to criticise such affectations.49 Poetry was a personally expressive form in an era when the majority of writing concerned itself with ‘universal truths’. It provided a function similar to that of the modern novel: it allowed the writer to express sentiment, opinion and feeling in a stylised, constructed universe, removed from the immediate reality of the edict or the pamphlet. Poetry allowed a kind of uninhibited emotional honesty not immediately visible in other forms of sixteenth-century writing. Ultimately, the seriousness of the work depended on the profundity of its subject matter and the poet’s attitude. Chandieu, Ronsard and their contemporaries realised early on in the conflict the potential power of poetry. Two intellectual advances of the period fused: an increasing awareness of national identity concurrent with a shift in poetic technique that allowed deeper exploration of ideological

  In the Puy de Palinodes, each contestant was given a line from which they had to construct a work. The competitions attracted a high level of competitor: poets from the late fifteenth-century Grand Rhétoriqueurs who competed included André de La Vigne and Jean Marot, who in 1521 competed in the same Puy as his son Clément. Although the tradition died out for poetry, it continued in the musical arena. Frank Lestringant, Josiane Rieu and Alexandre Tarrête, Littérature française du XVIe siècle (Paris, 2000), p. 44. 47

48 49

  Lestringant, Rieu and Tarrête, Littérature française, p. 70 ff.   ‘Car je confesse que de mon naturel j’ay tousjours pris plaisir à la poësie, et ne m’en

puis encores repentir: mais bien ay-je regret d’avoir employé ce peu de grace que Dieu m’a donné en cest endroict, en choses desquelles la seule souvenance me fait maintenant rougir. Je me suis doncques addonné à telles matieres plus sainctes, esperant de continuer cy apres: mesmement en la translation des Pseaumes, que j’ay maintenant en main.’ Beza, Abraham Sacrifiant, (Geneva, 1967), pp. 46–7.

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themes.50 Stars like Ronsard enticed Catholic intellectuals into reading the debate. Protestant replies answered Ronsard’s style and felt no qualms about engaging the more scurrilous types of verse, that which might be heard in the street, repeated and memorised. Poetry was soon used by leaders during the wars because it helped them bring their manifestos to a wider audience. Part of Condé’s offensive launched from Orléans centred on the mass production of short political tracts, from the presses of Eloi Gibier. Condé was aware of the potential of public relations, and set out his position in successive pamphlets. Gibier produced multiple editions of a series of standard works. The work of J.-F. Gilmont and the St Andrews French Vernacular Book Project demonstrates the complexity of these editions.51 The surviving copies, which stand at about 260 exemplars of over 50 editions of 20 titles, show how lucrative a market there was for pamphlets of this nature: small differences in title page layout, typographical ornaments and signature markings, even in works that might only have one gathering, suggest a quick turnover of multiple editions of each work.52 In amongst these serious political manifestos is sometimes bound a work by Chandieu: the ‘Response aux Calomnies contenues au Discours et Suyte du discours sur les misères de ce temps’. This is not one of the core texts of this series: indeed, in Gilmont’s original investigation, it appeared in only ten of the 25 examined collections, in one of two editions.53 It is noticeable as a verse work bound amongst political prose, but this is not its only distinguishing feature. The work’s inclusion with the Condéan tracts suggests poems could have as much political resonance as the more traditionally accepted prose outputs. Verse bridged the divide between literature and politics. Polemical poetry engaged fully with the opinions of both sides in the unfolding civil war. This alternative medium came to be used to express complex ideas in sophisticated forms, and as such reached a different audience than traditional prose pamphlets.   Colette Beaune, The Birth of an Ideology: Myths and Symbols of Nation in Early Modern France (Berkeley, 1991) and Donald R. Kelley, The Beginning of Ideology. Consciousness and Society in the French Reformation (Cambridge, 1981). 51   J.-F. Gilmont, ‘La première diffusion des «Mémoires de Condé» par Eloi Gibier en 1562–1563’, in Pierre Aquilon, Henri-Jean Martin and François Dupuigrenet Desrousilles, Le livre dans l’Europe de la Renaissance : actes du XXVIIIe Colloque international d’études humanistes de Tours (Paris, 1988), pp. 58–70. See also Louis Desgraves, Eloi Gibier imprimeur à Orléans (1536–1588) (Geneva, 1966). 52   The various pamphlets would be kept in baskets in the printer’s shop, so that a purchaser could compose the compendium he particularly wanted before the works were bound together. The addition of newer print runs to an existing basket of a title explains the variety that is seen in the surviving collections, as well as the inclusion and exclusion of particular works. 53   Gilmont, ‘La première diffusion des «Mémoires de Condé»’, p. 69. 50

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The intended audience was those with the time and inclination to keep up with politics. This was not the same market for long political discourses based on rhetoric and knowledge of classical authors, or incendiary pamphlets designed to spur on those already enraged by the situation. The inclusion of Chandieu’s verse in the Condéan polemic is not easily explained.54 But the historical accident of the inclusion of Chandieu’s work in the Condéan tracts of Orléans demonstrates the divergent genres which could be appropriated in the name of propaganda, and how in the battle for hearts and minds the ‘pamphlet moment’ operated on multiple levels. Pierre de Ronsard was the dominant figure in vernacular French poetry on the eve of the religious wars. Although poetry had flourished in medieval France, heightened awareness of vocabulary and style galvanised by the diffusion of works through print had stimulated a reconsideration of both the French language and the uses to which it could be put. From the Grand Rhétoriqueurs of the late fifteenth century through the evangelical works of Marot, the court poets had been at the forefront of this movement. They had glorified the potential of the French language and its adaptability to different subject matters and styles as had been embraced in Italy. But the succeeding generation, a group of fluctuating membership based on common acquaintances in Paris known as the Pléiade, took a contrasting approach. United around the central figures of Joachim du Bellay and Ronsard, they promoted a self-reliant French poetical tradition, with its own native language and style.55 None became so celebrated as Ronsard. Born in 1524, the young Pierre had grown up as a page at the court of the duc d’Orléans and travelled on various diplomatic missions. His education had been patchy, until he became a student of Jean Dorat in the late 1540s, when his interest in the classics was sparked. He rose through judicious relations with important patrons over the next decade, namely the two cardinals, Odet de Châtillon and Charles de Lorraine. But the Guise family was not proving so lucrative in the early 1560s, and so Ronsard’s pen found its way to a mightier, if more precarious, patron: the Crown. Ronsard’s fame was based primarily on his love poetry, the Odes, Chansons and Sonnets, written in the late 1540s   What seems most likely is that the poem was known through its association with Ronsard, and had achieved a certain notoriety on its own account. Chandieu used the same printer as Condé, unsurprisingly as they were both in Orléans and were committed to the same cause. Presumably Chandieu’s ‘Response’ was in a similar basket to the other Condéan tracts, and might be included in a collection if a purchaser’s eye fell upon it and liked it. Although tempting to see the work as a convenient summary of many of the positive points Condé was trying to get across, it cannot be removed from its polemical origins. 55   Joachim Du Bellay, La Deffence et illustration de la Langue Françoise (1549) ed. Henri Chamard (Paris, 1970); François Goyet (ed.), Traités de poétique et de rhétorique de la Renaissance (Paris, 1990). 54

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and early 1550s. Coming into the service of the king, he found himself no longer merely expected to impress, but to actively promote royal policy: he was to all intents and purposes a hired pen.56 So in 1560, he was expected to promote the values of the monarchy, which at this time were bound up in Catherine de Médici’s quest for peace. On their part, the Valois had long been accustomed to employing the arts in their favour as symbolic tools: music, architecture, art and poetry could all be manipulated to increase the stature of the sixteenth-century monarch.57 Engaging Ronsard at the height of his fame and powers was a logical step. To read the poems by Ronsard and Chandieu today is to visit a debate that, although very personal in tone and comment, is about concerns much vaster than an individual’s personality. They encapsulate tensions within Protestant identity, not their religious faith so much as their national loyalty. As soon as Ronsard mentioned the contemporary religious situation in his work, opponents were bound to focus their replies, direct or indirect, towards him. With over 20 compositions, varying between a few lines and many hundreds, the debate lasted several years (see Table 4.1). Chandieu contributed two works to the early debate. These prompted a vitriolic response from Ronsard that encapsulated the tensions between Catholic and Protestant. Crown intervention prevented Ronsard replying to later Protestant critics. Instead, his cycle came to be included in his collected works, in a self-contained section known as the Discours des misères, the name by which the collection is still known today.58 56   See Pierre Champion, Ronsard et son temps (Paris, 1925), ‘Chapter V: Cafards et Prédicans’, pp. 137–95 for the classic account of this period in Ronsard’s career. Also Henri Chamard, Histoire de la Pléiade, vol. II (Paris, 1939) and Marcel Raymond, L’influence de Ronsard sur la poésie française (Geneva, 1965). 57   R.J. Knecht, Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I, (Cambridge, 1994), especially Chapter 23, ‘Father of letters’, pp. 462–77 on François I’s patronage of Clément Marot and François Rabelais. Both found their poetry could be valuable propaganda for their monarch’s foreign and domestic policies, Marot during the 1520s and the war with Spain, Rabelais in the 1530s and 1540s. 58   Ronsard’s Discours des misères has long been a subject of fascination amongst literary scholars. Specific works on this cycle of poems include F. Charbonnier, Pamphlets Protestants contre Ronsard 1560–1577 (Paris, 1923); Jacques Pineaux, La poésie protestante de langue française (1559–1598) (s.l., 1971) and ‘Transformations Protestantes d’un thème Ronsardien: La Naissance d’Opinion, Fille de Jupiter et de Présomption’, C.A.I.E.F. 10 (1958), pp. 30–43; Jean-Paul Barbier, Bibliographie des discours politiques de Ronsard (Geneva, Droz, 1984); Fernand Desonay ‘Ronsard poète engagé’, Bulletin de l’Academie Royale de Langue et Litterature Françaises, XLIV (1966), pp. 29–46; Yvonne Bellenger, ‘A propos des “Discours” de Ronsard: y a-t-il un genre de discours en vers?’ in G. Demerson (ed.), La notion de genre à la Renaissance (Geneva, 1984), pp. 195–241; Francis Higman, ‘Ronsard’s political and polemical poetry’, in Terence Cave (ed.), Ronsard the Poet (London, 1973), pp. 241–86; A. Micha, ‘Sur l’Allegorie de la France dans la Continuation du Discours des Misères de ce Temps’, BHR 20 (1958), pp. 578–9; Edwin M.

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Table 4.1 Ronsard and his Protestant Critics Author

Poem

Date

Length

Ronsard

Discours à Loys des Masures

1560

136 lines

Ronsard

Elegie à Guillaume des Autels

1561–2

244 lines

Anon

A Ronsard

Anon

De Ronsard

1562

10 lines

Ronsard

Institution pour l’adolesence du Roy

1562

186 lines

Ronsard

Discours des misères de ce temps

1562

236 lines

Chrestien

Contrediscours des Miseres de ce tems

1562

330 lines

Ronsard

Continuation du Discours

1562

448 lines

Ronsard

Remonstrance au peuple de France

1563

844 lines

Chandieu

Palinodies de Pierre de Ronsard

1563

i) 260 lines ii) 270 lines

Anon

Remonstrance à la Royne

1563

1819 lines

Chandieu & Montmeja

Response aux Calomnies

1563

i) 380 lines ii) 338 lines iii) 685 lines

Ronsard

Response de Pierre de Ronsard

1563

epistre 84 lines verse i) 4 lines ii) 1176 lines

Anon

Deffense aux Injures de Ronsard

1563

984 lines

Anon

Remonstrance sur la diversité des poestes

1563

920 lines

Lescaldin

Replique sur la response faicte par Ronsard

1563

1562 lines

Anon

Le Temple de Ronsard

1563

i) 240 lines ii) 41 iii) 18 iv)22 v)39

14 lines

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Author

Poem

Date

Length

La Baronie

Response à messire de Ronsard

1563

La Baronie

Seconde Response de la Baronie

1563

1404 lines

Ronsard

Epistre au lecteur

1564

prose

Anon

Apologie ou Deffense

1564

i) 722 lines ii)–vi) 14 lines

Anon

Remonstrance à Pierre de Ronsard

1564

Ronsard’s early polemic Ronsard’s first polemical work was addressed to his Protestant friend Louis des Masures in 1560.59 The work explores the coexistence of tastes between friends, hinting at the workability of religious coexistence. Ronsard has no power to force people to read his verse, and thus they have no right to criticise his subject matter. Ronsard explicitly refers to those who have criticised his love poetry. Je m’estonne de ceulx de la nouvelle foy Qui pour me hault louer disent tousjours de moy, Sy Ronsard ne cachoit son talent dedans terre, Ou parlant de l’amour, ou parlant de la guerre, Et qu’il voulust du tout chanter de Jesuchrist, Il seroit tout parfaict, car il a bon esprit,

Duval, ‘The Place of the Present: Ronsard, Aubigné, and the “Misères de ce Temps”’, Yale French Studies 80 (1991), pp. 13–29 and the series of articles by Malcolm Smith, ‘A “lost” protestant pamphlet against Ronsard’, BHR 37 (1975), pp. 73–86; ‘A Reformer’s reply to Ronsard’s Discours à la Royne’, BHR 48 (1986), pp. 421–30; ‘An early edition of a Discours by Ronsard’, in M. Smith, Renaissance Studies Articles 1966 – 1994 (Geneva, 1999), pp. 1–9, and ‘Ronsard et ses critiques contemporains’, in Smith, ibid., pp. 219–26. 59   Louis des Masures (1515?–1574) was originally from Tournai, and like Ronsard had been in the service of the house of Lorraine, until forced into exile by Henri II in 1547. Converting to Protestantism, he returned to France until 1562, when religious persecution forced him into exile once more. He did not participate in the debate with Ronsard, and remained on good terms with him.

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Mais Sathan l’a seduict, le pere des mensonges, Que ne luy faict chanter que fables et que songes.60

‘Ceulx de la nouvelle foy’ have criticised him for not employing his Godgiven talent for suitable works. This, they say, is evidence of his being seduced by Satan. He states his conscience is clear before God. He rather pities the Protestants: he calls them the ‘pauvres abusez’ and maintains they have been tricked.61 They are more misguided than fundamentally evil. Contrastingly, he celebrates the dedication of the House of Lorraine to eradicating heresy. The poem is not overtly anti-Protestant. It is a call for Frenchmen to obey their monarch and remain true to the established order, whereby heresy is vanquished. Mention of Protestantism is almost tangential. The Protestant critics Ronsard mentions are to be pitied, because they have misunderstood the role of the poet in society – to entertain, not to catechise – and because they themselves are in error. The tone is rather condescending, from Ronsard’s lofty position as premier wordsmith of the French language, but not vitriolic. Ronsard’s second work addresses similar issues more frankly. Written after the Conspiracy of Amboise, Ronsard encourages the king to combat the growing uneasiness in the realm.62 Words are the best weapons: Ronsard states it is necessary to fight disorder with books, because it is books that are causing the disorder: ‘Il faut en disputant par livres le confondre, Par livres l’assaillir, par livres luy respondre.’63 This is both a reference to the plethora of Protestant titles that exploded onto the scene in the early 1560s and to Ronsard’s own attempts to combat them in verse. His poem is an example of what he means. No one is physically defending the kingdom, and only a few men – himself, des Autels and Lancelot de Carle – have used their writing to do so. Ronsard worries that unless things change, the rebels (of Amboise) might succeed. Although he refers to these opponents initially merely as ‘l’ennemy’, this is clearly directed at Protestants: apart from the book reference, there is criticism of ‘des   Pierre de Ronsard, ‘Elegie à Louis des Masures’, in Ronsard, Discours des misères de ce temps (Malcolm Smith ed.) (Geneva, 1979), ll. 35–42. A number of the constituent parts of the Discours are now available online through the Gallica site of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Whilst the originals have been consulted for this project, all subsequent references will make use of the edition of Ronsard’s work compiled by Smith, and of the Protestant polemic by Pineaux. This is for two practical considerations: the difficulty of standardising the variant typography of the sixteenth-century editions and the lack of precision afforded by signatures over line references. 61   Ronsard, ‘Elegie à Louis des Masures’, ll. 43–4. 62   Ronsard’s ‘Elegie a Guillaume des Autels’ is also commonly known as the ‘Elegie sur les troubles d’Amboise’. 63   Ronsard, ‘Elegie sur les troubles d’Amboise’, ll. 21–2. 60

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sectes etrangeres’ encouraging men away from the faith of their fathers.64 Emphasis is put on the disorder arising from ignoring tradition in religion. Ronsard criticises contemporary Catholicism for abuses and excessive riches, but he is disturbed that no one is defending its main principles, whilst Protestantism’s heresies are supported by many books. This is a specifically French problem.65 It is French society and French families that are being torn apart, and it has reached such a stage that even foreign states feel sorry for the French nation. This disorder has been predicted by Nostradamus, including the death of Henri II.66 The threat cannot be alleviated by all the conscientious piety of the present king’s ancestors, but there remains some hope, in the form of families committed to preserving Catholic order, namely the Guise. 67 The work ends with a rallying call against mutinous subjects. The ‘Elegie’ illustrates the confusion felt in the months after Amboise. Although the main focus is on civil unrest and the disorder that will be caused in France, it is stated explicitly that this is due to the influence of foreign sects. Ronsard refers to followers of the Reformers: he names Oecolampadius, Zwingli, Bucer, Luther and Calvin as those who are damaging the Church.68 Clearly, without religious peace, temporal peace will not be possible. Still, the tone is conciliatory to French Protestants: they have been tricked by foreigners, rather than being responsible themselves. With enough dedication, following the example of families like the Guise, France’s future can be saved.69 Ronsard followed these with two pieces written for the Crown. The first, the ‘Institution pour l’adolescence du Roy treschrestien Charles IX’ examined the qualities needed to be a good ruler: reason, not repression.70

    66   67   68   69   64

Ronsard, ‘Elegie sur les troubles d’Amboise’, l. 19 and ll. 52–4. Ronsard, ‘Elegie sur les troubles d’Amboise’, ll. 127ff. Ronsard, ‘Elegie sur les troubles d’Amboise’, l. 195. Ronsard, ‘Elegie sur les troubles d’Amboise’, ll. 199–210. Ronsard, ‘Elegie sur les troubles d’Amboise’, ll. 122–3. François, duc de Guise, was the focus for much Catholic hope, and eulogising after his assassination. Ronsard seems to have engaged in joint composition with one of Guise’s foremost promoters, Lancelot de Carle, after the Colloquy of Poissy. Carle, bishop of Riez, promoted Ronsard’s work at court in the 1550s. The two men, along with de Baïf, collaborated on a now lost work entitled Chanson contre les Docteurs et Ministres assemblées à Poissy (1561). Ronsard implied in the ‘Elégie à Guillaume des Autels’ that Carle was writing many works against sedition (sedition being more apt a term in this instance than heresy), but these have proved elusive to later scholars. 70   It is often considered alongside Ronsard’s Discours des misères de ce temps, as both focus specifically on the contemporary political situation, whilst maintaining a moderate tone. 65

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He starts by stressing the core of a king’s virtue, his protection of his people. He needs more than brute strength. He needs to be cultured and just. Il faut premierement aprendre à craindre Dieu Dont vous estes l’ymage: et porter au milieu De vostre cueur son nom, et sa saincte parolle, Comme le seul secours dont l’homme se consolle.71

Ronsard invokes the traditional image of the French Monarch as the Most Christian King. Colette Beaune has demonstrated how the institutions of the French Crown and French national identity developed around core themes, one of which was the identification of the monarchy with Christianity.72 This concept developed in the Middle Ages, during the period of territorial aggrandisement that brought the kernel of the French state into being; consequently it predated any ideas of alternate forms of Christianity. Despite Protestantism’s brief period as a court fad, the French Crown continued to be, as under François I and Henri II, resolutely Catholic. Ronsard here is reiterating the king’s responsibility to provide spiritual guidance to his people, as God’s representative on earth. The current situation is never far from Ronsard’s thoughts, and the threat to social order cannot be ignored. Government is founded on the idea of religious peace. Apres il fault tenit la loy de vos ayeulx, Qui furent Roys en terre en sont là hault aux cieux, Et garder que le peuple imprime en sa cervelle Les curieux discours d’une secte nouvelle.73

Ronsard carefully juxtaposes Protestantism with tradition, the king following in the footsteps of his ancestors. Later he links François I with Charlemagne and Charles Martel.74 Continuity is promoted as a positive virtue, whereas Protestantism is new and radical. Ronsard refers to it as ‘curieux’, the people being at risk from it as they might be from a disease, that enters the brain like a fever and takes over. Protestantism can be avoided through careful government. The poem lists the qualities expected in a good prince: not humouring flatterers, avoiding tyranny, and so forth. The king is the captain of the ship that is his kingdom.

    73   74   71

72

Ronsard, ‘Institution pour l’adolescence du Roy treschrestien Charles IX’, ll. 59–62. Beaune, The Birth of an Ideology, pp. 172–81. Ronsard, ‘Institution’, ll. 67–70. Ronsard, ‘Institution’, ll. 148–52.

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Si un pilote faut, tant soit peu, sur la mer, Il fera desoubs l’eau la navire abismer: Aussi faillant un Roy tant soit peu, la province Se perd, car volontiers le peuple suit son Prince.75

This is of course a warning that the king’s actions now will have the utmost impact on the future of his subjects and his kingdom. The work ends with another call to obey the rule of God, without whom nothing will be possible: ‘Car sans l’ayde de Dieu la force est inutile’.76 This last line is a neat way of closing off Charles’ divine mission without further discussion: there is no hint that God’s plan might be for a different future than that of a Catholic Valois monarch. Ronsard’s next work is usually called the ‘Discours des misères de ce temps’, from where the overall collection takes its name. Addressed to Catherine de Médici, after the massacre of Vassy and as the opposing sides geared up for war, it looks at the history of France and advises Catherine how to guide her son. The most important aspect of this is maintaining one true faith. Again he sees France as a ship, this time caught in a storm of ‘vens seditieux’.77 Ronsard trusts Catherine to take control of the steering and bring the ship safely to harbour. This metaphor of the uncontrollable wind able to drive a country from its way, part of the general instability of nature, was a recurrent theme in the poetry of the era. The word ‘seditieux’ recognises the political as well as religious threat of Protestantism. After Amboise, and now with Condé arming up in Orléans, Protestant loyalty is in question. The tone of this poem is one of fear as to what might be about to unfold. Ronsard portrays France begging Catherine to bring peace, or else face the mockery of foreign princes. He recalls the monarchs and great soldiers who shaped the country: no one has taken the French by force of arms, but rather evil has crept in unseen. The year 1562 has been long foreseen as holding danger for the French nation and foolishly this was ignored.78 Natural disasters have heralded the truth and now historians must record what happens to teach future generations how to avoid such misery.79 This comes in the form of the ladies Presumption and her daughter Opinion, nursed by Pride. This horrific offspring, seemingly harmless but ultimately treacherous, has entered France through theological discussions. It has brought foreign ideas and sets father against son, destroying social

    77   78   79   75 76

Ronsard, ‘Institution’, ll. 107–10. Ronsard, ‘Institution’, l. 186. Ronsard, ‘Discours des misères de ce temps’, l. 46. Ronsard, ‘Discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 95–106. Ronsard, ‘Discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 107–14.

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order.80 In a striking passage, Ronsard describes artisans leaving their shops and ministers abandoning their flocks, lawyers their cases, sailors their ships, merchants the fairs. Scholars abandon their studies and labourers take up arms. L’artizan par ce monstre a laissé sa boutique, Le pasteur ses brebis, l’advocat sa pratique, Sa nef le marinier, sa foyre le marchand, Et par luy le preudhomme est devenu meschant. L’escollier se desbauche, et de sa faux tortue Le laboureur façonne une dague pointue, Une pique guerriere il fait de son rateau, Et l’acier de son coultre il change en un couteau. Morte est l’autorité: chacun vit à sa guise. Au vice desreiglé la licence est permise, Le desir, l’avarice et l’erreur incensé, Ont san-sessus-desoubs le monde renversé.81

But there is hope, in Catherine, who can lead the country to safety, and Ronsard ends his tale of woe by invoking God’s aid for Catherine in France’s time of need, and praying He will destroy the mutineers. This work illuminates Ronsard’s belief in the social negligence of those intrigued by the new religion. It is interesting that lawyers, students, artisans and merchants are mentioned: these are the professions traditionally associated with religious reform, and this tends to suggest this interpretation was shared at the time.82 However, Ronsard is not utterly despairing: the Protestants have been tricked by foreign thought, and although the country is in danger, there is still a sense of condescension towards these poor misguided souls rather than of outright disgust. Ronsard’s poems show how royal policy intensified over the period 1560–1562. From relative leniency towards those of the reformed faith, the tone both of the poet and the court became increasingly hard line as Protestants were seen to seemingly force their hand with new demands. Ronsard’s poetry is a two-pronged source for historians – he wrote for the Crown, but also for his public. His was the voice of the educated intellectual bystander – albeit one whose circumstances bound him to overt approval of royal strategy. When Ronsard took up his pen again, it was almost where he had left off before, with the ‘Continuation du discours’. Although nominally   Ronsard, ‘Discours des misères de ce temps’, l. 155 ff.   Ronsard, ‘Discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 167–78. 82   Mark Greengrass, The French Reformation (Oxford and New York, 1987), p. 46 ff. 80 81

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a continuation of his earlier work, this second section was not only much longer, but much more combative.83 It was probably written just before the battle of Dreux, when Condé was still free.84 The climate of the court had changed greatly: it had been fashionable to listen to Protestant sermons. Not only was this no longer allowed, but no prayers were to be said in the vernacular at all. In essence, the Guise and the Crown were now working in concert, and Ronsard was able, if not actively encouraged, to reiterate this in his work. Certainly, less emphasis is put on peace and more on the errors of those held responsible for the discord. Although the Crown was still trying to achieve peace, Ronsard’s words are hardly placatory. The ‘Continuation’ opens lamenting the condition of France. The Protestants are to blame, and they think God is the one leading them. Mais ces nouveaux Tyrans qui la France ont pillée, Vollée, assassinée, à force despouillée, Et de cent mille coups le corps luy ont batu, (Comme si brigandage estoit une vertu) Vivent sans chastiment, et à les oüyr dire, C’est Dieu qui les conduist, et ne s’en font que rire.85

To this point, Ronsard has always described Protestants as being misguided and has felt somewhat sorry for them. Now he is openly critical of their religious doctrine, and goes on to portray them as insane, not just misguided. They are described as ‘fol’ (mad), ‘superbe’ (overbearing) and ‘fier’ (proud).86 Their conviction in their salvation is challenged. Les pauvres incensez, qui ne cognoissent pas Que Dieu, pere commun des hommes d’icy bas, Veult sauver un chacun, et que la grand’ closture Du grand Paradis s’ouvre à toute creature Qui croit en Jesuschrist! certes beaucoup de lieux, Et de sieges seroyent sans ames dans les cieux,

  Literary specialists today often couple it with the ‘Remonstrance’, with the ‘Institution’ and ‘Discours’ forming an earlier pair. 84   The battle of Dreux (19 December 1562), at which Chandieu lost his brother Bertrand, was the only pitched battle of the first war. Both Protestant and Royalist armies lost many men. Montmorency and Condé were both taken prisoner part way through the battle. Knecht, The French Civil Wars, pp. 99–105. 85   Ronsard, ‘Continuation du discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 23–8. 86   Ronsard, ‘Continuation du discours des misères de ce temps’, l. 29. 83

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Et Paradis seroit une plaine deserte, Si pour eux seulement la porte estoit ouverte.87

He criticises their behaviour, carrying arms and storming towns, hardly compatible with their self-image as the True Children of God. He compares their actions to those of Christ, St Paul and the early Christian Martyrs (ll. 45–60). He finds them closer to earlier heretics, the Cathars and the Arians who brought unrest to Christendom and more recently Zwingli, who died in battle. Voulés vous ressembler à ces fols Albigeois Qui planterent leur secte avecque le harnois? Ou à ces Arriens qui par leur frenaisie Firent perdre aux chrestiens les villes de l’Asie? Ou à Zvingle qui fut en guerre desconfit? Ou à ceux que le Duc de Lorreine desfit?88

Biblical metaphor is used to chastise them, comparing the disorder they bring to the plagues of the Old Testament, an extended metaphor equating them with locusts and snakes. Interestingly at this point, Ronsard calls on Beza. His literary past had seen him engage in secular poetry before his dedication to the Word.89 Ronsard reminds Beza France is his native land, not a barbarian territory, and he owes it more loyalty.90 A striking image of Beza’s ‘duty’ involves the Huguenot forces throwing their weapons in Lake Geneva, and Beza returning to Lausanne to teach Greek. Much is made of Beza’s influence over the Protestant forces. He is ‘ainsi qu’un Dieu’ in the minds of the ‘vulgaire ignorant’ who follow him.91 Calvin is also a dangerous figurehead, criticised for staying safe in Geneva, whilst sending deluded followers to die. Que vit tant à Geneve un Calvin desja vieux? Qu’il ne se fait en France un martyr glorieux, Soufrant pour sa parolle? Ô âmes peu hardies! Vous resemblés à ceux qui font les tragedies, Lesquels sans les joüer demeurent tous creintifs, Et en donnent la charge aux nouveaux aprantis, Pour n’estre point moqués ni siflés, si l’yssue De la fable n’est pas du peuple bien receue.     89   90   91   87

88

Ronsard, ‘Continuation du discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 33–40. Ronsard, ‘Continuation du discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 61–6. See footnote 49 above. Ronsard, ‘Continuation du discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 99–126. Ronsard, ‘Continuation du discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 133–4.

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Le peuple qui vous suit est tout empoisonné, Il a tant le cerveau des sectes estonné, Que toute la rubarbe et toute l’anticyre Ne lui sçaueroient garir sa fiebvre qui empire: Car tant s’en faut helas, qu’on la puisse garir, Que son mal le contente, et luy plaist d’en mourir.92

Heresy and infection were frequently paired in controversial literature of the period.93 This has its roots in the conception of civil society as the ‘body politic’, susceptible to disease in the same way as the human body. Ronsard and his fellow Catholics saw Protestants in these terms, as an outside threat to the French body politic. Heresy had come from outside France, rather than recognising the debts the movement owed to native reform movements. In fact, there is no distinction between French Protestantism and Genevan Calvinism. Une ville est assise és champs Savoysiens, Qui par fraude a chassé ses seigneurs anciens, Miserable sejour de toute apostasie, D’opiniastreté, d’orgueil, et d’heresie, Laquelle (en ce pendant que les Roys augmentoient Mes bornes, et bien loing pour l’honneur combatoient) Apellent les banis en sa secte demnable M’a fait comme tu vois chetive et miserable.94

If this city is not razed to the ground, France will be destroyed.95 The ‘Continuation’ strikes a harsh chord, one continued in Ronsard’s next work. The ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’ was composed in late 1562 but published in 1563. The main theme is the disarray of contemporary Christianity: what pagan would convert seeing the divisions? Mais qui seroit le Turc, le Juif, le Sarrasin, Qui voyant les erreurs du chrestien son voisin, Se voudroit baptiser? Le voyant d’heure en heure Changer d’opinion, qui jamais ne s’asseure?96   Ronsard, ‘Continuation du discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 201–14.   Penny Roberts, ‘The Kingdom’s Two Bodies? Corporeal Rhetoric and Royal

92 93

Authority during the Religious Wars’, French History 21 (2007), pp. 147–64; p. 152. 94   Ronsard, ‘Continuation du discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 337–44. 95   This is reiterated in the ‘Remonstrance’, where the German origins of the Reformation are compared to a serpent’s venom that has spread throughout the body of Europe. ll. 323–51. 96   Ronsard, ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’, ll. 41–4.

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Links are made between old heresies (Arian, Manichean) and new (Lutheranism, Calvinism). Ronsard’s true faith is all that keeps him from renouncing this pitiful religion. But he would rather suffer a cruel death than replace this with novelties.97 He does not want to be innovative, but follow the faith of his ancestors – they are in Paradise, and they did not follow Calvin or Beza. This work contains perhaps Ronsard’s most strident attack on Reformed religion. He reiterates the constancy of Catholicism, commenting that apostate monks, benefice holders and lawyers (Luther and the early leaders of the Reformed movement) somehow dare to question God. There is a discussion of doctrine, specifically the theology of the last supper and Transubstantiation.98 Ronsard dislikes what he sees as the Protestants’ use of philosophy and reason. These new doctors act as if they have been blessed by the Holy Spirit, whilst the Church Fathers were liars. He is especially disparaging towards Protestant clergy, as the promoters of these falsehoods. Il ne faut pas avoit beaucoup d’experience Pour estre exactement docte en vostre science. Les barbiers, les maçons en un jour y sont clercs, Tant vos misteres saincts sont cachez et couvers! Il faut tant seulement avecques hardiesse Detester le Papat, parler contre la messe, Estre sobre en propos, barbe longue, et le front De rides labouré, l’œil farouche et profond, Les cheveux mal peignez, un soucy qui s’avalle, Le maintien renfrongné, le visage tout palle, Se monstrer rarement, composer maint escrit, Parler de l’Eternel, du Seigneur, et de Christ, Avoir d’un reistre long les espaules couvertes, Bref estre bon brigand et ne jurer que certes. Il faut pour rendre aussi les peuples estonnés Discourir de Jacob et des predestinés, Avoir S[aint] Paul en bouche, et le prendre à la lettre, Aux femmes, aux enfans l’Evangille permettre, Les œuvres mespriser, et haut loüer la foy, Voylà tout le sçavoir de vostre belle loy.99

  Ronsard, ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’, ll. 57–62.   Ronsard, ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’, ll. 109–36. 99   Ronsard, ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’, ll. 191–210. 97 98

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Ronsard then includes a very personal reflection, on how he had been tempted by Reformed ideas as a youth, but had stayed true to the Catholic Church. J’ay autrefois goutté, quand j’estois jeune d’age, Du miel empoisonné de vostre doux breuvage, Mais quelque bon daimon, m’ayant ouy crier, Avant que l’avaller me l’osta du gosier.100

Is his bitterness due to his own near-conversion to the Protestant faith, his virulence a form of revenge and an attempt to prevent others less fortunate following the same path? He certainly warms to his theme: he will not be mistaken for a Protestant; Huguenots are compared to ancient races of barbarians, a plague that threatens the monarchy and nation of France. It is dismissed as the religion of the uneducated, of youngsters, women, and merchants. As such, Ronsard hopes it will soon be over, for men of reason will surely not be tricked. Ronsard repeatedly uses the word ‘Opinion’, which first appeared in the ‘Discours’: man’s own deductions, not the solid knowledge brought about by true faith. Opinion must be chased away by God, as it threatens Reason, and brings instability.101 Opinion forces combat, and here families are divided, towns ransacked and kingdoms lost, before Virtue is forever lost to Vice. And Opinion, herself the daughter of Fantasy, will then spread over the whole world. Opinion is described in an extended metaphor, connecting her to past heresies before she addresses herself to Luther.102 She has misled Luther into thinking he is being called by God to take up arms and lead the masses, when in fact it is Opinion that has inspired him. Although long passages deal with intellectual concepts, the poem is very much a product of its time. Over 100 lines are devoted to Condé.103 Much is made of the physicality of the war: blood, death, fire and weaponry all play their part, so there is no doubt as to what is damaging France. The dual nature of the Protestants is frequently alluded to. Throughout the work, they are two-faced tricksters. Ronsard pleads with Condé to see how he is being misled. The unnatural discord of the wars is emphasised yet again as Ronsard blames Condé for his brother Bourbon’s death. Having addressed the powers of good – the Catholic princes and their armies – Ronsard prays to God in rather gruesome terms that the enemy     102   103   100 101

Ronsard, Ronsard, Ronsard, Ronsard,

‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’, ll. 211–14. ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’, ll. 245–8. ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’, ll. 255–68; ll. 269–312. ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’, ll. 611–758.

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be defeated and that those who die fighting for France enjoy good deaths and beautiful tombs, so that this will not be forgotten.104 An evaluation of France’s situation at the end of 1562, this poem holds the Protestants responsible for causing horrific social breakdown. Ronsard’s main concern is first and foremost the detrimental effect of the war on France, but there is additionally a strong undercurrent of abhorrence for Protestant belief and practice that has not entered into the discourse until this point. Protestant replies to Ronsard When Ronsard spoke, people listened. It did not take Protestant apologists long to reply to his provocation. The earliest responses were short, sharp verses that never appeared in print, but rather circulated in manuscript in the streets.105 The arguments in these ‘popular’ replies were not sophisticated – they make heavy-handed swipes at Ronsard’s faith and position. Luckily, the Protestant community was fortunate to count amongst its members some extremely talented poets, who quickly took up the challenge laid down. More sophisticated rejoinders were not long in surfacing. From short, anonymous pieces consumed by the crowd, Protestant polemic became sophisticated and effective. The earliest identified is the Contrediscours des misères, attributed to Florent Chrestien.106 Like Ronsard, Chrestien focuses on the turmoil of the current situation – poetry was especially good at capturing the breakdown of society that civil war provoked. Chandieu soon contributed his skills to the attack. His first efforts, the Palinodies de Pierre de Ronsard, sur les discours des misères de ce temps were published in early 1563.107 The Palinodies were designed to cause as much offence to Ronsard as possible. They were published anonymously by the Lyon printer Jean Saugrain, who specialised in producing small

  Ronsard, ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’, ll. 759–826.   Many of these items only survive due to the Protestant surgeon Rasse des Noeux,

104 105

whose personal collection of contemporary verses is now in the Bibliothèque Nationale. The richness of the Rasse des Noeux collection remains largely an untapped resource. One element, funeral verse, has recently been the focus of an article by Jeanne Veyrin-Forrer, ‘François Rasse des Neux et ses tombeaux poétiques’ in Jean-Eudes Girot (ed.), Le Poète et son oeuvre: De la composition à la publication (Geneva, 2004), pp. 37–46. 106   Smith, ‘Reformer’s Reply’. 107   Pineaux points out that l. 193 ff. of the second ‘Palinodie’ refer to the battle of Dreux, but that the Edict of Amboise is not mentioned. Jacques Pineaux, La Polemique Protestante contre Ronsard, 2 vols, (Paris, 1973), p. 2.

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Protestant works in verse.108 The edition was a quarto of 12 folios, comprising three poems. The first is an epigramme in honour of Ronsard: until recently he was a lying poet but he has changed, and no longer wants to be an avaricious sycophant. Before, he was inspired to write by ambition, atheism and distorted reason but now he wants to renounce this former life. This establishes the basic premise of this pointedly satirical work. Taking its cue from Ronsard’s youthful interest in Protestantism, it imagines the poet has embraced the Reformation, and is using his work to atone for his previous misdemeanours. The two subsequent components are reworkings of two of Ronsard’s own works, the ‘Elegie á Des Autels,’ now addressed to Beza, and the ‘Discours des misères de ce temps’. The game is immediately obvious to someone who knows the originals: the first ‘Palinodie’ uses 62.4 per cent Ronsard’s words, the second 64.2 per cent, so each retains just under two-thirds of the original text. The two works achieve this differently. The first ‘Palinodie’ uses Ronsard’s text as a base, and modifies key words throughout the work to change the original meaning. Thus, Ronsard’s famous comment that Protestant attacks made in books should be replied to with books becomes a plea from the ‘Protestant’ Ronsard that Catholics should be preached to, then held back by arms, then addressed in books: Ainsi que l’ennemy par livres a seduict Le peuple devoyé qui faucement le suit, Il faut en disputant par livres le confondre, Par livres l’assaillit, par livres luy respondre, Sans monstrer au besoing noz courages failliz, Mais plus fort resister plus serons assailliz.109 Ainsi que l’Antechrist par ses decretz seduit Le Papiste enragé, qui faucement le suit, Il faut en disputant par presches le confondre, Par armes l’empecher, par livres luy respondre Sans monstrer au danger voz courages failliz, Mais plus fort resister, plus serez assailliz.110   The attribution to Chandieu comes from Ronsard himself, who accuses Chandieu of stealing his work in the ‘Response aux injures et calomnies’, ll. 13–16. On Saugrain, see Andrew Pettegree, ‘Protestant Printing during the French Wars of Religion: the Lyon Press of Jean Saugrain’, in Thomas A. Brady Jr, Katherine G. Brady, Susan Karant-Nunn, and James D. Tracy (eds), The Work of Heiko A. Oberman: Papers from the Syposium on His Seventieth Birthday (Leiden and Boston, Brill, 2003), pp. 109–29. 109   Ronsard, ‘Elegie sur les Troubles d’Amboise’, ll. 19–24. 110   Palinodies de Pierre de Ronsard, reproduced in Pineaux, Polemique Protestante, pp. 1–27; Chandieu, ‘Palinodie I’, ll. 19–24. 108

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This is obviously a militant stance. In dedicating the work to Beza, Chandieu is able to put into the mouth of Ronsard words of praise that obviously come from his heart, not Ronsard’s. This is repeated throughout the work, modifying a few words to alter the meaning. Thus the Guise are praised by Ronsard and vilified by Chandieu, whilst France is destroyed by the new Protestant opinions in Ronsard’s work and by the Roman Antichrist in Chandieu’s.111 The attack on Ronsard is twofold. Firstly, it violates his status as the work’s author, challenging the originality of his verse. This is not imitation as flattery, but as a targeted weapon. Secondly, it completely reverses the sentiment of the argument, turning Ronsard’s criticism into praise. The second ‘Palinodie’ achieves its goal in a different way. It keeps large passages of Ronsard’s original text, and adds entirely new passages, rather than exchanging individual words. This is possible because the ‘Discours des misères de ce temps’ includes passages which keep their sense in this new context: Catherine can still be praised for her knowledge of history, the illustrious past of the Franks can still be celebrated, and the perversity of civil war that divides families can still be mourned. Both Catholic and Protestant agree that France is in danger. What they disagree on, and what Chandieu examines in his new passages, is how this might best be fought. Ronsard puts his faith in Catherine’s leadership through the crisis, and prays to God that he assist her. Chandieu also prays to God, but that France under Catherine might escape the tyranny of Rome.112 Is this really a criticism of Ronsard himself? It obviously conforms to a Protestant agenda, but borrowing his work could be interpreted as a form of flattery. However, at one point Chandieu forgets he is actually writing as Ronsard, and inserts a new passage criticising the poet, slipping from first person to third. He comments on Ronsard’s obvious enchantment which has seen him become a priest, before quickly getting back into character to apologise to God for his previous misdemeanours. En toymesme (ô Ronsard) tu sens, et le confesse, Combien ensorcelé t’es trouvé sous l’opresse De ce monstre malin, qui par moyen ruzé De Poëte sacré, te fit prestre razé Et au lieu de sonner au souverain louanges,

111   Ronsard, ‘Elegie sur les Troubles d’Amboise’, ll. 211–34 and Chandieu, Palinodies, ‘Palinodie I’, ll. 154 and 220; Ronsard, ‘Elegie sur les Troubles d’Amboise’, ll. 127–32 and Chandieu, Palinodies, ‘Palinodie I’, ll. 13–140. 112   Ronsard, Discours des misères de ce temps, ll. 213–36; Chandieu, Palinodies, ‘Palinodie II’, ll. 249–72.

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M’a fait courir apres les Idoles estranges, Puis m’a fait desgorger blasphemes outrageux, Par lesquels j’ay taxé ce Prince courageux, Et ces Seigneurs Chrestiens, qui de Dieu la querelle Et du Roy soustenoient, encontre l’infidelle Papistique tiran, dont je veux par ce vers Le regret que j’en ay chanter par l’univers. Je veux que par Trophée, en ma Palinodie, Quel je suis l’on me voye, affin que chacun die, Ronsard ne sera plus l’enragé contempteur De Dieu, per le moyen de ce monstre menteur.113

Thus the Palinodies are fundamentally a hijacking of Ronsard’s work that not only argue for the opposite of what he intended, but do so by attacking him personally. Chandieu did not leave his criticism there. The Response aux Calomnies contenues au Discours & Suyte du Discours sur les Misères de ce Temps, Faits par Messire Pierre de Ronsard, jadis poete et maintenant Prebstre was published under the pseudonyms of A. Zamariel and B. de Mont-Dieu, but the authors are easily identifiable: Zamariel was Chandieu, the pseudonym a play on his name, using the Hebrew for ‘Song of God’ or ‘Chant de Dieu’. Mont-Dieu, author of the second and third parts was Bernard de Montmeja, who had written the Ode to La Croix that followed the Tragicomedie. The collection was prefaced by a short letter to Ronsard.114 Ronsard is told that if Beza had the time or inclination to reply to his criticism in the Remonstrance, the poet would have to improve his output or keep silent altogether. As he is obviously ‘fort malade de la teste’, this concerned bystander has sent him three pills. The address ends with a nasty quatrain that refers to him as possessed, impure and heretical. Ta Poésie, Ronsard, ta verolle, et ta Messe Par raige, surdité, et par des Benefices, Font (rymant, paillardant, et faisant sacrifices) Ton cœur fol, ton corps vain, et ta Muse Prebstresse.115

  Chandieu, Palinodies, ‘Palinodie II’, ll. 183–98.   The author of this letter was identified by Pineaux as Jean de Novilier, another of

113 114

Condé’s contacts amongst the Protestant ministry. Pineaux, Polémique Protestante, p. 32. 115   Antoine de Chandieu and Bernard de Montmeja, Response aux Calomnies contenues au Discours & Suyte du Discours sur les Misères de ce Temps, reproduced in Pineaux, Polemique Protestante, pp. 32–97.

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Chandieu’s ‘Response’ observes God’s people should be ashamed to have ‘pagan’ poetry in France. A new song is needed to rouse the people, and words are employed as weapons in the fight against the Catholics. Words are important: if used correctly they enhance what is being described, if misused, they corrupt it. Car qui use du vers à chanter sainctement, Il enrichit son or d’un riche diament. Mais le Poëte fol qui par le vers qu’il chante, Verse dans nostre aureille une chose meschante, Il corrompt la bonté du vin delicieux, Y meslant du venin le mal pernicieux. Il plonge et met la perle en une fange sale Qui perd dans le bourbier son eau Orientale. Il faict puir la rose, ou la larme, que rend A l’Arabic heureux, l’arbre odoriferant.116

Ronsard is the prime example of this, using his pen to lie, and attack God, even though his gifts come from God himself.117 His ambition is compared to an unstoppable runaway horse.118 Chandieu engages his theological knowledge to refute Ronsard’s rejection of the Calvinist faith. Ronsard’s insistence on maintaining tradition is of no use if tradition itself is flawed. Instead, he should turn to the Bible. Mais si (mieux conseillé) il te venoit à gré De prendre instruction par le fueillet sacré, Tu sçaurois que de Dieu la bonté et justice Feit l’homme juste et bon, qui depuis par son vice Se corrompant soy-mesme, est tenu attaché En corps et en esprit sous le joug de peché.119

At one point, Chandieu challenges Ronsard directly – he knows Protestantism is not ‘Opinion’ as he as described it, but rather the opposite. Tu sçaurois (pleust à Dieu) que la Religion N’ha rien plus de commun avec l’Opinion,

    118   119   116 117

Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 39–48. Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 55–64. Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 65–74. Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 91–6.

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Que le vray semble au faulz, ou qu’il y a semblance Entre la fermeté et entre l’inconstance… 120

After further rebuttal of Tradition as doctrine, Chandieu puts his theological knowledge and experience to full use, comparing what makes an atheist and what makes a believer. Voyla comment, Ronsard, de l’Escriture saincte, Il faut tirer de Dieu la cognoissance et crainte. Et ne nous fault cercher preuves en aultre lieu, Pour bien cognoistre ceulx qui bien croyent en Dieu, Et pour bien descouvrir les fureurs effrontées Des monstres hommes-chiens, et profanes Athées. Car celuy croit en Dieu, qui l’escoutant parler. Ne veult avec sa voix l’estrangere mesler: Mais Athée est celuy qui Dieu parlant mesprise, Et seulement la voix des hommes authorize. Cestuy là croit en Dieu, qui fermement fondé, S’arreste sur cela que Dieu a commandé: Mais Athée est celuy, que la coustume emporte, Ores croyant ainsi, ores d’une aultre sort. Cestuy là croit en Dieu, qui y croit, non obstant Que l’homme pour cela l’aille persecutant: Mais Athée est celuy, qui a pour ses Deesses, L’humaine volupté, les mondaines richesses. Cestuy là croit en Dieu, qui son seul fils reçoit, Et qui voyant le fils, en luy le Pere voit. Athée est, qui estime estre trop difficile De croire en Jesus Christ, et en son Evangile. Athée est, qui mentant maintient la Papauté, De laquelle il se mocque et voit la faulseté. Athée est, qui n’attend une seconde vie, Athée est, qui un bouc à Bacchus sacrifie, Qui escrit contre Dieu, qui diffame la Loy, Prend le mal pour le bien, et l’erreur pour la Foy, Et qui contre les bons ses oultrages desgorge, Crachant contre le ciel le bourbier de sa gorge.121

The end of this extract is directed specifically against Ronsard, with its mention of pagan sacrifices recalling his dedication to classicalism. Chandieu 120 121

  Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 101–4.   Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 161–90.

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is highly distressed that Ronsard is wasting a divinely given gift. Instead, he should write true poetry, as David did with the Psalms. But Ronsard refuses to listen, and stops up his ears.122 Although he castigates the theologians working for God, the poet is unable to hurt the true Christian soldiers. This becomes a hymn of praise to the soldiers of Christ who make up the Protestant forces. By focusing on Amboise, Ronsard has shown how people can serve their king. Chandieu, an assumed Amboise conspirator, obviously needed to make some rationalisation.123 His final attack on Ronsard plays with the image of the prince des poètes. Instead of the crown inherited from Pindar, Ronsard inherits the crown of the Beast, whose voice no longer sings beautiful songs, but is now only able to bray the mass at people.124 Other Protestants also engaged in polemical verse, including Chandieu’s fellow pastors. In this collection, Montmeja’s works were less obviously based in theological doctrine, although they are manifestly Calvinist. They relied more on a gentle exposition of themes and less on rhetorical flourishes. After the Palinodies and the Response aux Calomnies, Chandieu retired from active participation in the debate, and the Protestant side was continued by writers such as Rivandeau, Lescaldin and Florent Chrestien. The majority of the later works were very long, and although technically proficient, much that they say had already been said by Chandieu and Montmeja. Perhaps the Temple de Ronsard deserves special mention for its gleeful use of satire, depicting Ronsard participating in a pagan sacrifice. Ronsard’s reaction to such criticism, however, deserves closer scrutiny. Ronsard strikes back As the Protestants had reacted to Ronsard’s comments, so the prince des poètes did not delay in replying. His ‘Response de Pierre de Ronsard aux injures & calomnies de je ne scay quels predicans et ministres de Geneve’ was published in April 1563. It differed from his earlier polemical works: those had either addressed a person and touched on political events of the day tangentially, or addressed to a wide audience with a survey of events. This was an exceptionally personal response to the accusations made against him, and as such, it has a much more controversial tone. The work comprises three parts. The first is a prose letter addressed to the reader. It sets the scene by describing Ronsard’s impression of the debate, and gives a very accurate timescale for the poems. Five weeks after the

  Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 263 ff.   See Chapter 3. 124   Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 335–54. 122 123

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death of Guise, early in April 1563, a friend sent him three small books.125 These had been composed about two months earlier, at the start of the year.126 He dismisses the pamphlets’ authors, describing them as ‘quelques ministreaux ou secretaires de semblable humeur’.127 He maintains he has never meant to cause offence to anyone, but he has only recorded events for posterity. He takes a strident tone with his opponents.128 Interestingly, although Ronsard initially addresses his work to authors in the plural, he soon focuses in on one opponent, Chandieu. Although multiple Protestant writers addressed Ronsard, the ‘Response aux Calomnies’ is the only one he singles out with a reply.129 This suggests it had the widest circulation, and had attracted the most attention, forcing Ronsard to retaliate. This would fit with the poem’s inclusion amongst the highly popular Condéan tracts. Chandieu was not only Ronsard’s highest profile Protestant critic; his work was clearly having the most effect. Ronsard’s reply is totally focused on the young pastor. Ronsard pretends he is unable to call out his opponent by name: he describes what he would do if he knew his opponent’s identity, and makes offhand remarks such as ‘la mechante volonté d’un si petit galland que toy’.130 The debate is now a duel.131 The exchange of insults has escalated in significance. This is no longer a pamphlet war, but an honour duel, fought to re-establish Ronsard’s pre-eminence.132 Ronsard   The Duke of Guise was shot and wounded in the shoulder at the siege of Orléans on 18 February 1563 by the Protestant Poltrot de Méré. He died on 24 February. 126   This corresponds with the publication of the ‘Response’ by Chandieu and Montmeja. 127   Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures, Epistre au lecteur’. 128   ‘Donq, quiconque sois, predicant ou autre, qui m’as voulu malheureusement calomnier, je te supplye de prendre en gré cette response, t’assurant que si j’avois meilleure cognoissance de toy, que tu n’en serois quitte à si bon marché, et au lieu de quinze ou seze cent vers que je t’envoye pour rechaufer ta colere, je ferois de ta vie une Illiade toute entiere. Car je me trompe, ou ton froq jette aux horties, ou quelque memorable imposture, ou autre chose de pareille farine, me fourniroient argumens assez suffisans pour t’imprimer sur le front une marque qu’aisement tu ne pourrois effacer.’ Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures, Epistre au lecteur’, ll. 22–32. 129   He would reply to later critics, but in a prefatory letter, rather than with a new composition. See below. 130   Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures, Epistre au lecteur’, ll. 41–2. 131   ‘Le camp est ouvert, les lices sont dressées, les armes d’encre et de papier sont faciles à trouver: tu n’auras point faute de passetemps. Mais à la verité je voudrois que pour esprouver mes forces, tu m’eusses presenté un plus rude champion. Car j’ay le courage tel que j’ayme presque mieux quitter les armes que de combattre contre un moindre, dont la victoire ne me sçauroit aporter ny plaisir ni honneur.’ Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures, Epistre au lecteur’, ll. 56–64. 132   The exchange of insults, sometimes written down, was a key stage in the evolution of a duel. Although Ronsard seems to belittle Chandieu’s status, this is nothing more than 125

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will discredit the preacher’s Genevan doctrines and practices. He compares his task to debating with infidels, Turks or Arabs, and he puts faith in the knowledge that the best man, himself, will win. A quatrain dedicated to Zamariel echoes that printed at the start of the ‘Response’. Ronsard evidently knew Zamariel to be Chandieu. He calls him ‘Predicant et ministre de Geneve’. This raises some questions about how Reformed ministers were seen in France. Chandieu was a minister of the French Church, not a member of the Genevan Compagnie des pasteurs. It is unlikely Ronsard made a factual error. Rather, this is symbolic of a deeper intuition on the part of the French people, that Reformed Protestants were automatically members of a ‘Church of Geneva’, opponent of the Church of Rome, and were thus committed to an ideology fundamentally contradictory to that on which French national identity was founded. Being Protestant meant having ideological loyalty to Geneva. The quatrain establishes the contempt in which Ronsard holds Chandieu, referring to him as wrong, enraged, proud and deceitful. The preacher is wholly at the mercy of his emotions, hardly an ideal spiritual leader. The main poem has a simple focus: to destroy the reputation of Ronsard’s opponent, and to re-establish Ronsard as the pre-eminent poet of the day. It reveals how offended Ronsard was, and shows a malicious side to the poet not usually discussed by critics. Ronsard’s opponent is a ‘Miserable moquer’ only brave enough to confront the prince of poètes when Guise is no longer alive to punish him.133 The greatness of Ronsard is contrasted to the obvious inadequacy of his opponent. Ronsard frequently repeats his next assertion, that in fact he does not want to engage this person in poetic combat, because he is so obviously superior to this nameless scribbler. Rather, he wishes he could have a proper opponent, one worthy of his poetical engagement. Beza would be a preferable antagonist.134 But this person whose work was merely stolen from Ronsard is unworthy of his time and effort. Although he maintains he is not that distressed by the result, nevertheless Ronsard wants to respond to some of the comments that were made about him: he is not going to be vindictive or malicious, but rather he wants to set the record straight in a few areas. The first point to address is the accusation that Ronsard is a priest. To this, he replies that he would love to be a priest, or a bishop, as it would be an honour to serve God. The contrast with how he views the Protestant ministry is striking. empty insult – quite apart from their actual titles and positions, the accepted rules of duelling would have made it very difficult for men of unequal rank to engage each other. Stuart Carroll, Blood and Violence in Early Modern France, (Oxford, 2006), Chapter 4. 133   Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 1–4. 134   Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 45–59.

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Je serois reveré, je tiendrois bonne table, Non vivant comme toy, ministere miserable, Pauvre sot Predicant, à qui l’ambition Dresse au cueur une roüe, et te fait Ixion, Te fait dedans les eaux un alteré Tantalle, Te fait souffrir la peine à ce volleur egalle Qui remonte et repousse aux enfers un rocher Dont ta pris ta naissance, et qui voudroit chercher Dedans ton estomaq, qui d’un rocher aproche, En lieu d’un cueur humain, on voiroir une roche: Tu es bien malheureux d’injurer celuy Qui ne te fist jamais oultrage ny ennuy.135

Reformed Protestantism is understood to be a repressive religion that denies people’s natural desires and urges, in an implicitly unhealthy way. The extended word play on the image of the ‘Roche’ is an obvious allusion to Chandieu.136 Chandieu represents all Protestants, and Ronsard is projecting onto him all the assumptions he has made about Protestants in general and ministers in particular. The insults get very personal: Chandieu is even described as a Disciple of Satan.137 As a minister in the Reformed Church, he is obviously in league with the Devil. The imagery employed gets very graphic. Si tu veux confesser que Lou-garou tu sois Hoste malancoliq’ des tombeaux et des croix, Pour te donner plaisir vrayment je te confesse Que je suis Prebestre ras, que j’ay dict la grand messe, Mais devant que parler, il faut exorciser Ton Daimon qui te faict mes Daimons despriser.138

The people are encouraged to flee this monstrous werewolf spitting up his poisonous venom and only able to be cured by a nine-day abstinence from that which pollutes him: the word of Calvin.139 Ronsard’s vitriol comes

135 136

  Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 103–14.   Chandieu was still the younger brother in the family at this stage, and going by the

title sieur de La Roche. 137   Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, l. 118. 138   Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 129–34. 139

  Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 135–210.

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from the appropriation of his own work to mock him, but is typical of the kind of imagery Catholics employed against Protestants.140 One of his strident claims is that Chandieu’s attack is unchristian, and incompatible with the role of a pastor. Ronsard’s reaction is virulent. Ta langue monstre bien aux brocards qu’elle rue. Que tu portes au corps une ame bien tortue! Quoy? est-ce le proffit et le fruit que tu fais En preschant l’Évangille, où tu ne cruez jamais? Que tu moques bien de l’escripture sainte Ayant le cueur mechant, et la parolle feinte! …. Apren icy de moy que Dieu te punira, Et comme tu te ris, de toy il se rira: Tu peux bien en mentant tromper nous pauvres hommes Qui grossiers de nature et imbecilles sommes, Non la fureur de Dieu, qui voit d’un œil profond Ton cueur et tes pensers et sçait bien quels ils sont.141

He pities Chandieu’s obvious jealousy that has led him to make such uncharitable accusations as that Ronsard has venereal disease. Ronsard goes on to lament that he has been called an atheist. He thinks Chandieu has written him off as such because he studied Reformed ideas and was not seduced into believing them. He compares his life in France, quiet and law abiding, with Chandieu’s, who has brought a Trojan Horse into the kingdom.142 Chandieu has wilfully misinterpreted incidents such as a banquet for Jodelle as pagan rites.143 And in case this is not enough to make Chandieu repent, he is reminded of a ‘sacrifice’ Beza made of a moth, in a poem of 1548, proving that even people praised by Chandieu have embraced this art form in the past.144 Ronsard refutes accusations of a lascivious lifestyle by describing his daily routine of study and prayer.145 This leads back to an extended attack on the differences between Catholics and Protestants.146 The overall theme 140   The Parisian priest Artus Désiré compared Protestants to swine, and other Catholic polemicists made reference to dogs, foxes and common beasts. G. Wylie Sypher, ‘“Faisant ce qu’il leur vient a plaisir”: The Image of Protestantism in French Catholic Polemic on the Eve of the Religious Wars’, Sixteenth Century Journal 11 (1980), pp. 59–84; p. 72. 141   Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 219–24 and 229–34.

    144   145   146   142 143

Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, l. 315. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 463–88. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 489–94. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 507 ff. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 621–46.

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is the duplicity of the ministers, who will be forced out by the cunning of the fox-like Ronsard. Each of Chandieu’s ‘points’ is introduced by ‘tu dis’, and then refuted by Ronsard. Calling to mind a catechism, the reader is conditioned to treat all Chandieu’s propositions as erroneous. Items challenged include Ronsard’s relationship with his Muse, the Colloquy of Poissy and his attendance at a sermon by Beza.147 It is wrong of the Reformers to believe that virtue can only be found in Geneva, when it can be found all over the world.148 And it is also wrong for them to teach that France’s illustrious ancestors will be pleased by the new direction in which they are steering the country, when in fact they are disturbing their peaceful rest by abandoning tradition.149 Chandieu is derided as being a mere ‘versificateur’ unable to comprehend the beauty of Ronsard’s work.150 Finally, Ronsard appears to lose his temper with the young pastor. Escoute Predicant, tout enflé d’arogance, Faut il que ta malice attire en consequence Le vers que brusquement un poëte a chanté? Ou tu es enragé, ou tu es enchanté, De te prendre à ma quinte, et ton esprit s’oublie De penser aracher un sens d’une folye. Je suis fol, Predicant, quand j’ay la plume en main, Mais quand je n’escri plus, j’ay le cerveau bien sain.151

Ronsard believes he needs to teach Chandieu about poetry: the pastor has misunderstood and has taken all these verses too literally. Verse is about the joy of composing, and one should compose for pleasure. Ronsard warns the nobles who have been tricked by these sweet-talking preachers: if they let them into their homes, they put themselves at risk.152 He is keen to re-establish himself as the perfect poet and a good Catholic: he is inspired by his muse, and is a far superior poet.153 He refuses to respond to Chandieu’s theological arguments, which he compares to a tramp who has filled his pockets with rubbish picked up from his travels. Instead, he accuses Chandieu of upsetting the social order, insulting the Queen Mother and tricking the Bourbons into supporting the Protestants.154 Ronsard’s     149   150   151   152   153   154   147 148

Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 681–8, ll. 699–710 and ll. 719–30. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 781 ff. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 813 ff. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 847–98. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 899–906. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 951–8. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 1035–42. Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 1147 ff.

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parting shot is that he is really above trading insults in the street, and that the people of France need to beware: what happened in Saxony is not what God intended for his people.155 From 1563 the poem was followed in most editions by a short prose extract entitled ‘Aux bons et fideles Medecins Predicans’. This is a direct reply to the letter by Jean de Novilier. It tells Ronsard’s opponents that he took the pills they prescribed for him, but as he is still of the same opinion, they obviously cannot have worked. Instead, they should take his medicines as a purgative. These Latin works include a ‘recipe’ of various herbs and natural products that are to be mixed into a draught which can be taken at moments of crisis. A Protestant poem subtitled ‘The Croaking of a Frog from Lake Geneva’ mocks Ronsard’s special relationship with the Muses and his affinity for the Mass. A reply to this states Ronsard has been inspired by St John the Evangelist to write to these croaking frogs, who threaten to drown out men of good faith with their noise.156 The frog is said to be one of three, the others being Calvin and Beza, but he is the loudest of the three. This frog has never tasted the waters of Pindar like Ronsard, but merely the stagnant waters of Lake Geneva, impure having been mixed with dirty snow from the mountains. This is why the frog’s throat is infected and his words are only croaks. Only a frog could corrupt the sacred words of the Mass. Ronsard advises the frog to leave and make as much noise as possible whilst he still lives, as he will never trouble the land of the faithful. The summer of 1563 saw several Protestant replies to Ronsard.157 The debate was brought to an end by the promulgation of an Edict by Charles IX on 10 September 1563, which forbade any further ‘libelles’ being published. However, Ronsard managed to sneak in one final riposte, using the ‘Epistre au lecteur’ of his 1564 ‘Nouvelles Poesies’ to reply to these other critics. In this, he maintains he does not read the work of his detractors, even through they read and copy his work, and he is able to list them by name. He uses the letter to continually prove his devotion to France and to the king. And although new contributions to the dialogue petered out, Ronsard incorporated his side of the Discours into his Collected Works. They appeared in a separate section and continued to form an integral part of the works throughout their publishing lifetime.

  Ronsard, ‘Response aux injures’, ll. 1157–9 and ll. 1169 ff.   There is some dispute as to whether Ronsard was the author of this piece. 157   See Table 4.1. 155 156

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The Discours and its companions: a snapshot of France on the brink The Discours is an incredibly rich resource that provides a compelling commentary on France as she teetered on the edge of civil war. The scope and range of the poems and the fact that so many refer back to each other indicates how vibrant the intellectual culture of the day was. However, it presents a stumbling block in many commentators’ appraisals of Ronsard. The standard texts on the Pléiade and Ronsard tend to run over the events as perfunctorily as possible, somewhat unnerved by Ronsard veering away from his traditional role and acting more as a hired pen.158 The best introduction to the concept of polemical debate and its application during the early Wars of Religion is that of François Charbonnier. Although nearly a century old and written before several of the more obscure works had been rediscovered, Charbonnier’s bibliography of Protestant pamphlets and overview of both sides of the debate reveal the vast expanse of works written in the spirit of engagement, from ‘valueless’ quatrains to sophisticated epic works stretching over hundreds, indeed thousands, of lines.159 From this wealth of information, and that provided in the collections of Bordier and Jacques Pineaux, it is clear that the Ronsard polemic, whilst singular in its development and consistent high standards, was by no means an isolated instance of poetic engagement.160 From the outset of the wars, poems had been used by both sides to express beliefs, hopes and opinions. This was a disposable medium, characterised by relatively quick production and a short shelf-life. The key was using device and style to ensure the ideas stuck in the reader’s mind. This has been noted by one of the Discours’ later commentators, Malcolm Smith, who also highlighted the ‘high topicality’ of the works involved. He cites the example of Ronsard’s ‘Discours à la Royne’, originally anonymous, and rushed off the presses in the last six months of 1562. An early reply fails to mention Ronsard’s name and makes no mention of the ‘Continuation

158   For example Chamard, Histoire de la Pléiade, Chapter 21; Champion, Ronsard et son temps, Chapter 5; Michel Dassonville, Ronsard: étude historique et litteraire, vol. III ‘Granduers et Servitudes’ (Geneva, 1995), Chapter 4. ‘Un poète dans la mêlée’[Chapter 4 of ‘Granduers et Servitudes’] is disappointingly simplistic in its understanding of the wider context surrounding Ronsard’s output at this point. Far more informative on a literary level is Marcel Raymond’s L’influence de Ronsard sur la poésie française, which demonstrates incontrovertibly the debts owed between the participants for their style and ideas. 159   F. Charbonnier, Pamphlets Protestants contre Ronsard 1560–1577 (Paris, 1923); F. Charbonnier, La poésie française et les guerres de religion (1560–1574) (Paris, 1920, reprinted Geneva, 1970). 160   Henri-Léonard Bordier, Le Chansonnier Huguenot du XVIe Siècle (Geneva, 1969); Pineaux, Polémique Protestante.

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du discours’, written soon after the Discours’ publication.161 Smith and Francis Higman both marry intricate literary critique of the individual works with the unfolding situation.162 Were these works read by people at the time, and did they reflect popular opinions? They were subject to quick turnover between writing and publication, and were in such demand that several needed multiple print runs. It was of course a very small section of the population who actively engaged in the discourse itself, but the rapidity of production and the number of editions suggest that the works at the very least found a market. As to who was buying them, after the first few Protestant works, which have only survived in manuscript due to the Rasse des Noeux collection, the anticipated audience clearly has a disposable income with which to purchase pamphlets. They are also obviously educated, as these particular pamphlets assume a level of classical knowledge. The fact of armed conflict increased the flammability of the situation, and this mixture of manifesto and name calling gives deeper insight into what was going on in people’s minds. What these poems demonstrate is how totally the wars mobilized different sections of French society and how advanced the manipulation of the media to win hearts and minds actually was. So effective was this engagement, however, that its own participants became caught up in the emotions, exemplified above all by Ronsard’s vitriolic response to Chandieu’s mockery. Yet Ronsard would be thwarted in two ways. Firstly, the conclusion of the peace negotiations of the Edict of Amboise saw the circumstances change, and his brand of intellectual propaganda become outdated, as Protestants were once more, theoretically, reconciled with the crown. And he never succeeded in provoking Beza to reply.163 The origins of this personality contest stretched back over a decade, to the publication of Beza’s Abraham Sacrifiant, with its prefatory letter which rejected his youthful inclination to classical poetry, and encouraged those blessed with   Smith, ‘A Reformer’s reply to Ronsard’s Discours à la Royne’. Smith further demonstrates this ‘high topicality’ and its effect on speed on publication in his examination of a later work by Ronsard, after the end of the Discours debate. A work written before the battle of Moncontour in 1569 praying for Catholic victory had to have its title changed at the last minute, supposedly by the printer, when the battle was indeed won by the Royalist forces. See Smith, ‘An early edition of a Discours by Ronsard’. 162   Smith, ‘A Reformer’s reply to Ronsard’s Discours à la Royne’. See also M. Smith, ‘Ronsard et ses critiques contemporains’, in Smith, Renaissance Studies Articles, pp. 219–26; Higman, ‘Ronsard’s political and polemical poetry’. 163   This decision by Ronsard to engage with Chandieu alone, whilst denying he is engaging and declaring Beza is his only worthy adversary, has led some commentators to attribute all three parts of the ‘Response aux Calomnies’ to Chandieu. This supposition has been rejected by Pineaux amongst others. 161

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the gift of verse to put it to the proper use, celebration of God.164 It is interesting, indeed, that apart from Ronsard, the most visible personality in this whole enterprise is one who did not take part, Beza, as the ultimate champion of the Calvinists and the only worthy opponent of Ronsard. This debate provides a hitherto untapped source for evaluating how Protestants saw themselves, and were seen by their enemies. Both sides celebrated their devotion to France, but they were two different Frances. Ronsard’s France was the France of the established monarchy and of tradition, the Catholic France that had been created in the public imagination over many centuries, the France of Chivalric Order and where the Monarch had the title ‘Most Christian’. The France of the Protestants was Christian too, but in the sense of being God’s chosen people. Subject only to His word and not to any foreign forces, to their minds, they were loyal to their king and to their faith. Here we have the first flashpoint between the two sides: what was France to them? Ronsard demonstrates his loyalty to France by addressing her monarchs and by creating extended allusions to her glorious past: with references to her unconquered status, the envy of other European nations, her great kings and nobles. These are mirrored in the Protestant works, which are also steeped in the glorious past of the mother nation, the implication being that this state has been lost and must be sought again. Ronsard perhaps makes this most apparent in his extended description of the dishevelled personification of France.165 This repeated glorification of the nation state, however nebulous that concept was, is essential to understanding the depths to which the ideological conflict would sink: no compromise was possible when both sides understood their actions to be fundamentally based in loyalty to the state. For Ronsard and the Catholics he represented, this was rooted in tradition and continuity, seen in repeated references to ancestors and elders and time. For the Protestants, loyalty to a Christian king could only be based on the words of Scripture: tradition could be flawed, and indeed was flawed, and could not be relied upon to ensure France’s continued glory.166 For history is not isolated in the past. Both sides comment on the necessity of making an accurate record of the ensuing events so that future generations can avoid a similar situation. But this precious loyalty to God and the state is not something that occurs

164   Malcolm C. Smith, Ronsard and Du Bellay versus Beze: Allusiveness in Renaissance Literary Texts, (Geneva, 1995), Chapter II. 165   Ronsard, ‘Continuation du discours des misères de ce temps’, ll. 319 ff. Micha discussed the tradition of the allegory of France which had medieval precedents in the work of Alain Chartier in ‘Sur l’Allegorie de la France’. 166   Chandieu, Palinodies de Pierre de Ronsard, ‘Palinodie I’, ll. 103–21.

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in isolation: there is always an opposite which will be used to define the opposing side. In ascribing themselves the moral high ground of loyalty, each side automatically denigrates their opponents as disloyal. This takes two main forms. There is the usual interpretation of disloyalty, as in betrayal of the country to an outside power. For Ronsard, Calvinists have done this by turning to Geneva above all, but also to Germany.167 By seeking spiritual guidance from an outside source, they are held to be betraying France. Of course, the Protestants use the same argument for Ronsard, but replacing Geneva with Rome. Although the tradition of Roman dominance had been challenged in France by Gallicanism, the Reformation would still highlight the dominance of the Pope in Catholic religion, and the corruption of the clergy. The Catholics represented by Ronsard were guilty of other forms of treason, however, by their association with the Guise. As the cadet house of Lorraine, not then a part of France, their service to the French crown under François I and Henri II could be ignored and their foreign nature highlighted.168 This question of origin proves to be extremely powerful: in a similar way Calvin and Beza’s native Frenchness can support them, as natural patriots concerned with restoring the greatness of France, or against them, to portray them as traitors to the national cause who had fled abroad.169 This is further reinforced by Ronsard’s continued insistence on the Protestants as social agitators, disrupting the social fabric of the country.170 These images are in turn used by the Protestants, equally shocked by the rupture of French life. And they repeatedly go to great lengths to state they have nothing to do with the Anabaptists, Münster or any other socially radical groups. Clearly, the idea of loyalty and what it meant to be a good Frenchman was not a concrete thing, but rather was consolidating into two different images, one based on tradition, the other on obedience to Scripture. It is telling how Chandieu and Ronsard treat Geneva and its role within French Protestantism. Ronsard sees them as two sides of the same coin, Chandieu is a ‘ministre de Geneve’, Calvin sends out ministers from his city to pollute France. There is no recognition of any native root for French Protestantism – it is a foreign import, and it poses a threat to the   Ronsard, ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’, ll. 333–51.   Chandieu, Palinodies de Pierre de Ronsard, ‘Palinodie I’, l. 220. 169   Protestant works dealing with this include André de Rivandeau’s Remonstrance à 167 168

la Royne Mere du Roy reproduced in Pineaux, La Polemique Protestante contre Ronsard, 2 vols, (Paris, 1973), as well as Montmeja, ‘Response aux Calomnies’ II, ll. 199 ff. For Ronsard’s opposing attitude, see especially ‘Continuation du Discours des Misères de ce Temps’, ll. 201–14 and 337–44. 170   Perhaps best seen in the elegies to Des Autels and Des Masures.

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security of the French nation. Chandieu, on the other hand, is keen to stress Protestant loyalty to France. He even goes so far as to maintain that the Conspiracy of Amboise was a demonstration of loyalty to France.171 He mentions Calvin only twice by name, in the first ‘Palinodie’, when he is using Ronsard’s text as a base.172 Then as now, it seems difficult to untangle French Protestantism from its Genevan counterpart. For Ronsard, this is one of the most dangerous aspects of the movement. But for practitioners like Chandieu, the Geneva link is not important enough to mention. It is a logistical concern, and they are happy to recognise anyone who shares their Christian values. What is far more crucial is their loyalty to France. They are bringing the true word to their homeland. They are loyal to their king and concerned by the disorder of the kingdom – disorder brought about by failure to live a Christian life. Words as weapons Throughout the discourse, there is constant reference to the power not just of the Word of God, but also to words themselves. This is first raised by Ronsard in his poem to des Autels, when he mentions how necessary it is to employ books to ‘attack’ the Protestants in response.173 Chandieu replies directly to this in his opening ‘Response’.174 That Ronsard is wasting a divinely given gift is of great distress to Chandieu. This repeated emphasis on the dual nature of the word as both weapon and protection provokes consideration of what role these poems fulfilled for their authors at this time. These were pieces written to sway opinion, and their intention was less to justify their own author’s beliefs than to vilify their opponents. By employing memorable images (Ronsard and Chandieu describe each other as fantastical animals, Chandieu’s title of La Roche is used by Ronsard to portray him as dense),175 the fight that had started in the fields at Vassy and Amboise and had threatened the walls of Orléans could be carried further, into the houses of the intelligentsia, where concepts such as loyalty and what it meant to be French were intellectualised, as opposed to the gut feeling supposed of the peasant classes. As might be expected of ‘war poetry’, a vocabulary based on war, weapons and confrontation forms a continual backdrop to the personal     173   174   175   171

Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 297–302. Chandieu, Palinodies de Pierre de Ronsard, ‘Palinodie I’, lines 72 and 131. Ronsard, ‘Elegie sur les Troubles d’Amboise’, ll. 21–2. Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 33–48. Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 335 ff., Ronsard, ‘Response aux Injures’, ll. 129–34 and 109 ff. 172

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vendettas for which the poems are perhaps most celebrated. More than a mere rhetorical device, however, the shaping of words into ‘weapons’ is an explicit choice made by the authors due to their understanding of the written, and more specifically printed, word. For Ronsard and for his critics, the poems they write are not just commentaries on the situation, or reactions to it. The poems themselves are part of the conflict, they are weapons in the fight, and they are produced and deployed in this manner to have the greatest possible effect on the enemy. The use of weapons as metaphor within these poems demonstrates how keenly people appreciated the power of the word on the page in the age of religious war. The polemical battle they represent was as vital as the physical one to those involved. Using words as part of their fight, these authors made the identification of their words with the weapons their fellows carried onto the battlefield, and continued the conflict on a new and exciting front. Although the language of violence within these poems is highly stylised, it is a language of combat nonetheless, and its implications cannot be ignored. The majority of these items were produced in the opening months of the war, after the Massacre at Vassy, and as towns and cities all over France were experiencing unforeseen acts of violence. By referring to a stock collection of references to arms, swords and weapons, Ronsard and his Protestant critics were consciously layering their poems with potentially deadly significance. Protestant self belief What do these works tell us about how Protestants saw themselves at the outbreak of the wars? Two main groups composed replies to Ronsard. Chandieu and Montmeja were pastors. They were the men who so far had shaped Protestant identity by their application of theology, by their construction of prototype Church structures, and by their own dedication to the word. Their works were pictures of the ‘official’ side of the French Protestant movement, even if they wrote anonymously. They debated with Ronsard on serious ground. They discussed theology, they showed awareness of politics, and although they might not be above the odd biting sideswipe, their objective was kept firmly in mind. They saw the Protestant movement as the embodiment of God’s will on Earth, and everything Ronsard and his fellows did, at court, in the Catholic Church or reviving pagan debauchery, was diametrically opposed to this, therefore it had to be openly identified and castigated. The later writers, like Chrestien and Grévin, were not ministers, and as such were less concerned about the promotion of Reformed Protestantism to readers outside the debate

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itself. Chandieu and his co-ministers used this opportunity to promote the Reformed movement. Chrestien and Grévin, good Calvinists though they might have been, were mainly concerned with vilifying Ronsard: this they did well, and memorably, but for little discernible purpose other than he offended their co-religionists. Their arguments were well expressed, especially the virulence of the Temple, but they were no different to arguments thrown against Ronsard time and time again, and not always by Protestants.176 They less promoted Protestantism than fought the Catholic faith by attacking a well-known figure whose actions laid him open to criticism. It was not only Ronsard who wrote of ‘heresy’ and its effect on the country. Joachim du Bellay engaged in the idea of Church reform in his Regrets, coming to the same conclusion as Ronsard, that the Catholic Church needed reform from within.177 In the 1550s, the ultra Catholic Etienne Jodelle wrote verses denouncing Protestantism, as did Artus Desiré in his Disputes de Guillot le Porcher, which took on Calvin’s theology directly. But Ronsard’s work provided a framework in which the representation of Protestantism in France was coherent. Protestants were foreigners. Their importation of ‘foreign’ belief was anathema to a ‘loyal’ Frenchman such as Ronsard. Furthermore, the implication was that the Protestants were seditious, a charge that many Catholics would take to heart after the debacle of Amboise.178 This negative stereotype was further darkened by the images of seduction and trickery the Protestants were understood to employ. Protestants fought to reclaim their image in the face of Ronsard’s dismissal of them as followers of ‘Opinion’, yet the divisive reputation of Protestantism was hard to ignore. Division was visible within France of course, but also within the Protestant movement itself.179 The positive image maintained by the serious Protestant poets could not help but be undermined. What is most surprising in this entire debate is the similarity of each side’s self image. Both Catholics and Protestants held the same values dear: those of order, loyalty to one’s country and monarch, and the fundamental greatness of the French nation. Both despised disorder and disloyalty. Where their consensus broke down was over the minutiae of theology, minutiae which proved to be so important that each side’s adherence to the same values made them implacable enemies with little hope of reconciliation. What the Discours demonstrated best of all, perhaps, is 176 177

  Smith, ‘Ronsard et ses critiques contemporains’.   Sonnet 43, Joachim Du Bellay, Les Regrets et Autres Œuvres Poëtiques, J. Jolliffe

(ed.) (Geneva, 1979), p. 111. 178   See Chapter 3. 179   See Chapter 6.

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the intransigence of the situation once war had broken out. The same arguments being repackaged ad infinitum seems rather emblematic of the wars themselves. The poetical polemic of the early 1560s has been neglected as a source for understanding popular sentiment during the early Religious Wars. Partly, it is due to the nature of the works themselves. Poetry could be seen to be a rather affected manifestation of sentiments expressed more accessibly elsewhere. Additionally, the common interpretation of literature specialists has been to condemn Ronsard’s works in the debate as amongst the poorest of his oeuvre. They do not show the innovative beauty of his love poems of the 1550s, or the majestic sweep of his projected Franciade, a nationalistic rendering of the tale of Troy. Instead, they show Ronsard as a hired pen for the Crown, peddling jingoistic royalist propaganda, and as a bitter narcissist lambasting anyone who dares criticise him. For those who hold Ronsard and the Pléiade poets as the exemplification of a new purer poetical attitude, this episode is not attractive, hence the Discours poems are not considered alongside the more ‘acceptable’ works in his canon. And although the Ronsardian side of the debate has long been available due to the large number of modern editions of his work, it was not until Pineaux published his collection La Polémique Protestante contre Ronsard that both sides of the debate could be easily seen in context. Still, few historians have used these sources, preferring to leave evaluation to literary scholars more interested in the works’ reflection of the great Ronsard than of society at large in 1560. The true nature of the Ronsardian polemic is, in fact, more complicated, and provides a literary snapshot of educated reasoning and confessional justification at the outbreak of the religious wars. And what happened to these spirited defenders of the faith? Ronsard continued in the service of the Crown, promoting the idealised France through verse. The text of the Discours poems was incorporated into his Oeuvres, which enjoyed continued print runs throughout the sixteenth century. Montmeja and Chandieu both continued their pastoral duties, and developed a less antagonistic line of meditative verse. Florent Chrestien turned his hand to translation of non-threatening authors like Pybrac and spent most of his career in service as the future Henri IV’s tutor. André de Rivandau spent most of his life in Poitiers, producing biblically inspired poetry and drama. None changed their religious allegiance, which makes their early defences of their thought so engaging, and gives such an insight into confessional thought processes at the outbreak of the Wars.

Chapter 5

Creating a French Protestant Ideal

Martyrs are at once recognisable and yet strangely alien figures in the Reformation world. They are recognisable through the carefully constructed paradigms that martyrologists created and that subsequent scholars have illuminated for us, yet they are alien through the very act that admits them to this special club. The martyrs themselves are remote figures – their experience is not one that can be shared, but rather it comes to others interpreted by one of the great martyrologists of the age. Chandieu joined this select group in 1563 with the publication of arguably his most celebrated prose composition, the Histoire des persecutions et martyrs de l’eglise de Paris. A combination of personal observation and documentary evidence, the Histoire went beyond recounting life stories as case studies. Instead, its details and its moving opening letter to the surviving congregation in the capital painted a dramatic picture of life as a member of the Reformed community in France. In highlighting the ever-present risks that Protestant worship entailed, and the ultimate sacrifice that one might be called to make, Chandieu stressed the vivid realities of Protestant existence. But his aim was not just commemoration of those who had died. Chandieu wrote about events he had witnessed, about people he knew and had lost. Part of the Histoire’s power comes from Chandieu’s closeness to his subject matter. Chandieu wrote to understand the upheavals of the war. But, ever practical, there was another side to his writing too. As a persecuted minority, it was not unheard of for members of Protestant congregations to become overwhelmed by the difficulty of the situation. The risk was of lapsing back to either full Catholicism or Nicodemitism. One way of bolstering faltering confidence was by giving Protestants an ideal to live up to, a description of Christian life and practice which could be admired, but also emulated. By giving believers wholesome   Antoine de Chandieu, Histoire des persecutions et martyrs de l’eglise de Paris, depuis l’an 1557 iusques au temps du Roy Charles neufiesme. Auec une Epistre contenant la remonstrance des proffits qui reuinedront aux fideles de la lecture de ceste histoire: & une exhortation à ceux qui nous ont persecutez, de reuoir nostre cause, & iuger derechef si ç’a esté à bon droit, qu’ilz ont fait mourir tant de seruiteurs de Dieu (Lyon, [Sébastien Honorat], 1563).    Nicodemitism, the outward conformity to one religious practice whilst internally embracing a different theology, was a major concern of Calvin. His antipathy was expressed in his Excuse à Messieurs les Nicodémites (1544) and throughout his other writings. 

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examples to follow, and underlining the spiritual rewards that followed, people were encouraged to lead comparable lives. Chandieu’s contribution to this paradigm became one of the early touchstones of a defining genre of Protestant literature. Martyrs were celebrated in all branches of European Christianity in this era, and had a profound effect on their surroundings. It was this power over the inner sensibilities of those around them that the martyrologists sought to engage. The reliability of martyrologies as sources has been questioned: they recall mediaeval hagiographies and also run into the realm of propaganda. This was not Chandieu’s primary motivation in writing. Witnessing a martyr’s death might have inspired conversions, but Chandieu wrote the bulk of his memorial directly for the people in his own Church. He wished to provide them with an exemplary format of how to live their lives. Accordingly he included question and answer sections that recalled the catechisms in their direct and simple espousal of Reformed theology as it applied to everyday life. The martyrological tradition and its celebration stretched back many hundreds of years, and was employed on each side of the confessional divide. For Chandieu, the imperative for his setting pen to paper was ultimately to bring about a practical end, that of shoring up the French Church. His own martyrological effort was fully integrated with his continuing mission to bring about a secure Reformation in France. Chandieu had spent the first war at the centre of operations in Orléans, advising Condé and Coligny. He had first-hand experience of the perils of war, and of the dangers people faced. By this stage, he had lost his brother, and considered that Condé had bartered away the future of the Protestant congregations. Although the provisions of the Peace of Amboise could be considered generous, to many, including Chandieu, they left the Churches

  “Public executions became a powerful arena for evangelisation. From the perspective of civil and ecclesiastical authorities, the condemned ought to have begged forgiveness and reconciliation. To onlookers, the sight of men and women going to their deaths willingly, and bearing extreme pain with extraordinary patience, could spark interest and even conversion.” Brad S. Gregory, Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, MA, 1999), p. 7.    Gregory, Salvation at Stake, p. 16.    The pedagogical aspect of the Protestant martyrological tradition in the Netherlands is also addressed in Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion, (Cambridge, 2005) p. 206.    The most celebrated martyrology in the French language was that of Jean Crespin, the first edition of which appeared in 1554. The first French folio edition, published in 1564, incorporated large sections of Chandieu’s work. J.F. Gilmont, Jean Crespin: Un éditeur réformé du XVIe siècle (Geneva, 1981) and David Watson, ‘The Martyrology of Jean Crespin and the Early French Evangelical Movement, 1523–1555’ (Ph.D. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997). 

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vulnerable and exposed. It is in this context that Chandieu’s work must be considered. He had worked tirelessly for years to establish Reformed Protestantism in France, and now it looked as if it might have the ground cut from under it. Forces inside the French Protestant movement itself looked like they might succeed where Catholic opponents had failed. The Peace of Amboise halted the expansion of the urban Churches, whilst a growing movement questioning the Discipline was coalescing around Jean Morély. Chandieu would put his considerable talents to use in combating these twin threats. The Histoire des persecutions and the Paris Church: reassuring the faithful The Histoire was published twice just after the end of the first war in Lyon. The work opened with a long dedicatory letter to the Paris Church over 77 pages. This letter explained why Chandieu wrote the book, and summarised the situation of the French Church following the conclusion of the Peace of Amboise. Chandieu believed that his brothers in Christ might profit from images of courage and faith in the face of persecution. He also wished to instruct their enemies in the justness of the Christian cause. The letter took these two points in turn. The first 34 pages addressed Chandieu’s Parisian co-religionists directly and explained what Chandieu expected them to take from the book. He presented persecution as proof of their status as God’s children, and martyrdom as the ultimate expression of faith. Throughout, the memory of the first War of Religion was never far away. Chandieu opened by comparing the faithful to sailors: the feeling of relief at having survived the war was like that of a sailor coming through a storm or a soldier surviving a siege. God had brought them through their difficulties and now they could appreciate their deliverance: ‘Or Dieu, par sa grace, aprés ces tempestes tant horribles des persecutions, desquelles nous auons esté agitez, commence à donner à son Eglise vn temps vn peu plus doux, & paisible, & petit,[sic] à petit, nous mene à vn port plus

  Janet Gray has questioned the impact of the treaty on Protestant expansion, and Condé’s responsibility for the edict’s final form. Although she concludes the edict did not have a significant impact on the fortunes of French Protestantism, she does not acknowledge its role in fragmentation of the movement which was already visible at this stage. Chandieu certainly felt the treaty had stored up trouble for the future. Janet Gray, ‘A Fresh Look at the Effect of the Treaty of Amboise on the French Calvinists’, Fides et historia, vol. 12, pp. 75–88. 

  See Chapter 6.   All citations are taken from the edition attributed to Sébastien Honorat. Antoine de

 

Chandieu, Histoire (Lyon, [Sébastien Honoret] 1563).

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assuré.’10 Now they needed to show God their gratitude, as the Israelites did.11 Although Chandieu expected his co-religionists to thank God for their deliverance, he knew this would not end their troubles.12 Chandieu did not see the peace as a lasting conclusion to France’s situation. This is not surprising, given that he felt Condé’s negotiations at Amboise had betrayed the main body of the Church to make circumstances easier for nobles to practise Calvinism. Chandieu’s main reason for writing was to make his co-religionists aware of the debt they owed to God. He kept them safe through persecution, and repeatedly demonstrated that they were his people. Consequently, they should glorify him.13 Chandieu believed God saw his people as a community and he recognised the ways in which his Paris congregation was touched by persecution. Some had lost their family members, others property and possessions, others had been imprisoned. He believed that members of the Church would not desert her in the face of persecution, if only they were steadfast: ‘Car ie ne doute point qu’il ne se soit trouué beaucoup de timidité en la plus part: & mesmes que plusieurs n’aient tourné le dos, & quitté la victoire aux ennemis, quand il a esté question de combatre.’14 Chandieu was worried that the congregation was at risk, and was trying to forestall any Protestants tempted away from the Church. He was aware of the danger of their situation, and was trying to reassure them. This did not conform to Calvin’s rejection of active resistance. Although Chandieu told his brethren to rejoice in their persecution, because it proved they were the children of God, he was also very aware of the Churches’ unstable position. Even in this celebration of martyrdom, that act which most distinguishes the devoted Christian from his more ordinary counterparts, Chandieu’s

  Chandieu, Histoire, aa2v. This image of the ship in a tempest had been used by Ronsard in the polemical exchange with Chandieu, Ronsard, ‘Institution’ (ll. 107–10). It obviously struck a chord with Chandieu, who would use it again in the ‘Ode sur les misères des Eglises françois’, Epithaphe, B1v. See Chapter 7. 11   Chandieu, Histoire, aa3r. 12   In the first of several statements that identify this work as being a product of a period of unsettled peace, he wrote: ‘Il est vray que ceste paix qu’il nous a donnée est encore pleine de beaucoup de menaces: & sont tellement vaincus noz ennemis, qu’ilz taschent encores de se redresser, & faire nouuelles entreprises: voire & pouons bien encores chanter ce verset [Psalm 126], Poursuis Seigneur ton oeuure, & nous change entrierement ceste estrange prison.’ Chandieu, Histoire, aa3v. 13   ‘Portant ie vous faiz present de ce recueil, comme d’vne aide à vostre memoire, que puissiez auoir quelque fois entre voz mains, pour vous faire souuenir de la misericorde que Dieu vous a faite, & que soyez incitez de l’en glorifier sans cesse, & sentiez à iamais combien vous este redeuables à sa maiesté, de vous auoir tant de fois garnetis comme son peuple, & sacre heritage’. Chandieu, Histoire, aa4r. 14   Chandieu, Histoire, aa6r. 10

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insecurities about the fate of the Church surfaced.15 He was concerned that the threat was coming from within. This was not a question of the faithful being overrun by their enemies than of them losing their nerve and bringing about their own destruction. Chandieu worried about the effect of continued persecution on the Church and this work was openly designed to combat this: ‘Au demeurant ce recueil aussi vous enseignera vostre condition, la façon de laquelle Dieu veut conduire son Eglise, quelle est sa puissance & sa protection: & y verrez, à l’œil, la fidelité de ses promesses, qui nous sont faites en sa parole.’16 To combat this dangerous mal-à-l’aise, Chandieu reiterated how persecution proved the Church’s election in the sight of God. Remarkably self-assured for such a young man, Chandieu’s gifts as a preacher and orator are seen in his declamations, reminding the congregation with whom he had worked for six years that God was with them, that persecution could not turn them from their faith. His rhetorical skills were fully employed. At one point, he took the experiences of the Paris Church itself, and from persecution drew optimism.17 The Church had survived against the odds, from her humble beginnings, through repression and 15   ‘Si en vn siege il s’est trouué des defauts & foiblesses en la ville, & que les ennemis aient faits là leurs efforts, & qu’il y ait eu dangier de l’eschelle, ou autrement, ilz rempareront ce costé là, & seront si bien que la ville sera en bon estat de defense vne autrefois… Si d’vn part le Diable a fait bresche en vous pour saisir vostre cœur, & le tenir asserui à crainte: fortifiez ce lieu là. Si de l’autre costé vostre chair a esté rebelle à Dieu, & vous a esté vn traistre domestique pour vous liurer, & vous faire accorder à la volonté des ennemis: deffiez vous en vne autrefois & la tenez suspecte. Si encores d’vne autre part les biens, les richesses, les dignitez, vos amis vous ont fait perdre courage, & tomber les armes de voz mains: apprenez à vous en donner garde.’ Chandieu, Histoire, aa6v–7r. 16   Chandieu, Histoire, aa7r. 17   ‘Voicy vne poure Eglise en son enfance si foible, que rien plus: il n’y a, pour en faire le commencement, qu’vne dozeine de personnes contemptibles: au milieu des menaces, des glaiues, & des feux elle croist, petit à petit, iusques à estre en fraieur à l’Antechrist, & aux siens. Ell’est en toutes façons combatue par toutes les puissances du monde: les Princes s’arment contre elle, le peuple se mutine: elle est mesmes dedans le fort le plus redouté de Sathan, enuironnée de ses principales force. Par plusieurs fois les ennemis donnent dedans, pillent, saccagent, bruslent, emprisonnent, & mettent les pouures ouailles en fuite: elle est reduite comme à n’eant[sic] toutesfois en vn instant elles est releuée, & florit plus que iamais. Si on tasche de l’intimider, elle se fortifie: si on en veut appetisser le nombre par meutres, le nombre redouble: si on la veut deffigurer, & la rendre sanglante, elle en est plus belle, plus glorieuse, & plus aimable. Ses ennemis la redoutent: & la plus part cognoissons la faute qu’ils ont faite, viennent luy demander pardon… Les autres sont naurez de pointes renaissantes en leurs consciences, pour luy auoir fait la guerre: les iniures, qui luy sont faites, sont vengées… S’il faut que la guerre recommence, elle est tellement secourue, que la victoire finalement luy demeure. Elle n’vse d’aucune force humaine, ce sont les ennemis: ils frappent, elle endure: ils donnent les coups, elle les porte: ils ont les glaiues, elle n’a que les plaies, & les blessures. Tant y a qu’elle surmonte, & retourne du combat victorieuse, & triomphante. D’ont vient cela? De la faueur de Dieu, & de sa protection.’ Chandieu, Histoire, bb1r–bb2r.

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persecution. In spite of continued attacks on the congregation as a whole, and on individual members, the community had grown from strength to strength. He allowed himself just a hint of victory: vengeance had been taken, enemies vanquished, but still uncertainty lingered: ‘S’il faut que la guerre recommence’. Their continued faith in God’s glory demanded that the Paris Church should remember their martyrs.18 Martyrs were good examples to those they left behind. They showed survivors how to be strong, and that God’s protection touched all believers. The Church’s sufferings could be used to strengthen those left behind. Yet this was not a hagiographic process. The people and incidents that Chandieu described were examples to be held close to the heart and to inspire, but there was no similarity to the Catholic cult of saints, and Chandieu was adamant that the distinction be clear.19 Interestingly, Chandieu did not believe that his was the definitive account, nor that his work should be the only one to addresses the persecutions of those who follow Christ. Rather, his was a preliminary work which would be followed by other accounts as the ranks of witnesses swelled.20 Central to this was the quest for accuracy. Aware that his presentation of events could be challenged by the prosecuting authorities and religious opponents, Chandieu attempted to counteract any criticism. It was   ‘Car les exemples des saints Martyrs ont tousiours serui aux autres, pour leur donner courage de marcher hardiment en leur vocation, sans aucune crainte des tourmens, & de la mort: pource qu’on voit là le soing que Dieu a de ses enfans, le secours qu’il leur donne, & les consolations qu’il met en leurs cœurs, pour leur faire surmonter les horreurs du supplice… Voilà (mes treschers freres) les fruits que ie vous presente en la lecture de ceste histoire, quand ie vous renouuelle les tribulations passées, la conduite de ceste Eglise, dés sa naissance, les deliuerances que Dieu a faites de nous tous, & les combats heureux de noz freres. Voilà diie la façon, de laquelle ie desire que vous celebriez, & solonnifiez (s’il faut ainsi parler) la memoire de voz Martyrs, & de voz persecutions.’ Chandieu, Histoire, bb6v and bb8v. 19   ‘Car si on a eu souuenance des Martyrs, ce n’a point esté à ceste fin là que le peuple, par leur exemple, fut enseigné de tenir ferme la profession de l’Euangile, & l’adoration d’vn vray Dieu: mais qu’espris d’vne sotte & peruerse admiration de leur saincteté, il les eut pour Dieux, & leurs fit hommage. On a fait thresor, non point de la confession de leur foy, de leurs parolles sacrées, de leur constance: mais de quelques meschans haillons, de quelques vieux drappeaux, de quelques os de cheuaux ou d’asnes, qu’on a fait baiser à ce poure peuple aueugle, pour leurs reliques. Si d’auantage il s’est trouué quelques escritures touchant les Martyrs, elles ont esté ou falsifiées, ou du tout supposées par les Moines, pour les faire seruir à leurs seductions & impostures.’ Chandieu, Histoire, cc1r. 20   ‘Vous auez veu l’auancement du regne de Iesus Christ, qui a esté entre vous en peu d’heures vous auez veu aussi la guerre, les volleries, les meurtres infinis, qui ont esté faits par noz aduersaires iusques à nou dissiper du tout. Ces choses meritent bien aussi d’estre escrites: mais en attendant ie vous presente ceci, comme pour auance: à fin que les considerations que ie vous ay monstrées en noz premieres persections, vous facent receuoir auec moins d’amertumes les grandes pertes, que vous auez faites en ceste persecution derniere.’ Chandieu, Histoire, cc1v. 18

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important to him that the events he reported were the absolute truth. Chandieu built his case on the behaviour of the witnesses, as befitted his legal training. Were any doubt to be cast on his sources, then his conclusion, that these persecutions proved the Church’s protection by God, would necessarily come under suspicion also.21 Because of this quest for truth, Chandieu the historian found himself with a variety of sources. Most valuably, he had the verbatim accounts of interrogations and trials, as with the cases of Anne du Bourg and Jean Morel. He also had access to other first-hand accounts, in the letters sent by the persecuted to their loved ones and pamphlets circulated amongst the faithful. In the absence of similar written accounts, there was finally the testimony of those who witnessed the events described, Chandieu’s own Parisian congregation. This hints at the importance of this work to Chandieu on a personal level. He had personal knowledge of these people, he had visited them in prison, and consequently he was able to draw upon his own life in recounting their experiences to his reading public. The combination of factual reportage and personal involvement ensured the emotional power of the resulting text. The second part of the letter supposedly addressed those who had carried out these atrocities. Chandieu referred to the Catholics indirectly, as ‘povres ignorans’ he felt sorry for. Whilst apparently geared towards convincing Catholics of their errors, the work did not in fact address them directly. This was a rhetorical conceit. Chandieu was well aware of this work’s market. The title alone made its religious provenance abundantly clear to prospective purchasers. Although it did mention ‘une exhortation à ceux qui nous ont persecutez, de reuoir nostre cause, & iuger derechef si ç’a esté à bon droit, qu’ilz ont fait mourir tant de seruiteurs de Dieu’, the work’s confessional bias was evident from the first page. The sections haranguing Catholics for their misdemeanours were not addressed to them, because no Catholic would ever read this work except to refute it. His exchange with Ronsard shows what Chandieu would produce when he really had a Catholic audience, as would his later theological works.22 As Chandieu knew few Catholics would read his words, let alone

21   ‘… ie veux bien protester que ie n’y ay rien mis, que ie n’aye eu de la main mesme de ceux qui sont morts, ou apprins de leur bouche, quand ie les ay visitez en la prison, ou extrait des registres des greffes, ou veu de mes yeux, ou receu des fideles tesmoins. I’ay trouué quelques fois en leurs confessions des choses assez obscures, les autres en assez mauuais langage, selon qu’ilz estoient de diuerses nations, ou gens mechaniques: & possible eut-on requis de moy, que le tout eut esté escrit d’vn mesme stile, & plus aisé: mais i’ay tousiours fait scrupule d’y rien changer, diminuër, ou adiouster.’ Chandieu, Histoire, cc2r. 22   For example, as in Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foi publiée par les moines de Bordeaux, discussed in Chapter 8.

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be persuaded to righteousness by them, he employed this section as an additional warning against apostasy to wavering Protestants. Portraying himself as a concerned helper, Chandieu hoped his compilation will show waverers the truth and negate the need for God to exact vengeance upon them.23 He contrasted the Catholic image of Protestants as baby-eating, incestuous rabble-rousers with a description of French Protestantism that mirrored his words to Ronsard, a group loyal to their king and state, who only wanted to serve God.24 The point that they were loyal subjects was particularly important.25 His involvement in Amboise would have made Chandieu all the more aware of how Protestants were perceived by a hostile Catholic population. Chandieu knew the public perception of Protestants was unflattering, and hoped to counteract this.26 He admitted the secrecy surrounding Protestant meetings caused people to suspect them. Those who believed the rumours spread about Protestants were clearly taken in by the Devil and his minions the monks, whom Chandieu blamed for inciting the Rue St Jacques incident with inflammatory rumours.27 By supposedly addressing Catholics, Chandieu was able to break down key points of Protestant doctrine and practice for his audience. To contrast the unflattering Protestant stereotypes that dominated the public imagination, Chandieu both summarised Protestant doctrine for nonadherents and recapped the qualities of the ideal martyr for practising Protestants.28 Anne du Bourg was mentioned as an ideal martyr, not 23   ‘… aprés vne inustice si grande & cruauté, il y a eu ce remede pour appaiser l’ire de Dieu (lequel n’a rien plus à cœur que les outrages faits aux siens) reuenir à foy, & toutes mauuaises affections & persuasions refroidies, faire vn droit iugement par la parole de Dieu, de la cause de ceux qui ont esté oppressez: & l’innocence d’iceux estant cogneuë, gemir, & crier mercy à celuy qui a esté offensé.’ Chandieu, Histoire, cc2v. 24   Chandieu, Histoire, cc3v. 25   ‘Vray est que nous voulons tousiours garder la souuerainté à Dieu, & la maistrise de noz consciences, pour luy obeir plustost, qu’aux hommes: mais nous n’en pouons estre chargez, puis que la parolle de Dieu nous le commande: & n’estimons aussi les Roys si dereglez, de vouloir que leur domination ruïne l’authorité qui appartient à Dieu: duquel euxmesmes sont vassaux, auec toutes creatures.’ Chandieu, Histoire, cc4v. 26   Luc Racaut, Hatred in Print: Catholic Propaganda and Protestant Identity during the French Wars of Religion (Aldershot, 2002), pp. 45–6. 27   ‘En la rue S. Iaques l’assemblée des fideles est descouuerte: on se souuient des sermons des Moines, qu’on s’assembloit pour faire coniuration, paillarder & tuer les petis enfans: ce bruit est semé par toute la ville, & met en telle sorcenerie le peuple, qu’il n’y a aucune esperence de cruauté qu’il ne desploie, sans aucun respect, dessus les femmes & petis enfans. Et depuis ceste opinion a continüé, & renforcé de plus en plus la haine qu’on nous portoit.’ Chandieu, Histoire, cc7v–8r. 28   ‘Ils confessent vn Dieu en trois personnes: vn mediateur Dieu & homme Iesus Christ: & les Symboles leur sont autant de parolles sacrées, sur lesquelles ilz appuient leur foy. Ils

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specifically the ‘best’, but certainly the most well known. Du Bourg was a member of the Paris parlement whose criticism of repression led to his arrest and execution in 1559. His death was of immense significance to the emerging Parisian congregation, as its highest profile loss, and it became the subject of many pamphlets. But there were even more illustrious figures with whom the Protestants could identify. To those who accused Protestants of being troublemakers, Chandieu observed this is what people said about Christ. And he continued this identification of Protestant martyrs with the early Christians by looking at their persecutors: at least the Early Christians were persecuted by pagans, who did not know any better. Chandieu’s poor compatriots were attacked by those calling themselves Christians. Chandieu warmed to this theme, reiterating the many reasons why the victims of repression were true martyrs. Two things proved this: firstly, their blood would be the seed of the Church, inspiring continued growth; secondly, the vengeance of God would be felt by those who oppress His true Church.29 Recent French history supported this: the persecutions angered God, who sent suffering for France to endure.30 Chandieu believed that Catholics were spared thus far so they could repent. For once directly addressing his opponents, the indignation and incomprehension Protestants felt towards their tormentors was finally expressed: ‘Or Dieu vueille… que ce recueil vous profitte, pour vous donner, auec cognoissance de vostre faute, vn vrai desplaisir de l’auoir commise: à fin que vous conuertissans à luy, l’ire de Dieu soit destournée: & qu’en repos tous ensemble seruoins à sa Maieste.’31 recognoissent la misere & poureté de la nature humaine: & gemissent dessous le fait de la condamnation à laquelle tous sont assuiettis par le peché: & estans confus en eux mesmes, cherchent leur entirere deliuerance en nostre Seigneur Iesus Christ. Son sacrifice leur est vne oblation saincte & suffisante pour le reconcilier pleinement à Dieu: l’effusion de son sang, vne entiere purgation de leurs offenses: sa iustice, son obeïssance, sa protection vn manteau precieux, pour les rendre tousiours deuant Dieu sainctes & irreprehensibles… La loy de Dieu leur est vne doctrine si accomplie, qu’ilz iugent non seulement temerité, mais sacrilege estre en ceux là qui comandent autres œuures, & y lient les consciences, ou au contraire les deschargent de ce qui leur est commandé en icelle loy, pour lascher la bride à leurs folles intentions, remplir la terre d’images, & oeuures de main d’homme. Finalement la predication de la parolle de Dieu leur est vn thresor si riche, qu’ilz ne le peuuent abandonner pour chose aucune: non plus que l’vsage des Sacremens: lesquelz ilz ont en honneur, & en font autant que Dieu a ordonné.’ Chandieu, Histoire, dd1v–dd2r. 29   Chandieu, Histoire, dd7v. 30   ‘Ie veux seulement monstrer que la mort des seruiteurs de Dieu ne s’est point passée sans tesmoignages euidens du courroux de Dieu. Car dés le commencement de la guerre, qui a esté faite à ceste Eglise, qu’on m’a dise d’ou procedoit la deffaite des François à Sainct Quentin, les approches des ennemis, la fraieur de toute la ville, la fuite des citoyens, le trouble de tout le pays, que la main vengeresse de Dieu, punissant les outrages qui nous estoyent faits?’ Chandieu, Histoire, ee1v–2r. 31   Chandieu, Histoire, ee7r.

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Chandieu’s introductory letter is revelatory of his situation and that of the Church after the first war. Although the National Synod had set down a basis for Church structure which Chandieu and his colleagues hoped would prove sufficient for continued growth, the climate of persecution meant that nothing could be taken for granted. Aware that some might be scared away from embracing the new faith once they saw the potential risks, Chandieu needed to find a way of turning this situation to his and his Church’s advantage. Despite his mock-overtures to Catholics, this was always intended primarily as a work of spiritual reference for French Protestants and his own Parisian congregation in particular. For those who needed guidance to engage Catholics in debate, there was the recapitulation of points, biblical references and summaries of Protestant doctrine. For those wavering in their own faith and in need of reassurance, there was the constant reiteration of the justification of those in God’s Church. The Histoire idealised the Protestant martyr to both friend and foe. The groundwork for this was laid in the introduction by Chandieu’s association of the Paris Church with those persecuted in the Bible, and his identification of Anne du Bourg as a paradigm. Chandieu included two sonnets before the main text. These were not amongst his greatest works, but then they were not meant to be read as stand-alone pieces. They were designed to stimulate a certain emotional disposition in the reader, preparing their minds for the work they were about to read and, as such, their literary quality becomes secondary to their practical application. Certainly, Chandieu was not above employing his poetic gifts to tug at the heartstrings, and this was an obvious place to place such items. They were carefully placed within the structure of the work as a whole, almost little sideshows, a quick breathing point between the direct address of the letter and the main text of the Histoire. They reinforced Chandieu’s points of the introduction and guided the reader on into the text. The first sonnet concentrated on the spectator – or in this case the reader – and on what they could learn from the constancy of the martyrs. Seeing and hearing of their deaths was not enough.32 A martyr at the stake moved the spectator to consider their constancy, and God’s obvious support of the man going to his fate. Chandieu explained the deeper significance of martyrdom – it was not enough to see someone give up their life, the true worth was in the thoughts that it inspired, and the recognition of man’s reliance on God. This was further explored by the second sonnet. This picked up the imagery of flames mentioned in the first line of the opening verse, and used it as an emblem both for the persecution meted out to true believers, and of the faith that kept them strong. The flames which persecuted became the flames of faith, and 32

  Chandieu, Histoire, ee7v.

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those subjected to them became enflamed for the service of God. This is a more powerful flame than that of torture.33 The two sonnets encapsulated Chandieu’s main points in the introduction – the strength of the martyrs, and the task left to those left behind – ensuring this suffering was not in vain by continuing to support the Church. Persecution and pamphlets: Chandieu’s approach to martyrology The Histoire is a substantial book, with the main text running to over 440 pages. It was printed with no chapter divisions and the text is largely continuous. In both of the editions printed in 1563, the printers made no attempt to differentiate the different martyrs’ accounts with paragraph divisions or internal headings. Nor is there anything similar to the typographical artistry seen in the martyrologies of John Foxe or Jean Crespin, where the use of different typefaces breaks the text and provides ingenious differentiation between stretches of narrative and citations from contemporary legal documents or the prisoners’ interrogations and confessions of faith.34 The Histoire in contrast to these more famous works makes little concession to the reader and is therefore somewhat daunting to read. It does however have frequent marginal annotations by which the reader is guided through the events. The opening section deals generally with the development of the Paris Church. Chandieu does not see it as having come together through necessity, as suggested by the interpretation of Beza’s Histoire Ecclésiastique, but as a gathering of blessed individuals who survive for two years before they face real persecution.35 The fact that these foundational events are discussed so very briefly indicates the nature of the book. It is not a general history of the Paris Church, but rather of its sufferings, and thus events which do not pertain to the extraordinary persecution of Church members are kept to a minimum: the founding of the Church, its day-to-day functioning and wider logistical events like the National Synod are barely referred to. The first major incident described is the attack in the Rue St Jacques. Chandieu describes the Protestants praying for the good of the country when they are set upon by the priests at the neighbouring Collège du Plessis. The atmosphere is carefully evoked: the noises, the shouts of ‘Lutherans’, the stones thrown through the windows create an aura of anticipated 33 34

  Chandieu, Histoire, ee8r.   Gilmont, Jean Crespin, Chapter VIII, especially pp. 179–87; Susan Felch, ‘Shaping

the Reader in the Acts and Monuments’, in David Loades, John Foxe and the English Reformation (Aldershot, 1997). 35   See Chapter 2.

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terror. This is reinforced by descriptions of the deliberations amongst the Protestants.36 It is broken only by the death of one of those escaping, hit by a rock and then repeatedly struck by the besieging Catholics.37 The magistrate restores order, but at the expense of Protestant freedoms. Chandieu evokes especially the plight of the women, as active participants, pleading with their persecutors for mercy and protecting their children.38 They are subjected to terrible abuse, verbal and physical.39 Even here, God looks after his children: when sent to prison, the jailors put them in cells together, so they sing psalms and pray together.40 The aim is clear: Chandieu hopes to establish early on both the torment that the Parisian Church faces, and the strength they draw from each other. From this dramatic set-piece opening, Chandieu goes on to describe the falsehoods told about the Protestants, including that they met together for banquets and debauchery.41 These ideas have been fanned by monks, nuns and priests, and Chandieu believes they eventually reached the court

  ‘Ce danger esant venu si soudain, & contre l’attente de tous, apporta vne grande fraieur à ceux de dedans: & pensoient bien estre tous massacrez là sur l’heure. Toutesfois ceux que auoient la conduite & gouuernement de l’Eglise les r’assurerent aux mieux qu’il fut possible, les exhorterent à patience, selon le peu de loisir qu’ilz auoient: & apres auoir prié Dieu par plusieurs fois, furent d’auis qu’on print vne resolution de ce qu’estoit de faire. Il falloit faire de deux choses l’vne: ou attendre la venue des iuges, & vne mort certaine, en faisant vne ouuerte confession de sa foy: ou rompre ceste multitude furieuse qui tenoit la maison assiegée. Finalement à la suasion de ceux qui cognoissoient la coardise de ceste canaille Parisienne, on conclud de la forcer & passer au trauers: les hommes qui auoient espées marchans les premiers, pour faire le passage aux autres.’ Chandieu, Histoire, a3r–v. 37   ‘Vn seul de toute la trouppe, n’ayant sa course libre entre tant d’empeschemens, fut attaint d’vne pierre, & abbatu sur le paué, & apres a diuers coups assommé d’vne façon pitoyable, iusques à perdre toute forme humaine.’ Chandieu, Histoire, a3v. 38   Chandieu, Histoire, a4r. 39   ‘… elles furent nommés putains, & chargées de toutes sortes d’iniures, outragées de coups: leurs accoustremens furent mis en pieces, leurs chappons abbatus de leurs testes, leurs cheueus arrachez, & leurs visages souillez & couuerts d’ordure & fange.’ Chandieu, Histoire, a5v. 40   ‘Toutesfois Dieu, qui a tousiours le soing des siens, auoit pourueu a ce qu’ilz ne demeurassent sans consolation. Car pour le grand nombre de prisonniers, les geolliers auoient esté contrains d’en mettre plusieurs en vn mesme lieu: tellement qu’il s’en trouuoit tousiours quelquun plus fortifié que ses compaignons, qui donnoit courage aux autres. De tous costez pseaumes se chantoient, & retentissoit tout le Chastellet des louanges de Dieu: suffisant tesmoignage d’vne singuliere asseurance, qu’ilz auoient en leurs cœurs de leurs innocence.’ Chandieu, Histoire, a6r. 41   G. Wylie Sypher, ‘“Faisant ce qu’il leur vient a plaisir”: The Image of Protestantism in French Catholic Polemic on the Eve of the Religious Wars’, Sixteenth Century Journal 11 (1980), pp. 59–84. 36

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through the machinations of the Cardinal de Lorraine.42 In the face of such evil, the Church is strong and determined to protect its people. The leaders inspire the people to keep their courage high, and the persecution is seen as a trial sent by God to strengthen the Church. Each member of the Church is to perform the same tasks: each family is to say special prayers, each individual prostrates themselves before God, false rumours are to be crushed, and consolation should be brought to those in prison. With this in mind, a remonstrance is composed for the king, to combat the bad opinion he has of the Protestants and to dispel the lies spread about them. Chandieu includes a synopsis of this remonstrance: the Protestants protest they have been grossly misrepresented to the king, that theirs is not a new religion but the true Church, and that they cherish order above all things.43 They beg the king to let them practise their religion, offering to take on theologians of the Sorbonne in his presence to prove their theological foundations. Other remonstrances were directed towards a wider audience. Chandieu includes another one in its entirety, one he himself had written. This is the Apologie ou deffense des bons Chrestiens contre les ennemis de l’Eglise Catholique. Chandieu’s introduction of his own pamphlet into the Histoire describes its use of the Church Fathers as proof of the truth of the Protestant cause. The text of the Apologie stretches over 40 pages. It proclaims the need for transparency in the hearts of those who stand before God, so Catholic charges of blasphemy can be properly judged and refuted. Two types of people persecute them: ignorant ones, and those who were knowledgeable. Ignorant people just want to see Protestants die: Chandieu is particularly critical of their attitude to women, and he underlines that people from all social classes were slandered and attacked. He concludes this introduction telling them: ‘Lisez donc ces choses attentiuement, au Nom de Dieu, & prenez garde à tels exemples, à fin de n’estre transportez par faux bruits, ne deceuz par les iugemens des hommes’.44 Again, even though Chandieu says he writes for those outside Protestantism, his words mainly focus on explaining who these opponents are. The Apologie uses early Christian writers to prove that the Protestant community is the direct successor of the Ancient Church and thus the true Church of God. Chandieu relies heavily on Tertulian, the sole father referred to over the first nine pages of the pamphlet, before turning to Justin Martyr, Cyprian, Arnobius, Octavius Christian, and Nicefore.   ‘Et ce bruit estoit non seulement entre le commun peuple: mais entre les plus grands, iusques au Roy: auquel on tascha de le persuader par faux rapports. Charles de Lorraine Cardinal estoit lors seul ayant grande puissance en la Court.’ Chandieu, Histoire, a6v. 43   Chandieu, Histoire, a8r–v. 44   Chandieu, Histoire, b3v. 42

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Chandieu describes the circumstances of persecution in which they found themselves, the decrees promulgated by the emperors and so forth. He concludes that these writers provide ample proof that the Ancient Church was greatly persecuted by tyrants yet its members remained steadfast. This should convince contemporary naysayers that their campaign would be ineffectual, and that the Protestant Church will flourish and expand just as the Early Church did. The Apologie effectively combats one of the main insults thrown at the Protestants, namely that their religion was innovative and broke the line of succession from the True Church. There is no doubt that this was a common accusation. Chandieu rejects these claims by demonstrating how Catholicism had deviated from the True Church. He is especially critical of the hypocrisy he sees behind most Catholic criticism, Protestants being portrayed as dissolute, when it is Catholic clergy who are truly deviant.45 But the analogies drawn between Protestantism and the Ancient Church were important. The correlation sustained Protestant hope. By focusing on the persecutions of the Ancient Church, Chandieu gives his readers a very potent parallel. They are experiencing the same persecutions as the Church established by Christ himself, and the expectation is that their Church will survive and flourish as his did. It is striking that to this point, there have been no actual martyrs. The text has focused on persecution, and the reactions of the Church to it. Chandieu’s primary objective in writing is not to memorialise those who have died, but to inspire those left behind. Consequently, the background to the persecutions, and the attempts of the Protestant community to deal with the persecutions, are important to the overall aim of the text. The action is presented as an ongoing struggle against the forces of oppression: the Apologie is well received, and persuades many that Protestants are doctrinally sound, which in turn provokes intense Catholic reaction, spearheaded by Antoine de Mouchy of the Sorbonne.46 Each new piece in the propaganda war provokes a fresh response, which Chandieu is careful to include. Chandieu was keenly aware of the power of the word. He demonstrates how a pamphlet could be taken up by the reading public, and its contents established as common fact. It might be argued that this is ultimately an all-too-knowing conceit. Chandieu’s own work is part of this phenomenon, he is contributing to it with the present work, and his ultimate ambition is to trump his Catholic opposition into submission with the kind of mass appropriation of his work that he describes in relation 45   ‘Pourquoy blasme-il en nous le vice, lequel il ne fait point y estre, & l’approuue és autres, esquels il le voit estre manifestement? Les paillardises de ses prestres sont cogneües, elle sont deuant ses yeux, les rues, & bien souuent les maisons sont pleines de leurs bastards;’ Chandieu, Histoire, c7v–8r. 46   Chandieu, Histoire, d1v–2r.

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to the Apologie. But the Histoire is a very different kind of work, in size and scope. The inclusion of pamphlets and synopsis within its text refines its execution, but does not ultimately distract from the aim of sustaining the Paris Church. To achieve this, his accounts of the persecutions needed to go further than words exchanged in print, and focus on the physical manifestations of repression, and the people who suffered them. Chandieu’s martyrs Throughout Chandieu’s career, he often tapped into the current literary trend without becoming a slave to its conventions. Although definitely a martyrology in its choice of subject matter, Chandieu’s subject was the Church itself, and what it suffered. The martyrs were an integral part of this, as they illustrated this suffering most dramatically, but they were secondary to the main narrative, that of how the Church had survived. Hence nearly 25 per cent of the Histoire is given over to describing events that challenged or shaped the Church. Chandieu never lost sight of the fact that the Church in Paris had played a critical role in both the establishment of the Reformed community in France and in the turbulent political events of the last three years. The events of the day punctuate the accounts of the individual martyrs. Thus he includes the establishment of an Inquisition, the meetings at Pré-aux-Clercs, the introduction of the infamous ‘Mercuriale’, the first National Synod, the death of Henri II and the Conspiracy of Amboise.47 And as he includes his own writings, Chandieu also includes other texts which illuminate the situation, such as ‘Lettres des princes Protestans au Roy’ from the German Protestants to Henri II,48 and a letter of support from the Genevan Church.49 Interweaving national events and personal experience ensured Chandieu’s martyrs were more than just a list of names. Instead, he built their individual cases into a larger narrative structure. The specific details of individual cases were given whilst keeping the reader informed of various national developments. Chandieu maintained a careful balance between martyrs, events and supporting documents. The effect is impressive. Rather than producing a martyrological ‘scrapbook’, Chandieu’s technique keeps the cases in context. For example, he describes the establishment in September 1558 by the king of a commission to examine those accused of 47 48

  Chandieu, Histoire, k2r, k4v–k6r, v1r, v5r, x6r and D6v.   Chandieu, Histoire, k6r–l1r, dated Frankfurt 19 March 1558 and signed Le Conte

Palatin, Le duc de Saxe, le Marquis de Brandenbourg, Electeurs: Le Conte Wolfgang Conte de Veldour, le duc de Wirtemberg. 49   Chandieu, Histoire, v8r–x4r.

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heresy.50 This is a neat introduction to his first ‘proper’ martyrs, George Tardif, Nicholas and an anonymous embroider from Sens.51 It is also clear that although nominally a work addressing the tribulations faced by the Church in Paris, Chandieu’s martyrs actually come from all over France, as seen in table 5.1. Chandieu’s approach is simple. He establishes the individual’s religious credentials, then challenges these with persecution, before reporting their steadfast dedication to the true faith.52 This basic narrative formula was repeated throughout the work. Firstly, the victim’s adherence to the faith is established. Once under arrest, the victim demonstrates his steadfastness by refusing to capitulate and through the espousal of standard texts, whilst never engaging in acts that might bring the faith into disrepute. In the case of Tardif, the victim not only recites the prayers used by the French Churches, he does it to pray for the king and the establishment, thus demonstrating how Protestants are loyal subjects. Finally, the performance is so effective that people around are moved to ask for remittance of the sentence. Yet this cannot be allowed, as this would prevent the accused from achieving the coveted status of martyr. Thus by rousing pity and compassion in their final moments, and yet dying nonetheless, the martyr has planted seeds in the people watching that might lead them to the true path. Although the narrative accounts all follow this basic pattern, at some points Chandieu was able to include extra information to reinforce his case. This included letters from the accused to family members, as in the cases of Francoys Rebezies and Frederic Danville. Danville’s letter to his brother opens with a statement that can either be taken as the words of a   Chandieu, Histoire, e3r.   Chandieu, Histoire, e3v. 52   ‘En ces entrefaites la Court intimidée de la prise de tant de fideles, & des menaces 50

51

du Roy, aprés auoir dilaié longuement le iugement de trois poures Chrestiens, les enuoya à la mort aux lieux, dont ils estoyent appellans, George Tardif à Sens: vn autre à Tours, brodeur de son estat: le troisiesme, nommé Nicolas, compaignon cordonnier à Ienuille, dont aussi il estoit natif. Il y auoit telle constance en tous trois, & y voyoit on vne telle asseurance, que des Iuges les plus aduersaires en estoyent tous estonnez. Celuy de Tours auoit esté pris auec cinq ou six autres, comme ils reuenoient de prier Dieu ensemble d’vn bois prochain de la ville de Tours. Vne fois entre les autres, estant venu deuant Messieurs, il requist qu’il luy fut permis de prier Dieu, deuant que respondre de sa foy, à fin qu’il luy donnast force & sagesse pour ce faire. On ne luy osa refuser telle requeste. Ainsi ayant commencé de faire confession de ses pechez, & inuoqué la grace du saint Esprit, il porsuiuit les prieres que se font ordinairement és Eglises Françoises, pour tous estas, pour le Roy, pour la conseruation de son Royaume, pour les Magistratz, pour toutes les necessites des poures affligez, & ce d’vne ardeur singuliere. Et puis ayant recité, pour confession de foy, le symbole des Apostres, se leua: & respondit aux demandes qui luy furent faites, auec vne telle grace, & modestie, que les cœurs de plusieurs furent rompus, iusques à ietter larmes, & monstrer signes, qu’ils ne demandoyent que sa deliurance.’ Chandieu, Histoire, e3r–e4r.

Creating a French Protestant Ideal

Table 5.1

177

Chandieu’s Martyrs

Name

Where

George Tardif

Sens

Anon

Tours

Nicolas?

Ienuille

Nicolas Clinet Taurin Grauelle Philippe de Luns

Profession

Q&A

Pp.

n

1

artisan

n

2

artisan

n

2

Paris

old man, Church elder

partial

4

Paris

lawyer

y

4

widow

y

9

Church elder, older man

y

8

Nicolas de Rousseau

Dijon

Iaques

Dijon

Philippes

Dijon

apothocary

Nicolas la Sene

Paris

doctor

y

5

Pierre Gabert

Paris

lawyer

y

9

Gabert’s Nephew

Paris

child

Francois Rebezues

Paris

y

31

Frederic Danville

Paris

y

17

René de Seau

Paris

student

Jean Amalric

Paris

student

Geoffroy Guerin

Paris

Jean Morel

Paris

young man

y

76

Jean Barbeville

Paris

mason

y

10

2 2

1

1 y

2 46

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Table 5.1 (continued) Name

Where

Profession

Q&A

Pp.

Pierre Chevet

Paris

wine maker

y

7

Nicolas Ballon

Poitiers

older man

3

Servant of Ballon

Paris

servant

1

Marguerite le Riche

Paris

wife of Antoine Ricaut, book seller, at the Mont sainct Hilaire

Anon

Paris

carpenter

1

Adrien Danssi (Doulancourt)

Paris

porter

3

Gilles le Court

Paris Maubert

student at College de la Mercy

1

Philippes Parmentier

Paris Maubert

goldsmith

3

Martin Rousseau

Paris Maubert

goldsmith

3

Pierre Milet

Paris Maubert

married merchant

4

y

5

Jean Bessoy

Paris

Anne de Bourg

3

Paris

Andre Coiffier

place nearest Dammartin

2

Jean Ysabeau

Paris

1

Jean Iudet

Paris Maubert

Royal Councillor

book seller

y

71

1

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man speaking with perfect clarity of his situation (obviously Chandieu’s interpretation of events) or the desperation of a man incarcerated.53 Danville then describes each of these meetings in detail: how he was tested on various aspects of theology, with the interrogators using the Bible to try to trap him into denying his faith. Full accounts of his replies are included. Although the questioning is typical of a criminal investigation, the style of the replies brings to mind the catechism.54 This format of questionand-answer sessions is repeated for the cases of François Rebezies and for Geoffroy Guerin.55 When there is a great deal of surviving documentation to be included, Chandieu dwells on one person’s actions over many pages. The section devoted to Guerin is nearly 50 pages long. This includes accounts of his background, his interrogations, a confession of faith and an autobiographical account of his imprisonment. Another man who receives great attention is Jean Morel, a student known to Chandieu, and whose life covers 70 pages. Jean Morel’s story was one particularly close to Chandieu’s heart. The teenager from Caux in Normandy was a student in Paris, as Chandieu himself had been. He fell foul of the law when heretical books were found in his rooms. He was not arrested alone, but with two ministers of the Paris Church. One minister escaped to safety by bribing an unscrupulous prison guard. The other was also taken to the Châtellet, seemingly accepting of his fate. But he too was spared, on the intervention of the King of Navarre, who had the man released the next day. This small detail, almost an aside

53   ‘Frere & amy, voyant la fin de mes iours approcher, & que la commodité de vous escrire m’est offerte, ie n’ay voulu faillir vous escrire, pour vous faire participant des interrogations qui m’ont esté faites tant au petit Chastelet, qu’au Palais, par les ennemis de Dieu, & singulierement de celles qui m’ont esté faites par noz Maistres les Sorbonnistes, comme Benedictinus Iacopin, & vn Sorboniste son compaignon, & ce la premiere fois: puis pour la seconde fois par le compaignon de Benedictinus, & deux autres Sorbonistes.’ Chandieu, Histoire, g6r–v. 54   ‘Ie lui respondi (ainsi que le sainct Esprit me poussoit) Que si ie croioye que Ies’ Christ fut entre les mains du prestre, aprés auoir dit les parolles sacramentales (i’vse de leurs termes) que ie croiroie au contraire de ce qui est contenu au Symbole des Apostres, Qu’il est assis à la dextre de Dieu son Pere. Et au contraire de ce qui est escrit au premier des Actes, quand Iesus Christ monta au ciel: lequel estant separé du regard des Apostres, apparurent à iceux deux Anges vestus de blanc, lesquels dirent ainsi aux Apostres: O hommes Galileens, qu’est-ce que vous regardez, &c. Puis m’interrogua de l’inuocation des Saints. Ie dy ne recognoistre autre inuocation, que celle qui se fait à Dieu par Iesus Christ, ainsi qu’il est escrit au deusieme de la I. saint Iean, Si nous auons peché, nous auons vn aduocat, &c. Finalement fus interrogué du Purgatoire. Ie respondy que ne croioie autre purgatoire que le sang de Iesus Christ: suiuant ce qui est dit en la premiere S. Iean chap.I. que Iesus Christ nous nettoye de tous pechez.’ Chandieu, Histoire, g6v–g7r. 55   Chandieu, Histoire, h2v–i5v and l1v–n8v.

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in the text, is crucial.56 For this minister who escaped certain death was none other than Chandieu himself. Bourbon’s intervention in Chandieu’s arrest has been mentioned many times in connection with his wavering commitment to the Protestant cause. But the significance of this event for Chandieu has never been fully explained. This was his closest brush with the law as a young man, and to say he was lucky to escape alive is an understatement. Chandieu, as a pastor in the Church, was a prize target for the authorities. He escaped his own martyrdom due to Bourbon’s intervention – and bureaucratic lethargy which meant the lieutenant criminel was unaware of the prize he had in his cells. That Chandieu would have been executed as a heretic had his identity been properly known at the time of his arrest is beyond doubt. Instead, his freedom saw him able to consolidate his position as a leader of the Church. But Jean Morel, taken with him, without funds to bribe the guards or a powerful benefactor, did not escape. Rather he went on to die a noble martyr’s death. Chandieu was personally involved in this case more than he was in any other. The highest profile martyr Chandieu treated was undoubtedly Anne du Bourg. Anne du Bourg was from the Auvergne, from a ‘good family’ according to Chandieu.57 His uncle Antoine had been Chancelier of France in the 1530s. He was a good student, studying law at the University of Orleans, and seemingly making a name for himself, before moving to the capital and becoming a councillor of the Paris parlement in his midthirties. His elevation to cause célèbre status came when the working processes of the Paris parlement came under scrutiny. The legal pursuit of heretics was not a clear-cut business in mid-sixteenth-century France – differing courts could claim jurisdiction, and the criminal court, the Tournelle, had developed a worrying reputation for leniency.58 That this was out of sync with the other courts of the parlement became obvious at the Mercuriale, the Wednesday meeting of all the chambers. A discussion arose over the matter of punishing heretics. After one of the presidents of the court suggested that a general council might be an appropriate forum in which to decide what truly constituted heresy, rumours reached the   ‘Sur le temps du decés de Guerin, vn ieune garson, natifz du pays de Caux en Normandie, de nom Iean Morel, fut constitué prisonnier, pour auoir esté trouué saisi de liures en sa maison, par vne trouppe de larrons, qui soubz le tiltre de sergeans, pilloient la chambre ou estoit sa demeurance. Auec luy furent prins deux Ministres de l’Eglise, lesquelz ilz seruoit. Dont l’vn à l’instant se rachepta d’entre les mains du sergeant qui le tenoit, par vne piece d’argent, les liures n’estans point encores descouuerts. L’autre ayant esté mené prisonnier au Chastelet, fut deliuré le l’endemain [sic] à la requeste du Roy de Nauarre, n’estant point encoires recogneu pour Ministre.’ Chandieu, Histoire, o1v. 57   Chandieu, Histoire, z1r 58   Nikki Shepardson, Burning Zeal: The Rhetoric of Martyrdom and the Protestant Community in Reformation France 1520–1570, (Bethlehem, 2007), p. 37. 56

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king that his parlement might not be as doctrinally sound as should be hoped. Thus, on 10 June 1559, Henri arrived at the Mercuriale’s final session, and sat in state amongst the councillors. Each had to declare their stance on the question of the pursuit of heretics, and when it came to Anne du Bourg, he put forward that persecution should be stopped, a council called and went on to make pro-Protestant declarations, referring to the ‘light of Scripture’ that revealed the corruption of Rome. Henri ordered the arrest of du Bourg and seven others be imprisoned as an example.59 Du Bourg’s imprisonment would last five months, during which time he was interrogated by Presidents of the parlement, the Bishop of Paris Eustache du Bellay, and the Inquisitor Antoine de Mouchy. He was not tried in the court of his peers, something he requested and used in a later appeal. Although he did waver in his steadfastness towards the end, he was brought back round to the true Reformed way by a timely intervention by the Protestant pastor Augustin Marolat, and his final decisive act was to smuggle out a confession of faith that would be reproduced several times in accounts of his death. He went to his death in the Place de Greve on 23 December 1559, accompanied by 400–500 armed guards, declaring himself to be neither thief nor murderer, but one who died for the Gospel. He was strangled and then his body thrown on the fire.60 Du Bourg’s confessional stand challenged the catholicity of the Paris parlement itself, a body charged with keeping France heresy-free by its king. And indeed, the king was a witness to du Bourg’s deviancy from this standard. A number of pamphlets recorded the councillor’s fate for his contemporaries. And his trial and execution have long been included in the chronology of the subsequent wars of religion, representing both the high point of repression under Henri II and the extent to which Protestantism had infiltrated the institutions of French government. These two men, Morel and du Bourg, lie at the heart of Chandieu’s Histoire. In many ways, this was a natural home for both men’s legacies. Both attended services in the French capital in the 1550s. Chandieu had definitely met Morel, and quite possibly du Bourg as well. But their dominance of the text is striking. Of Chandieu’s 34 martyrs, 24 have less than five pages devoted to them. Five have between five–ten pages, one has between 11–20 and four over 20 pages. In other words, 50 per cent of the text deals with just 11 per cent of the martyrs. And of those four who receive the longest entries, the other two, at 31 and 46 pages in length get 59   The others being Louis du Four, Antoine Fumée, Arnauld Du Ferrier, Nicole du Val, Claude Viole, Ustache de la Porte and Paul de Foix. Shepardson, Burning Zeal, pp. 38–9. 60   Shepardson has challenged the accepted willingness of Anne du Bourg to die, reconstructing the appeals process, and his final weeks, in which an escape plot was also uncovered.

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about the same coverage combined as Morel and du Bourg get individually. Seventeen per cent of Chandieu’s text deals with Morel, 16 per cent with Anne du Bourg. Why they were so influential is apparent from Chandieu’s treatment of the two men. Both Morel and du Bourg show complete doctrinal uniformity in their responses to questioning. Challenged on the Mass, the sacraments, their Church attendance and their attitude to the Catholic Church, both reply as a good Protestant should. They both base their faith not on indoctrination via reforming works, but on a sound knowledge of scripture, which is referred to at length – by Morel during his interrogations, and by du Bourg in his written confession of faith. Although they have both read Calvin’s works, neither base their faith upon his words, but rather their acceptance of him comes secondarily, because his teachings tally with those set out in Scripture, unlike those of the Catholic Church.61 When presented by various ‘Catholic’ truths, both Morel and du Bourg openly state they will accept these doctrines, provided they can be proved by Scripture. One reason Morel and du Bourg make such good subjects is the nature of the sources they left behind. Morel left a written account of his time in prison, smuggled out at the time of his death. Like others in the Histoire, it was mainly comprised of question-and-answer sessions. Du Bourg’s Confession de Foy, also produced from prison, was a posthumous bestseller.62 Chandieu exploits both of them in his accounts. But there is one important difference between the two men’s reports. Morel’s comes from his own hand, and is in the first person, whereas du Bourg’s is reported in the third person. Both are questioned about the sacraments. In Morel’s account, this is presented as a question-and-answer session.63 Anne du Bourg’s interrogation, reported in the third person, is very detailed but far less

  Chandieu, Histoire, p7v and A5v–6r.   Du Bourg achieved even more fame in death than in life. In 1563, when Chandieu’s

61 62

work appeared, there were already several pamphlets commemorating him, as well as a number of popular songs. The most popular seems to have been La Vraye Histoire, Contenant l’iniqve Ivgement et Favsse procedure faite contre le fidele seruiteur de Dieu Anne du Bourg, Conseillier pour le Roy, en la cour du Parlement de Paris, & les diuerses opinions des Presidens & Conseilliers, touchant le fait de la religion Chrestienne, (s.l., s.n., 1561), published five times between 1560 and 1562 and containing the Confession de Foy. The reading public could also purchase editions of du Bourg’s original oration to the Parlement, and a Chanson Spiritvelle d’Anne Dv Bovrg, published in 1560. 63   ‘D. Combien y a-il de Sacremens en ceste vraye Eglise? R. Deux. D. Ce n’est donc la vraye Eglise: car il y en a sept. R. Ie n’en croy que deux, à sçauoir le Baptesme, & la saincte Cene. D. Ne croiez vous pas que le Mariage soit Sacrement? R. Non.’ Chandieu, Histoire, o4r–v.

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vivid.64 Whilst du Bourg is the more learned, and able to give long explanations using his legal training to construct a watertight argument, Morel’s heartfelt explanation, relying on his faith and knowledge of the word, is even more affecting. This was further emphasised by the overall process of their interrogations. Jean Morel was questioned when he arrived at the goal by the Lieutenant Criminel. This initial interview notes Morel’s name and age, and the reason for his arrest. A brief exchange establishes Morel’s Protestant credentials: he speaks on the correct use of the sacraments and his faith in the word above all else. The Lieutenant Criminel leaves the interview angry and frustrated, telling Morel he will burn for his views. The next two interviews are held with two doctors from the Sorbonne. At several points the two doctors, representing the Catholic establishment, are either shocked at Morel’s replies, unable to answer him, or amazed at his knowledge of scripture.65 The young student is so convincing in his replies that even after two interviews, they are unable to turn him from his path. In revenge, he is thrown into a worse cell, and another attempt is made to persuade him of his wrongs, this time by an acquaintance, a printer who knows him, who brings another doctor. The high point of this exchange is the doctor’s admission that he has not read Calvin’s works, so can’t argue them. He is given Morel’s copy to read, stating he will be back after dinner, but then takes a full eight days to return.66 The next stage of questioning is in front of the President at the Châtellet, where Morel’s faith is really put to the test. After this, he is put in a prison with other Protestants, who help him stay the course, by shouting psalms and bits of the bible to each other through the walls. He is then sent to a Church court, where he is challenged repeatedly over his attendance at Church services in Paris – he is asked for names, times and places, but refuses to imperil his co-religionists. His final ‘confession’ describes his interview with the Inquisitor, in which all the main 64   ‘Interrogé. s’il ne croit qu’il y a sept sacrements, du Baptesme, de la Messe, du Marriage, confirmation, penitence, les saints Ordres, & l’Extreme onction? Il a repondu, qu’il croit les saints sacremens qui ont esté ordonnez par Iesus Christ, pour nous confermer en nostre regeneration, en esperence certaine de ses graces à venir. Qu’il ne croit autres sacremens que ceux qui ont esté ordonnnez par iceluy Iesus Christ, à sçauoir le Baptesme, qui nous represente le lauement & purgation de nos fautes & pechez, & nous tesmoigne que nous sommes regenerez en vne beaucoup meilleure vie, par le precieux sang de Iesus Christ. Que la desobeïssance de nostre premier pere Adam, par laquelle nous sommes conçeus enfans d’iniquité, est effacée. Pareillement croit le sainct sacrement de la Cene: … Quant aux autres sacremens de l’Eglise, qu’il ne les a leus en l’Escriture sainte.’ Chandieu, Histoire, x5r–6r. 65   Chandieu, Histoire, O8r, O5v, O7v and O4r. 66   When he does return, it is laden with books with which to prove Calvin’s argument’s wrong. Chandieu, Histoire, p7v–8r.

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doctrinal points are reiterated. At all points, the text of the interrogations is reported in the first person, whilst the brief connecting passages contain speech reported from other sources about Morel’s effect on people, and on the various stages of his journeys between prisons and courts. The point Chandieu as editor is trying to make is clear – these are Morel’s personal answers, he is an exemplary believer, one to whom fellow protestants could relate. Anne du Bourg is questioned in a very different process to Jean Morel. He is immediately presented to the Bishop of Paris Eustache du Bellay, and the Inquisitor Antoine de Mouchy amongst others.67 Just as du Bourg’s answers show greater complexity than Morel’s, his process to the scaffold is extraordinary. Chandieu’s congregation was far more likely to experience Morel’s months of progressing between the different stages of the legal establishment rather than du Bourg’s high profile interrogation by the premier jurists and clerics of the day. Men like Guerin and Morel are by far not the best known of Chandieu’s martyrs, but their cases may well have been familiar to Chandieu’s congregation. Chandieu’s own personal knowledge of their lives also allowed him to describe their witness with particular vividness. Their very ordinariness also had pedagogic power and the message to his readers would be that one did not have be in a position of social eminence, or a highly trained theologian, to do one’s Christian duty. It is also the case, and a sobering thought, that many of Chandieu’s readers might have known and been friends of the individuals whose suffering he recorded. This was a work which had a particular poignancy for the members of his own congregation as well as a wider exemplary function for the Reformed community as a whole. Luckily, the work ended on something of a positive note, with Condé, although under threat of death, escaping danger, and François II bringing about peace in his days of ill health. Chandieu’s contribution to the growing genre of martyrology is interesting in several respects. He was one of a small number of martyrologists who could bring their own personal experience as ministers of the persecuted Church to bear on their writing. In this respect Chandieu’s nearest equivalent is not Foxe or Crespin but the Dutch martyrologist Adriaen van Haemstede. Like Chandieu, van Haemstede infused his narrative with the passion and excitement of his days as minister to the Church in Antwerp and it is as a contemporary account of these tumultuous events that his book is usually consulted. But in other respects the two men were quite different. Van Haemstede, a far less disciplined thinker, would later run into difficulties with the leaders of his own Church and suffer

  Chandieu, Histoire, z1v.

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excommunication.68 Chandieu in contrast was one of the most respected theologians of the emerging French Church. This gave his martyrology a very distinctive character, integrating both his first hand experience and his wider purpose of establishing and maintaining theological conformity and a disciplined Church community. It was this imperative that would lie behind his next decisive contribution to the literature of Church formation, the Confirmation de la discipline.

68   Gregory, Salvation at Stake, p. 167; Andrew Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch Revolt: Exile and the Development of Reformed Protestantism, (Oxford, 1992), pp. 77–8 and 236–7; Andrew Pettegree, ‘European Calvinism: History, Providence and Martyrdom’ in R.N. Swanson (ed.), The Church Retrospective (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 227–52; Andrew Pettegree, ‘Haemstede and Foxe’, in David Loades, John Foxe and the English Reformation (Aldershot, 1997).

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Chapter 6

Chandieu and Internal Threats to the Protestant Churches

The early 1560s have long been accepted as French Protestantism’s high point, when the movement was at its strongest both in terms of numbers and influence. In 1562, Coligny tried to persuade Catherine de Médici that there were 2,150 worshipping Protestant Churches. Since 1559 many had subscribed to the provisions set out by the National Synods, adopting the Confession and the Discipline. But as the 1560s wore on, this initial optimism was dampened down in the face of a grim reality. Protestantism failed to flourish after the disappointment of the first war, instead it began to retrench. The battle was now to keep the gains that had already been made. This was partly due to the ramifications of the Peace of Amboise. Condé made the choice to accept curtailment of Protestant worship in towns in return for generous provision for nobles to worship on their estates – this cut at the heart of the urban movement, and forced Chandieu and his colleagues at the third National Synod to come up with a new plan to consolidate the movement. But the synods and Chandieu’s own   Mark Greengrass, The French Reformation (Oxford, 1987) pp. 42–3.   ‘Édit d’Amboise’, available online as part of the Editions en ligne de l’école de

 

Chartres, ‘L’édit de Nantes et ses antécédents (1562–1598)’ at http://elec.enc.sorbonne.fr/ editsdepacification/edit2    Janet Gray challenged the traditional interpretation of the Treaty of Amboise, highlighting the widespread wish for peace amongst the French Protestant community, and the treaty’s subsequent use as a basis for future peace agreements. Whilst it cannot be denied that peace was a priority for the Churches in 1562, the terms which Condé negotiated were not popular, certainly amongst men of Chandieu’s ilk, who had built up the urban Churches. The provisions of the treaty forced the pastors meeting at Orléans to refocus their work. Article 2 of the Faits generaux saw the synod ask princes and other grandees to make sure all ministers employed to lead Churches within their households were suitably called to the ministry, that they followed the Confession and Discipline, that they convoked a proper Consistory, and attended synods where possible. The princes were reminded that just as in the Discipline, no Church had supremacy over another, and were advised to join with locally established Churches rather than set up their own independent congregations. Janet Gray, ‘A Fresh Look at the Effect of the Treaty of Amboise on the French Calvinists’, Fides et historia vol. 12, pp. 75–88; J. Aymon, Tous les Synodes Nationaux des Eglises Reformées de France (Synodes), vol. 1, pp. 23–4.

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writings indicate that there were other reasons behind this hiatus. With so much at stake, the Church needed to put aside internal differences and rally to the cause. Instead, this key decade saw fragmentation and division, on a local and a national level. The National Synods of the French Churches chart the movement’s concerns. As stated in the Discipline, National Synods were to be called as necessary, rather than being set at regular intervals. If the Church needed to come together to discuss an issue, a synod would be called. As such, a synod indicated there were elements of concern to be addressed, if not outright trouble. It is interesting to see how often synods were called. After the initial meeting in May 1559, it was less than a year before the ministers met again, at Poitiers in March 1560. There was a slightly longer gap between the second and third National Synods, over which Chandieu presided in Orléans in April 1562. They were back together 16 months later, in Lyon, and twice more before the end of the decade – in Paris (December 1565) and Verteuil (1567). Between 1559 and the end of the century, there was an average of 31 months between meetings. In the decade of the 1560s, the average was much lower – 20 months between meetings. The Churches met in synod five times in the 1560s, four times in the 1570s, only twice in the 1580s, and three times in the 1590s. Was this just a case of the system needing time to establish itself, or were there fundamental problems that meant the synods needed to be called more frequently in the early period? The synod records detail the delegates’ concerns and the problems facing the Church. The delegates continually faced questions about the conduct of ministers and Church officials, marriage regulations, baptismal procedures and consistorial responsibilities. These were all dealt with in the Discipline, yet communities were still desperate for some kind of guidance. Repeatedly, the questions listed under the faits particulieres of the synods show that consistories and Provincial Synods were not confident making the decisions the Discipline allowed them to. Instead, they referred cases upwards that the National Synods typically either passed back to the localities or confirmed. The National Synod was treated as a court of appeal cum citizens advice bureau. At Orléans, where Chandieu acted as President, of the six faits particulieres which directly cited disputes previously mediated by Provincial Synods or Consistories, five saw the initial decision upheld, or referred back to the local body. Why were these   Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, pp. 1–232.   A good example is that of Pierre Boulay: ‘X. Ouïe la remontrance faite de la part du

 

frere Deputé de la Province de Poictou, touchant Pierre Boulay, s’étant ingeré au Ministere dans l’Eglise de Niort: Le Concile ratifie & approuve la determination du Synode Provincial tenu à Niort, par lequel ledit Boulay est declaré incapable & insuffisant d’être élû au Ministere

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questions continually referred to the National Synods, when clearly the impetus was that they should be solved locally? It might be deduced that the synod system was not working, or at least was taking time to establish itself amongst the Churches of France. Another explanation might be that the central system repeatedly came up against strong local opposition. Each synod dealt with referrals from local Churches. This could indicate that the local Churches felt the ‘official’ Church was all powerful and in a place to offer judgement and arbitration, much as in the old Roman Church. But a closer look at the cases brought forward shows how in actual fact, the main problem was the persistence of local tradition that caused clashes with what was now expected by the Discipline. Although the Confession and Discipline allowed for a considerable degree of local autonomy, the dream of men like Chandieu that upon reading the Confession, Discipline and the Bible, all communities of the faithful would automatically form themselves into Churches along the lines of Calvinist orthodoxy was ambitious to say the least. As alternative theories of Church government began to emerge, Chandieu would be forced to defend his position and thus write himself into the history books as a staunch Calvinist conservative. However, his first concern was with the suitability of the pastorate, something thrown into sharp relief by the synod records. Pierre Boulay was only one of many men found to be wanting in their doctrinal reliability. The Church needed good men to survive and grow: Chandieu would do his part in making sure they were found, and that charlatans were not given the chance to hoodwink unsuspecting congregations. Vocalisation of the internal threat: the Advertissement aux fideles espars parmi le royaume de France Chandieu first addressed the problems facing the French Churches in a pamphlet published in 1561. Even at this early stage, Chandieu hoped de l’Evangile: & ce jusqu’à ce qu’il fasse apparoir de sa suffisance devant le Synode Provincial de Poictou: Et outre cela le present Concile a ordonné que cet avis sera signifié tant audit Boulay qu’à ceux qui le suivent, par nos freres, la Forest & de Chiray, lesquels aiant fait leur rapport audit Concile de Poictou prochain venant de l’obeissance ou rebellion dudit Boulay & de ceux qui le suivent, on y pourvoira definitivement selon la Discipline Ecclesiastique. Et quant au frere de la Fayolle, le Concile remet à la discretion dudit Synode prochain venant, qu’il sorte dudit Niort, s’il est expedient pour la commune édification de l’Eglise’. Although the National Synod advised that the verdict be made public, the initial decision made by the Provincial Synod was upheld and the steps to be taken in the future were also to be done locally. Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, II Orleans, Faits Particulieres X. p. 30.    Antoine de Chandieu, Advertissement aux fideles espars parmi le royaume de France (s.l., s.n., 1561). Only a handful of copies survive today. As an individual pamphlet, the

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to establish a stable ministry within France, one that met the needs of the rapidly expanding Protestant community. Ostensibly the Advertissement examined the calling of ministers, although it alluded to Chandieu’s beliefs on other issues facing the Church. Chandieu used the work to encourage unity amongst the congregations of France, carrying on the ideas of the Confession and Discipline. In the face of increasing tension, all energies were concentrated on promoting a united Protestant front. Clearly, Chandieu felt some effort was needed to combat fragmentation within the Church, and took the opportunity to endorse order and stability as essential components of Christian worship. How far this was appreciated by his contemporaries is not clear. The Advertissement opens with the statement that Satan has always tried to bring division to the Church of God. This is now the case in France, where ‘depuis qu’li [sic] a pleu à Dieu recueillir en ce Royaume des Eglises qui aspirent à vne uraye & sainte reformation selon l’Evangile’. As soon as French Protestants recover from one assault, another is launched. And there are other weaknesses. Many who recognise the Word and the errors of Catholicism fail to embrace the correct order established by God. For Chandieu, so involved in the composition of the Discipline less than two years previously, this is a huge problem. The Discipline was meant to eradicate this kind of concern. Worried not just for those people, but those too simple to understand they are being seduced by lies, Chandieu undertakes to educate people through this pamphlet. He also hoped to demonstrate the unity of the Protestant community. Yet at this stage he can only express a desire for future Protestant unity. Despite the attractive picture that has been painted of French Protestantism arriving wholesale from Geneva in the 1550s, the reality of the 1560s was very different, and posed a major worry for Chandieu. The variety of opinion in the French Protestant Churches was something which concerned Chandieu and his colleagues on two levels: the risk posed by schismatic doctrine creeping in and undermining the work already done, and the weakened front this displayed to external critics. Chandieu’s main concern was the legitimacy of ministers’ calling to the Church. A minister with a false calling disobeys God’s orders, and brings division to the Church. There are a number of ministers who fall Advertissement’s rarity suggests that it did not enjoy a repeated print run, although it was reproduced in later collections such as the Mémoires de Condé.    Chandieu, Advertissement, A2r.    ‘Et parce que nous n’ignorans pas que plusieurs de noz adversaires sont tousiours au guet pour espier quelque occasion de mesdire de nous, & nous obiecter que nous sommes diuisez les vns conte les autres: cest Advertissement tesmoignera au contraire, combien nous estimons l’vnion, & desirons qu’elle soit entretenue & nourrie entre nous.’ Chandieu, Advertissement, A2v.

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into this category. Catholic clergy are doubly condemned because they obtained their offices by illegitimate means, and then teach doctrine incompatible to the word of God. Chandieu is naturally more concerned with ministers within the Reformed Church. There are men who serve the Church as pastors who do not understand why they need to follow the strictures of the Discipline. Chandieu impresses upon them that God wants his Kingdom to continue along the path he set down for it. Those called to serve must conform to His will. Ministers must be sure theirs is a legitimate calling from God, as His strength will sustain them. The evidence for this argument comes from both Old and New Testaments. Chandieu examines the difference between the extraordinary calling of the Prophets and Apostles with the calling of regular pastors who care for a single flock. Particularly important are Paul’s instructions to Timothy concerning the precautions to be taken whilst setting up a Church.10 This raises an interesting conflict for Chandieu later in his career: although the Advertissement strongly reinforces the Discipline’s strictures regarding ministers’ commitment to a single congregation, throughout the 1560s Chandieu enjoyed an ambiguous status as a pastor without a Church yet occupied by multiple congregations in eastern France. The circumstances of war made it impossible to practise Protestantism in the ideal way. Synods made some provisions for these extraordinary circumstances, but Chandieu looked ahead to the time when this would not be necessary.11 Chandieu asks those who threaten Church order why they reject conditions accepted by the Prophets, the Apostles and even Christ himself. If they have been sent, they must follow the rules set down by God.12 The conflict between Chandieu and Morély would cover similar ground:   ‘Et certes ce n’est pas sans cause que Dieu a voulu imprimer és cueurs de ses seruiteurs vne plaine certitude de leur vocation: mais à fin que par cela ils fussent munis & fortifiez contre tant de difficultez, par lesquelles il faut qu’ils passent. Car qui sera celuy qui ne tremble, s’il appréhende à bon escient le pésant faix d’vne telle charge? Est-ce vne chose legere d’estre ambassadeur pour Christ, messager de Dieu, & dispensateur de ses secrets?’ Chandieu, Advertissement, A4v. 10   Chandieu, Advertissement, B2r–v. Paul’s first epistle to Timothy gave detailed instructions for the continuation of the ministry in Ephesus, which Paul had started and Timothy, his student, continued. 11   Article 15 of the Discipline stated: ‘Pour cause de trop grande persecution, l’on pourra faire changement d’une Eglise à autre pour un temps, du consentement et advis des deux Eglises. Se pourra faire le semblable pour autres causes justes rapportees et jugees au Synode provincial.’ Bernard Roussel, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559: un royaume sans clergé?’ in De l’Humanisme aux Lumières: Bayle et le protestantisme. Mélanges en l’honneur d’Elisabeth Labrousse (Paris and Oxford, 1994), pp. 169–91; p. 188. 12   ‘… car nous estimons bien que ne voulez qu’on vous tienne pour Apostres, d’autant que Dieu ne suscite point d’Apostres au temps que son Eglise est dressée & recueillie en bon ordre, comme vous ne pouvez ignorer ou nier que la nostre ne soit aujourd’huy. Et puis on ne 

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Chandieu believed he and his colleagues had secured the essential order of the Church in the Confession and Discipline. Those who challenged this order were to be mistrusted, especially those who presented themselves as pseudo-Apostles. Chandieu was at his most rhetorically persuasive when confronted by those who deviated from the established order.13 And this was based on Biblical precedent. Chandieu describes the ministry in terms of men accepting their calling from God alongside acceptance of His Church order. The two elements go hand in hand – calling and conduct. The biblical model is Paul: hands were laid on him before he left for Antioch, in accordance with contemporary ordination rituals.14 This was even though he had been called by God as an Apostle, not elected as a minister by other Christians. Errant preachers are warned that their errors will cause much suffering. Chandieu asks these men to respect the situation in France, where the synod structure has brought stability.15 Those who threaten division are asked to reconsider. It questions their dedication to God’s glory and the growth of His Church. Chandieu’s plant motif is striking – it combines the idea of the église plantée with the common image of the blood of the martyrs as the seed of the Church.16 Finally, if they are not yet persuaded, there is the threat of God’s vengeance upon those who disobey him. Was Chandieu right to be so concerned by these men? Certainly the evidence from the synods would tend to suggest that there was great anxiety amongst delegates and their congregations back home that rogue elements could easily infiltrate the Churches. From the fourth National Synod onwards, lists of ‘Apostates’, ‘Coureurs’, ‘Ministeres déposés’ and veoid pas en vous aucune marque d’vne dignité tant excellente’ Chandieu, Advertissement, B3v–B4r. 13   ‘Aimez-vous le regne de Dieu, puis que vous vous essayez de rompre, abbatre & dissiper sa Maison? Estes-vous serviteurs de Iesus-Christ, puis que vous estes ennemis de son Espouse, que vous luy faites la guerre, & la voulez desmembrer, l’ayant despouïllée de sa discipline , & de son ordre, qui est l’un des ornemens qu’elle ait les plus nécessaires?’ Chandieu, Advertissement, B4r. 14   ‘As they ministered to the Lord, and fasted, the Holy Ghost said, Separate me Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I have called them. And when they had fasted and prayed, and laid their hands on them, they sent them away.’ Acts 13, vv. 2–3. 15   ‘… nous vous exhortans au Nom de Dieu, si sa gloire vous est précieuse, & si vous désirez le bien & accroissement de son Eglise, de ne mettre point de division & trouble en ces troupeau, qu’il a pleu à Dieu recueillir en ce Royaume. Portez quelque révérence à l’union de Doctrine, à l’ordre, à l’affection & zéle qui y reluisent. Ne taschez pas d’arracher ce qui commence à croitre, ayant esté planté de Dieu par la Prédication de sa Parole, & arrousé par le sang de fidéles Martyrs. Que si toutes ces choses ne vous esmeuvent, redoutez le Jugement de ce grand Dieu, qui vous sera sentir à la fin, si vous continuez, quel est la salaire de ceux qui veulent diviser son Eglise.’ Chandieu, Advertissement, C2r. 16   The phrase ‘the blood of the Martyrs is the seed of the Church’ originally came from Tertullian’s Apologeticus, Chapter 50.

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‘Vagabonds’ were regular features of the synod records. Details were given of names, pseudonyms and former congregations, in order to warn other Churches of potential trouble makers.17 The fear was that these men would weaken the Churches further still, and lead good Christians to damnation. Chandieu was at pains to re-establish the foundations of true Christian worship that these men had challenged. Through persecution, true Christians could experience the gift of patience God gave those facing adversity. Chandieu was well aware adversity did not derive exclusively from external persecution, but that factions within the Church could cause problems too.18 Yet he was confident that order in the Church, exemplified by the Discipline, would ensure the French Churches’ final victory. With this in mind, any potential deviations must be curtailed and their instigators brought back into line with the main body of the Churches. The final section addresses congregations at risk from false preachers outside the Church order. Chandieu hopes the majority of the faithful will not be taken in by such liars, but he is concerned for those who thirst for too much novelty. As Christians must listen to those God sent to teach them, equally they must not to listen to those He did not send. By establishing His Church order, God necessarily condemned all those practices that fell outside that which He prescribed. God sends inspiration to true pastors. Only ministers with a true vocation should preach, and congregations should only open their ears to those properly called.19 Congregations must reject men without a true calling, as an illegitimate ministry will be punished by God. The gospel shows how silence was imposed on evil spirits when they came into the presence of Christ.20 How can these men say they are part of the Church if they do not accept its doctrine? Chandieu knows this alone should indicate to true believers these men are not true ministers. Their deviance from the order and doctrine of the Church sets them apart. Chandieu’s Advertissement makes people aware   The fourth National Synod included a list of 24 deposed who were to be avoided. The sixth National Synod made the ‘Role des Coureurs’ even more detailed, giving each suspect an article which summarised their errors. Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, IV Lyon, ‘Mémoire dressé pour le service de l’Eglise’, p. 49; VI Vertueil, pp. 78–9. 18   ‘De sorte que si les ennemis ouverts de nostre Doctrine, n’ont rien gaigné sur nous; aussi peu profiteront les ennemis de l’ordre & de la Discipline qui est entre nous. Car celuy-mesme qui nous a soustenus contre la cruauté des uns, nous délivrera des cautelles & machinations des autres.’ Chandieu, Advertissement, C2v. 19   This recalls Christ’s image of sheep listening to the shepherd’s voice: ‘I am the good shepherd, and know my sheep, and am known of mine. As the Father knoweth me, even so know I the Father: and I lay down my life for the sheep. And other sheep I have, which are not of this fold: them also I must bring, and they shall hear my voice; and there shall be one fold, and one shepherd.’ John X. 14–16. 20   As in Luke IV. 33–7 and Acts XVI. 16–18. 17

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of the devil’s tricks to bring disunity to the Church. God showed infinite mercy in all He granted man, including the order He established in his Church. What confidence can be had in someone not legitimately called to the ministry? What possible benefit can be drawn from their words, which are not inspired by God, other than opening the door to heresy? God’s Church order is a wall encircling the Church, and this wall must be guarded against the enemy.21 In conclusion, Chandieu warns against curiosity, and instead encourages fellow Protestants to submit to fear of God’s judgement, and reconcile to His Church. Chandieu’s Advertissement directly addressed one of the French Churches’ most pressing concerns in the aftermath of the first national synod. The unprecedented growth of French Calvinism in the early 1560s was so rapid that it was virtually impossible to meet the demand for ministers. The Swiss Churches were in no position to provide the remainder. The most optimistic estimate concludes that around 200 Genevan-trained ministers crossed into France in the period 1555–1562.22 Yet Coligny claimed France was home to 2,000 congregations, and many of the large congregations required the services of more than one minister.23 In this situation, it was inevitable that congregations looking for a minister would avail themselves of men willing to serve, even if their credentials were somewhat dubious. Amongst these were former priests who had renounced the Roman Church; others were former monks, treated with even more suspicion. Of course many were sincere in their conversion, and served their congregations well, but some were simply charlatans. It was one of the top priorities of the French Churches to sort out the wheat from the chaff, and to ensure overall adherence to Church doctrine. Whilst the records of the National Synods record the most colourful of these rogue ministers, Chandieu’s Advertissement reflects the more general anxiety that false prophets might mislead the credulous at a time when Protestantism in France needed to be beyond reproach. It was this same fear that drove Chandieu into open opposition to the progressive ideas of Jean Morély.

  ‘Or si nous rompons l’ordre Ecclesiastique, qui est comme vne muraille à l’entour de nous, ce sera autant comme si nous-mesmes faisons bresche à celuy qui nous assault, à fin que par là il entre sur nous, & ioüisse de la victoire.’ Chandieu, Advertissement, D2v. 22   Robert M. Kingdon, Geneva and the Coming of the Wars of Religion in France, (Wars) (Geneva, 1956), p. 2. 23   Chandieu of course was part of a team of ministers in Paris. Other cities were similarly in need of multiple pastors. In its heyday, the Rouen Church had four pastors for around 10,000 members, and Montauban’s congregation was served by a team of between four and eight pastors. Philip Benedict, Rouen during the Wars of Religion (Cambridge, London and New York, 1981) pp. 52–3, Phillip Conner, Huguenot Heartland: Montauban and Southern French Calvinism during the Wars of Religion (Aldershot, 2002), pp. 39–40. 21

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Jean Morély, Chandieu and Church discipline Chandieu had already nailed his colours to the mast with his involvement in the synods and in the Adverstissement. Adherence to the Discipline was the best way to ensure basic doctrinal unity across the spectrum of Churches now grouped together under the Protestant banner. But there were always going to be problems in shaping such a vast swath of Churches into one workable unit. And this was not all due to the authorities’ persecution of the minority. The war situation might have exacerbated things. But divergent opinions as to how the Church should be structured existed within the Protestant camp. Chandieu, on the ground in France, was best placed to deal with dissent as it arose. He had shaped the Discipline, he was intimately involved in the synod structure and was well known and respected by the Churches. For those inclined towards the synod system, Chandieu was a safe pair of hands. Most importantly, he was already well acquainted with his main opponent in this new war of words, Jean Morély. Morély had been accused of slandering the Pastors of Geneva in the aftermath of the Conspiracy of Amboise.24 It was because of Morély that Chandieu had become embroiled in the Genevan case that had implicated the pastors in the plot. This incident alone indicated that Chandieu and Morély would not see eye to eye, and the publication of Morély’s Traicté de la discipline & police Chrestienne in 1562 ensured this would be so. Yet through the 1550s, Morély seemed to promise the more glittering career.25 Morély was born in Paris in around 1524. He was educated in France before leaving for Switzerland around 1545. This suggests he already had Protestant sympathies, and he seems to have known Bullinger in Zurich where both worked on establishing a French mission.26 He then became a tutor, travelling to Neuchâtel, Lausanne and Geneva. By summer 1550, he had settled in Lausanne, where he became embroiled in a debate centred on Pierre Viret which saw the Churches of Vaud forced to decide between following the prevailing religious winds from either Geneva or Berne.27 Morély seems to have encouraged Bullinger’s intervention. He was considered a loyal Reformed Christian, ready to use his contacts to achieve peaceful positive resolutions. In 1553, he was in London, involved with the

  See Chapter 3.   The best treatment of Morély’s life and works is Philippe Denis and Jean Rott, Jean

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Morély (ca 1524–1594) et l’Utopie d’une démocratie dans l’eglise (Geneva, 1993). 26   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, p. 21 ff. 27   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, pp. 29–33.

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stranger Churches under John à Lasco, before returning to the continent.28 He was taken captive and his ransom paid by French merchants resident in London. He returned to Geneva, where he was made a habitant in February 1554, and set up home with his new wife. Calvin himself stood as godfather to his eldest son.29 He was involved with a plan to get backing from Protestant princes throughout Europe for French Protestants, before returning to Geneva after the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis. It was then that his relations with the Genevan Church soured, with the court case of April 1560. But this incident was only the precursor to his more definitive rupture with mainstream Calvinism. In 1562 Morély published the Traicté de la discipline & police Chrestienne in Lyon, having prepared the text the previous year. It was not the first time someone had questioned where the spiritual power lay in the Church, with the congregation as a whole or with the Consistory. Test cases had already been brought in Strasbourg in 1554, Frankfurt in 1555–1559 and in Geneva itself in 1558. Four French nobles had been examined by the city council for making pronouncements that criticised the Genevan system, and demanding a ‘more reformed’ Church that followed that of the Ancients more closely.30 Morély knew these men, although he was not involved in the 1558 discussions. Nonetheless he had tapped into a growing area of disquiet amongst Protestants, and he was prepared to use his knowledge and connections to make the biggest impact possible. Morély first gave his manuscript to Pierre Viret, who seemingly did not read it. Later, he passed it to Calvin himself, who advised him not to write on topics outside his expertise, imagining this would put an end to the matter.31 It is hardly surprising then that Morély chose to publish in Lyon, away from the strictures of the Genevan city council. Again, he wrote optimistically to both Viret and Calvin, having organised the book’s publication to coincide with the third National Synod in Orléans. To Calvin, who had already rejected the work once, he now enclosed a copy

28   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, pp. 29–33; Michael S. Springer, Restoring Christ’s Church: John a Lasco and the Forma ac ratio (Aldershot, 2007), p. 141. 29   Denis and Rott give examples of his reconciling errant members of his family to Calvin and the pastors, but conclude that even though Morély could not be called a dissident at this stage, he did have an active, curious mind, and gravitated towards ideas shunned by more mainstream Protestants. This conclusion is drawn from his relationship with his brother-in-law, François de Saint-Paul, a pastor who disagreed with Beza and Viret over double Predestination and whom Morély brought back into the Genevan fold. Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, pp. 35–7. 30   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, p. 54. 31   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, p. 56.

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of the printed version, hoping that he would recommend the work to the synod.32 Dedicated to Pierre Viret, this examination of Church disciplines was set into four books.33 The dedication outlines Morély’s vision for the work. He identifies the need for regulation in society but even more so in the Church. As a minister, Christ gathered a Church to him and gave it an external discipline ‘comme pour un signe & tesmoignage de son action interieure’.34 Over time, this discipline has become distorted. Each time the order set out by Christ is changed by human intervention, Morély sees the believer moving further from God. Morély’s potential clash with Chandieu is obvious from the earliest pages of the work.35 Chandieu was acutely aware of the delicacy of the French Church’s situation. For him, getting the Churches up and running in the difficult climate of the 1560s was the most important thing. Morély by his own admission was thinking in the longest foreseeable terms, forward to a time when the Reformed religion was not just legal but official. His ideas were not designed to bring about an immediate change but to plan for the future.36 This could only conflict with Chandieu’s careful attention to present-day duty. Even if Morély was earnest that this was a vision for the future, publishing it made its contents public, and threatened the stability Chandieu had worked for. And what was this future utopia? One where ministers’ duties were severely curtailed, and the role of the lesser magistrate increased. Chandieu’s work consistently celebrates the ministerial office, and the radical nature of incorporating rule by magistrates into the French situation would not be lost on him. Morély further compounds this by saying outright that the French Discipline was adapted to circumstance, weakening it. He is fairly disparaging about the current Discipline, stating that it needed to be   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, p 57.   Stuart Foster, ‘Pierre Viret and France, 1559–1565’, (Ph.D. Thesis, University of St

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Andrews, May 2000). 34   Jean Morély, Traicté de la discipline & police Chrestienne (Lyon, Jean de Tournes, 1562), A2r. 35   ‘Dauantage qui fera discours en soymesme de la police presente de ces Eglises, il aura graces à Dieu dequoy se contenter pour maintenant, dequoy louër Dieu, & luy en rendre graces. Mais qu’il iette les yeux de son Esprit sur les siecles à venier, esquels la predication de l’Euangile estant authorisee par le Prince, & finalement commandee, les Magistrats inferieurs soyent contraints bon gré mal gré faire profession de la vraye religion, qui n’apperçoit qu’alors il faudroit changer ceste discipline presente? Car exclure iceux du gouuernement de l’Eglise, & le maintenir en souueraineté aux Pasteurs & consistoires contre leur volonté, qui ne void vn mespris & horrible dissipation de toute la discipline?’ Morély, Traicté, A3r. 36   See also Henry Mobbs, ‘Une Controverse sur la discipline ecclesiastique aux XVIè siècle. Jean Morély et Antoine de Chandieu: l’actualité d’une ancien debat’ (MA Thesis, University of Geneva, 1937), p. 6.

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changed before it became established as part of everyday worship.37 This posed two challenges to Chandieu. On one level, it was a personal insult, disparaging his careful work with the other pastors at the first National Synod. But it also confirmed that there were structural weaknesses within the French Church system, weaknesses that might be preyed upon and exploited by opponents. Chandieu was determined to see the Churches of France reach a workable level of consolidation: each individual Church subscribing to the overarching criteria of Confession and Discipline, whilst managing their own day-to-day affairs. Morély’s challenge struck at the heart of this ambition. He openly stated he had published the Traicté to start a debate that would be taken up firstly by the upcoming Synod of Orléans. Consequently, he sets out his work into four books that deal with the questions he felt needed to be raised. Each one challenges the fundamental structures of the Discipline. The first book looks at the role of the Discipline in a Church, and its historical precedents. The second deals with doctrine and morals in the life of the Church, paying special attention to the vexed questions of heresy and excommunication. The third book outlines the responsibilities of the different officers of the Church, including the provisions to be made for election and ordination. Finally the fourth looks at questions of practical ecclesiology: the role of synods, provision for education and poor relief and the like.38 Morély’s work reflects an ongoing concern of several of the Reformed Churches, including those of Geneva and Strasbourg, that of the exercise of spiritual power in the Church.39 Who gets to make the decisions about questions of doctrine and discipline? Is it the Consistory, as set out in the French Discipline, or should it be the whole congregation that makes up the Church, as Morély argues? Although he might not have been the first to challenge these ideas, Morély’s book caused great concern in France, where its reception by the still evolving Churches threatened the system Chandieu had recently put in place. This is seen in the surviving debates of the National and Provincial Synods, where the drive towards regulation is paramount: of doctrine, of preachers, of new congregations. Denis and Rott believe that this was a magnification of Calvin’s personal fear of social disorder. It is true that Calvin was not in favour of the broad democracy that Morély advocated, and would have been concerned for its effects on the growth of the Churches in France. But Morély’s ideas 37   ‘Car s’il y a chose en la constitution des Eglises qui soit moins parfaicte, & d’ou la consequence soit perilleuse pour l’aduenir, il n’est expedient à icelles, qu’elle presse racine, & se conferme par le temps.’ Morély, Traicté, A3v. 38   The second part of Denis and Rott’s work is a systematic evaluation of Morély’s work in the Traicté and his other works. 39   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, p. 54.

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offended those who had embraced and advocated the synod/consistory structure and fought for its implementation in France. These were, in fact, the very people meeting at the synod Morély had targeted his publication towards. And the circumstances of publication made this all the more pressing. The book appeared at the onset of the first religious war. French Protestantism was literally fighting for survival. At a time when consensus was desperately needed, Morély had questioned the very foundations of the national Church. And furthermore, he had done this with what amounted to an open call to all French Protestants. Morély’s choice to write in French rather than Latin helped him reach a wide audience, specifically amongst independent-minded nobles and bourgeois who did not see the necessity of bowing to ecclesiastical dictates. The first response to Morély’s work came at the National Synod he had hoped to sway to his doctrine, held in April 1562. With Chandieu acting as moderator and many important figures in French Reformed Protestantism in attendance – Beza, Condé and Coligny – this debate was to prove significant. Chandieu’s reputed oratorical skills no doubt served him well, and the final outcome was an outright condemnation of the work.40 In Geneva, when he refused to retract his statements, Morély was excommunicated as a schismatic by the Genevan Consistory, and his book was publicly burned in September 1563.41 Morély fled to France and once there took steps to rehabilitate himself. He eventually subscribed to the Discipline and agreed to reconcile with Geneva at a Provincial Synod over which Chandieu presided, that of La Ferté-sous-Jouarre in April 1564. The letter he wrote to the Genevan city council, now headed by Beza in the wake of Calvin’s death, was not fully representative of his beliefs, and the gesture was not held immediately to be in good faith.42 A further two letters sent in April and July 1565 did little to shake this impression.43 40   ‘VII. Quant au Livre intitulé, Traité de la Discipline & Police Chrêtienne, composé & publié par Jean Moreli; le Concile est d’avis, quant aux points concernant la Discipline de l’ Eglise (par lesquels il pretend condanner & renverser l’ordre accoutumé des Eglises, & fondé sur la parole de Dieu) que ledit Livre contient une mauvaise Doctrine & tendante à la dissipation & confusion de l’Eglise: C’est pourquoi ledit Concile exhorte tous les fidéles de se donner garde de la susdite Doctrïne’, Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, III Orléans 1562, Faits Particuliers Article 7, p. 29. 41   The decision of the Council to banish Morély was published as a pamphlet. Extrait des procedures faites et tenues contre Jean Morelli, natif de Paris et n’agueres habitant en la ville de Geneve, touchant un livre composé par luy, De la discipline ecclesiastique, avec la sentence des magnifiques seigneurs Sindiques et Conseil dudit Geneve, prononcée et executée le sezieme de septembre 1563, (Geneva, Jean Perrin, 1563); Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, pp. 59–60. 42   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, p. 61. 43   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, pp. 62–3.

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A second condemnation of Morély’s tract arose from the fifth National Synod, at Paris in December 1565, with an option for him to reconcile.44 By the time this official condemnation appeared, Chandieu was already well under way composing the Confirmation. This publication had been triggered by a Provincial Synod held in Paris in February 1565, which decided a rebuttal was needed to inform people of the true nature of the Discipline. Morély’s fame had spread, and the authorities were taking the threat seriously. Although the Discipline itself was not to be a printed document, having something down on paper was essential to combat Morély’s growing following. Chandieu was the ideal person to write this rebuttal. He was in France, he knew the Discipline inside out, he was dedicated to the triumph of the French Churches – and there was no love lost between himself and Morély. He was trusted by both Geneva and the French Churches to set the record straight. Morély was distinctly unlucky that his work was refuted by Chandieu. The men had a history from Amboise which meant that Chandieu, more than any other pastor, was unlikely to show him mercy. Morély’s accusations in 1560 had hurt Chandieu’s reputation, cast aspersions on the Church that he had worked to build in France, and forced Calvin to discuss his own involvement in the Conspiracy.45 In critiquing the Discipline, Morély went even further. He challenged the very bedrock of the Christian community that Chandieu envisaged for France. He called 44   ‘Parce que l’Eglise de Dieu doit être conduite par une bonne & simple Discipline, … après avoir vu diligenment les Livres et autres Ecrits de Monsieur Jean de Moreli touchant la Police & Discipline de l’Eglise… ont condamné ses Livres & Ecrits, comme contenant de mauvaises & dangereuses opinions, par lesquelles il renverse la Discipline … car en attribuant le Gouvernement de l’Eglise au Peuple, il veut introduire une nouvelle conduite tumultuese & pleine de confusion populaire, dont il s’ensuivroit beaucoup de grands & scandaleux inconveniens, qui lui ont été remontrés, & il a été averti de se departir de telles choses: ce que ne voulant par faire; & persistant à dire qu’il croit lesdites opinions fondées sur la Parole de Dieu, après l’avoir exhorté plusieurs fois de se soumettre & de consentir à l’ordre, qui est reçu & gardé dans nos Eglises, comme étant instituté par nôtre Seigneur Jesus-Christ, & ses Apostres …la Compagnie des freres le supporte en charité, & est d’avis qu’il soit reçû en la paix & communion de l’Eglise, moienant que comme il l’a autrefois promis par écrit, il proteste encore maintenant de ratifier & signer de sa main lesdits Articles, & de vivre à l’avenir en paix, & s’assujettir à l’ordre de la Discipline établie dans les Eglises Reformées de ce Roiaume, sans publier en aucune maniere sesdites opinions, soit de bouche ou par écrit, ni rien qui soit contraire à ladite Discipline, ou au Traité, qui pourroit être faire & mis en lumiére dans la suitte pour la confirmer. … C’est pourquoi le Consistoire de l’Eglise, à laquelle il se voudra ranger, prendra connoissnance & jugera si ledit Sieur Moreli satisfera à tout ce qu’on vient de lui ordonner, & pour le reconnoitre comme Membre de l’Eglise quand il aura bien accompli tout cela, & le recevoir dans la communion des fidéles, & en cas qu’il ne l’execute pas, proceder contre lui par des Censures Ecclesiastiques.’ Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, V Paris 1565, Matieres Generales, Article I. pp. 58–9. 45   See Chapter 3.

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into question the role of pastors, a vocation that defined Chandieu’s life, and to which he had already dedicated one pamphlet. And when it came to putting practical theology and biblical expertise down on paper in a sustained attack, there were few currently more active within French Protestantism, with such proven success.46 Chandieu and the Church: the Confirmation de la Discipline ecclesiastique Chandieu was extremely careful in his approach to Morély. Knowing the Discipline as he did, he was well placed to take Morély’s ideas to task and to produce a convincing rebuttal. But would this be enough? After all, Morély’s ideas had already been condemned and rejected by official bodies, his books had been burnt, and the author himself cast out of the Reformed fold, and still his ideas gained ground. Morély had several high-profile allies, including Odet de Châtillon, who wrote to the Provincial Synod of Paris in July 1565 on his behalf, and the jurist Charles du Moulin, whose own views on exegesis were condemned by the same synod.47 Chandieu therefore loosely disguised his composition as a reply to all those who criticised the Discipline. Rather than styling his work as a ‘Response’ or ‘Replique’ to Morély’s Traicté, he simply called it La Confirmation de la Discipline ecclesiastique. This had two effects. It gave Chandieu the opportunity to criticise Morély without giving him any further publicity, by reprinting his name or his work on the title page. It also subconsciously predisposed the reader to Chandieu’s argument. This was not a justification or an argument in favour of the Discipline. It was simply confirming its legitimacy. The Discipline’s authority was sustained before the reader had even opened the book. The Confirmation is Chandieu at his most declamatory.48 His passionate refutation of Morély’s claims hints at the powerful preacher that so enthralled contemporaries. As a work, the Confirmation is direct, impassioned and uncompromising. It has absolutely no preliminaries, but 46   The faith placed in Chandieu was well founded. After two initial editions produced in 1566, the Confirmation was endorsed by the Synod of La Rochelle, and was subsequently reprinted in 1571. 47   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, p. 64; M. Reulos, ‘Le jurisconsulte Charles du Moulin en conflit avec les Eglises Réformées de France’, BSHPF 100 (1954), pp. 1–12. 48   Henry Mobbs felt that the Confirmation displayed ‘une grande modernation de ton, aucune polémique personnelle’. Whilst not as virulent as either the Ronsard polemic, or as castigatory as the later works against the monks of Bordeaux, it is hard to justify this interpretation. Chandieu may not name Morély outright, but his antipathy is extremely evident. Mobbs, ‘Une Controverse sur la discipline ecclesiastique aux XVIè siècle’, p. 86.

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launches straight into its mission of identifying and debunking opponents of the Discipline. It establishes the need for discipline in the Church, the need being all the greater in times of trouble.49 Chandieu argues that this is an opportunity to see the Church return to its former glory.50 He identifies four groups of people who disagree: those who want no discipline at all, those who prefer the Catholic tradition (dismissed as corrupt), those who join the ministry without a legitimate calling, and finally those who reject the discipline as instituted by Christ and the Apostles. Although he does not mention Morély by name, he does draw attention to the fact that he is using the term ‘Adversaires’, because there are so many different opinions and interpretations at large in the world. Chandieu uses the proprietorial term ‘nostre Discipline’, underlining the Discipline’s centrality to the French Churches. Anyone who disagrees with this interpretation is therefore excluded from the community of the French Reformed Churches. The most striking aspect of the Confirmation is the cruel logic with which he undermined Morély’s argument. Even a brief glance at Chandieu’s work confirms that it was conceived as a tool with which to dissect Morély’s arguments bit by bit. Morély had divided his work into four books of roughly equal length, each subdivided into chapters. Chandieu’s reply also had four main parts, but there the similarities end. Pretending as he was that this was a reply to all criticisms of the Discipline, not just Morély’s work, Chandieu had to make a cursory attempt to combat other dissident factions. Consequently the first part looks at those who argued the Church did not need any form of discipline, to which Chandieu dedicates 12 pages.51 Those who challenged the Churches’ right to claim descent from the apostolic succession were similarly dismissed in 26 pages.52 Twentyseven pages were devoted to examining those who joined the ministry without a true calling, leaving over 160 pages to deal with those who challenged the authority of the Discipline.53

  ‘Et certes, veu que l’Eglise de Dieu est ordinairement agitée de beaucoup de troubles, si elle n’auoit sa discipline pour certaine conduite & addresse, il seroit impossible qu’elle ne fust incontienent abysmée en vne miserable condition. Voila porquoy Satan s’est efforcé de tout temps de corrompre ou du tout abolir ceste discipline, à fin que l’Eglise allant comme à l’abandon, s’esloignast incontinent du service de Dieu & de la pureté de sa doctrine.’ All citations are taken from the Estienne edition. Chandieu, Confirmation, A2v. 50   ‘Maintenant que Dieu nous a fait la grace de restablir entre nous & la discipline Chrestienne selon l’institution de nostre seigneur Iesus Christ & de ses Apostres, nous experimentons aussi par quels efforts le monde tache d’y mettre des nouveaux empechemens de iour en iour.’ Chandieu, Confirmation, A2v. 51   Chandieu, Confirmation, A2r–A7v. 52   Chandieu, Confirmation, A8r–C4v. 53   Chandieu, Confirmation, C4v–E2v; E2v–P5r. 49

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The length of the fourth section corresponds with the gravity of Chandieu’s task. It quickly establishes its primary adversaries, who at first glance appear to have similar ideas to the True Church.54 Although Chandieu did not mention Morély by name, it was clear to whom his argument referred.55 Inadvertently, it also admitted Morély’s growing popularity amongst factions of the Church. He does not want to offend potentially powerful allies by condemning them along with Morély. So, carefully, Chandieu compliments these readers for their dedication to the Discipline, whilst leaving his own contempt for Morély’s work in no doubt, with his barbed citation from Tertuillian. Chandieu states he is afraid for these misguided souls. And this is why he is going to spend far longer refuting this ‘group’ (read Morély) than he has the others. We might pause to consider to what extent this diligence was inspired by pity for the readers – or more likely consternation at Morély. To argue his case as conclusively as possible, Chandieu subdivides his rebuttal into two main articles, which are then further broken down into chapters. Each chapter addresses a particular point of Morély’s argument – the justification of allowing the Church congregation as a whole to advise on doctrine, or to sit in judgement on cases of scandalous behaviour – and breaks it apart point by point. Each fresh piece of evidence is given a newly numbered paragraph, making it simple for the reader to follow Chandieu’s discussion, and to amass evidence against Morély. Chandieu is also careful to deploy a hierarchy of evidence in his defence. God’s word as laid out in scripture is always paramount, followed by the practices and writings of the ancient Church, and then established Christian theologians. Finally, he will warn readers of the dangers alternative disciplinary foundations pose, giving examples of the confusion and disorder that arise when God’s strictures are ignored.56 54   ‘Ils louent la discipline de l’Eglise, & la jugent estre necessaire, à fin d’estre comme vne haye pour defendre & conseruer la pureté de la doctrine: mais ils veulent que ceste discipline soit telle comme ils la descriuent: & ne pensent pas qu’il soit possible d’auoir la discipline de l’Eglise, si nous n’auons celle qu’ils ont imaginee’. Chandieu, Confirmation, E3r. 55   ‘Or leur opinion est fondee sur vn liure intitutlé, De la discipline & police de l’Eglise, qui a esté publié depuis quatre ou cinq ans en ça. Et comme les choses nouuelles plaisent ordinairement, a recontré des gens qui l’aiment & approuuent, estimans qu’il contienne la vraye & droicte forme de la discipline ecclesiastique. Cela doncques est bien louable en eux d’aimer la pureté de la discipline: mais nous desirerions qu’ils se souuinssent du dire de Tertullian, Que le diable combat souuent la verité en faisant semblant de la defendre.’ Chandieu, Confirmation, E3r. 56   For example, when arguing that it should be the Consistory that rules over the general conduct of the Church, rather than the congregation as a whole, Chandieu’s first argument is based on Scripture, for which he cites ten passages from the Bible. He then gives two examples of this in practice from Acts, and in his third article utlises ‘anciens docteurs’

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In order to discredit Morély initially, Chandieu demonstrates how the Discipline was instituted by the Churches coming together. He uses a very telling phrase ‘non à l’appetit d’un homme ou deux’ – making a clear distinction from Morély’s work.57 By insisting on the collective nature of the framing, Chandieu seems to play down his own involvement, but this is in keeping with how he describes the events in the Histoire, and with how a Calvinist discipline should be developed.58 This is a rather rose-tinted view of the Discipline . It does not mention for example the important provision that the Discipline was to be a flexible document, not to be committed to print, but to be adapted and added to as circumstances demanded. Chandieu is aiming to undermine Morély’s ‘lone voice’ here. Chandieu is the voice of the collected Churches of France, meeting in synod and discussing things collectively, at this point as much as he ever was during the framing of the original document itself. Chandieu’s final point on this matter, given its own separate chapter, refers to God’s promised assistance to the Church. Chandieu argues that the Church is fine when it is led well, and casts doubt on the purity of Morély’s actions.59 Chandieu was very definite on the perils of straying beyond one’s boundaries. Here he clearly believes, as Calvin had previously indicated, that Morély had overstepped his mark, and needed to leave questions of doctrine to those who were qualified to answer them, people like themselves. Chandieu’s aim in the Confirmation is not beautiful prose, but something far more important. He warns the masses about the seductive qualities of false prophets, clearly indicating Morély. He rails against the notion that anyone might preach, instead reiterating it as an occupation for those legitimately called. At some periods in time more men are called to the ministry than others, but there are to be no indiscriminate appointments to please demand. This reaffirms the Advertissement: as addressed earlier, there was always a demand for pastors, often addressed towards the Academy in Geneva. But clearly, shortages could not outweigh suitability, and Chandieu again warns against admitting men who are not doctrinally sound. The claim that David, who was particularly admired by French

including Terullian, Cyprian and Chrysostom. A fourth argument gives examples of the ‘horrible confusion’ caused when this was ignored, taken from 1 Corinthians 14, Numbers 14, 1 Kings 12 and Exodus 23. Chandieu, Confirmation, E6r–F1v. 57   Chandieu, Confirmation, E3v–E4r. 58   ‘Lesquels Ministres n’ayans autre but que la gloire de Dieu, & l’edification de son Eglise, fonderent ladicte discipline sur la parole de Dieu, l’examinans selon icelle au mieux qu’il leur fut possible. Et parapres l’ayans presentee aux Eglises de ce royaume, elle fut receue & approuuee par leur consentement: & y a esté iusques à present soigneusement & religieusement prattiquee.’ Chandieu, Confirmation, E4r.

  Chandieu, Confirmation, F2r–v

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Protestants, went to the people for advice in decision-making is dismissed as only being used for political questions as opposed to doctrinal issues.60 The next question concerns who has the authority to bring judgement on any cases of scandal that touch the Church. Chandieu believes this logically lies in the hands of those who lead the Church.61 He is especially clear on the necessity of excommunication being in the hands of the pastors and elders: not only is this given its own set of proofs, but the actual typeface is enlarged, drawing the reader’s eye.62 The problem of excommunication was a real weight on the minds of the early modern Church. It was not something to be taken lightly. Morély himself suffered under its provisions and repeatedly tried to return to the fold. The spiritual implications of excommunication were immense: the victim was cut off from the community of the faithful and from the Eucharist itself. But there were logistical problems for excommunication too, especially in war-torn France. This was something that needed careful regulation and could not be left up to the untrained, albeit well-meaning, mercies of the wider congregation.63 Having proved his theses independently, Chandieu uses the second chapter to return to the arguments set forth in Morély’s work and disprove them. This technique is used in later tracts too: the argument for Chandieu’s case is demonstrated to be independently strong, in order that his refutation of contrary opinions is all the stronger. In the final section, Chandieu tackles the question of the election and deposition of ministers. He launches straight into amassing evidence, with no separate introductory section as for the earlier sections. Having dealt with this by his usual application of sources, Chandieu then uses a ‘V. Partie’ as a conclusion for the work. He restates that it is for the consistory and the leaders of the Church to decide these questions, not the multitude. He also includes a final synopsis of Morély’s errors: he has   Chandieu, Confirmation, H7v ff.   ‘Car puisque les Pasteurs ecclesiastiques sont administrateurs de la parole de Dieu,

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laquelle leur est commise (comme nous auons prouué par le precedent discours) il sensuit que selon ceste mesme parole ils doiuent reprendre les vices, & chasser les scandales, par lesquels icelle pourroit estre mesprisee entre les hommes. Et s’ils doiuent faire teste aux heretiques qui la falsifient par meschantes opinions, aussi doiuent-ils auoir l’œil sur ceux qui la souillent entant qu’en eux est, par leur vie desbordee.’ Chandieu, Confirmation, K4r. 62   Chandieu, Confirmation, K6r. 63   The second National Synod had attempted to clarify matters by making an amendment to the Discipline, so that ‘celui qui est dénoncé hérétique ou schismatique, sera aussi declaré tel aux autres Eglises, afin qu’on s’en donne de garde’. This was particularly important if the schismatic in question was potentially a candidate for the ministry of a susceptible Church, which led to the detailed lists of ‘Ministres déposés’, but it also applied to ordinary members of the congregation. Aymon, Synodes, vol. 1, II Poitiers 1560, Faits Generaux, Article III, p. 16.

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not distinguished between the principles of the Discipline and that which might be adapted to circumstance, and he introduces a second council with no basis either in the word of God or in the practices of the Ancient Church.64 Even more disparaging, he rejects Morély’s ideas as not merely false and dangerous, but in fact impossible.65 Chandieu ends with two exhortations. The first is to the adversaries of the Church, to listen to the word of God and to the excellent theologians of the time, because they themselves threaten to bring confusion into the Church. It is at this point that Chandieu’s emotional involvement in the situation shines through.66 To the faithful, he addresses a plea to be conscious of the benefits God has given them through the Discipline, and not to throw these away. Chandieu repeatedly calls Morély and his supporters ‘nos adversaires’. In other works, he is ready to admit when he sees people as misguided or foolish, and treats them, somewhat condescendingly, as to be pitied. There is no such sentiment here: Morély brings danger to the Church, and he must be dealt with to avoid further upset. This perhaps reflects badly on Chandieu, and certainly Denis and Rott conclude that part of the virulence of Chandieu’s attack stemmed from his residual rancour over the Amboise affair. But what Morély proposed in his Traicté ran contrary to the provisions made in the Discipline. If a greater voice had been given to the congregation as a whole in affairs, there would have been a danger of fragmentation that, in the precarious political climate of the 1560s, might have crippled the Churches for good. No matter how dangerous the synods were to arrange, or how protracted their debates over concepts such as marriage, they provided a form of unity that Morély’s vision would have dissipated. The final pages demonstrate how far-reaching Chandieu feared Morély’s system might extend, were it ever to be implemented. He feared for the survival of the Church, challenged internally by division and externally by opposing forces who might exploit these divisions. For him, Morély really was an adversary, as his words gave ammunition to those   Chandieu, Confirmation, P5v and P7r.   ‘Car apres auoir renuoyé ce qu’ils disent, que le ioug de Iesus Christ est leger auec

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les autres passages qu’ils ont corrompus, nous disons que si on poise la multitude des affaires qui suruiennent à toutes heures, la grandeur & importance d’iceux, la difficulté de faire la conuocation populaire telle qu’il plaist à nos aduersaires, & le temps pour distribuer le peuple selon leur aduis, pour ouir la proposition du Ministre, l’auis du seçond conseil & de tout le peuple, la diuersité des opinions, les altercations & debats, & autres choses semblables considerees, il est du tout manifeste que l’Eglise ne pourroit aucunement porter l’incommodité d’vne telle discipline.’ Chandieu, Confirmation, P8r–v. 66   ‘Que si ces choses ne les esmeuuent, & qu’ils poursuyuent à combatre opiniastrement nostre discipline, comme nous ne nous lasserons iamais de maintenir par escrit vne si bonne & iuste cause, aussi n’auons nous pas deliberé ni entreprins d’imposer silence à ceux qui sçauent aussi peu se taire que bien parler.’ Chandieu, Confirmation, Q3v.

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who actively worked to destroy the Church. The debate continued for several years after the publication of La Confirmation, with the National Synod of 1571 again forced to address the issue. Indeed, it was only the tragedy of the Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacres which brought an end to this particular dispute: Morély’s main supporter, Ramus, was one of the more prominent victims, and in the years that followed, reconstruction was a far more pressing undertaking than ancient quarrels. Denis and Rott state that according to Chandieu, the consistory was the driving force in Calvinist life, rather than a repressive aspect of communal living.67 This certainly is true theologically, but it might be more fair to consider the question in terms of stability. Chandieu’s works of this period are characterised by their dedication to finding some form of permanence, be it political recognition from the crown, resolution in the face of persecution or as here, unity in doctrinal conduct. The fact that the war had only achieved a very uneasy peace was noted by Chandieu in the Histoire, and having fought to establish Protestantism, he would take up his pen repeatedly to defend it.68 Morély represented a threat to stability and therefore needed to be dealt with. But as important as the theological technicalities are, it is equally clear that Chandieu put as much weight into constructing a Protestantism in which people themselves could live. The Histoire and the Confirmation both demonstrate how consciously Chandieu constructed his religious world, so that people might read his works and apply them to their own lives. The synod system might have been the practical application of the search for identity in the French Churches, but it was in the poems and prose of Chandieu that the psychological quest was undertaken. As things stood, by the end of the 1560s Protestantism’s early peak had passed and the stagnation of war meant that conscious reconstruction efforts would come to little. In the end, the events of the early 1570s were to prove far more decisive in determining how this identity would develop. Chandieu’s early prose works had one underlying aim, to preserve the Church he had spent the 1550s and early 1560s building from the embers of the evangelical movement. The adoption of a synod structure had not marked the end of the Protestant struggle, rather it had presented the leadership with a new battle, that of eliminating dissension within the movement itself. They had by this point successfully steered their co-religionists through a war and the system looked strong enough to survive. But nothing was certain in these days of turmoil, and thus those who challenged this settlement, be they wandering preachers or known adversaries ready to exploit the printing press, could fully expect the   Denis and Rott, Jean Morély, p. 97.   See Chapter 5.

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weight of the system to be exerted against them. But negative criticism was not enough. To fully ensure the survival of the Church, its members needed to be reassured they had followed the right course, and inspired to continue that course despite the obvious dangers. Somewhat paradoxically, the larger effect of this was to push Chandieu and his colleagues back towards Geneva, when such efforts had been made to establish their independence.

Chapter 7

‘Mes yeux ne sont fontaines sourdans du rocher de mes peines’: Poetical Expression and the Crisis of French Calvinism

The rapid rise and fall of French Protestantism has never been an easy phenomenon to chart or explain. The Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacres have often been seen as the decisive turning point: key figures in the political and spiritual leadership were removed, thousands of adherents killed and even more intimidated into abjuration. In reality, the movement had serious limitations before then. The movement’s practical and logistical divisions were apparent in the dispute between Chandieu and Morély. These were to a large extent wiped out by the events of 1572. High profile supporters of Morély perished, notably Ramus, and the survivors were far more concerned with the immediate fate of the Protestant Church than debating the intricacies of its running. In many areas, the Churches ceased to operate as they had before 1572 – congregations simply stopped meeting, and their members fled into exile, either to Reformed strongholds like La Rochelle, or to Protestant communities abroad. Whilst the material effects of such events are relatively well documented, the emotional impact of Protestantism’s decline is far harder to track. Chandieu himself took on a practical role in the wake of the massacres, that of spokesperson for the refugees in Geneva, organising aid and relief efforts. He also increased his poetic output in this period, which gives great insight into the emotional toll that the increasingly dire political situation took on those at the heart of the French Protestant movement. Interestingly, the seeds of this disillusionment are apparent in the years before the massacres took place. Chandieu and the German princes In 1569, a short pamphlet appeared from the presses of François Perrin and Jean Durant in Geneva. Entitled Epithaphe de la Mort de Tresillustre Prince Wolfgang, Comte Palatin du Rhin, Duc de Bauieres & de Deux-

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ponts, Prince du Sainct Empire, the work ran to 12 folios, and comprised French and Latin translations of the prince’s epitaph, French and Latin verses and an Ode, set to music, entitled ‘Sur les misères des Eglises Françoises’, signed by A. Zamariel. The occasion of the pamphlet was the death of the Count Palatine, Wolfgang. He had played a key role in the third War of Religion, leading an army of mercenaries, paid for by English money, into France in the spring of 1569, before his death in June of that year. The text of the epitaph gave a glowing appraisal of the count’s role in events: MEMORIAE ILLVSTRISSIMI PIISSIMIQVE PRINCIPIS, VVOLFGANGI COMITIS PALATINI RHENI, BAVARIAE ET BIPONTII, PRINCIPIS SACRI IMPERII: QVI CVM SVMMIS ET DIFFICILLIMIS FRANCACARVM ECCLESIARVM TEMPORIBVS, GERMANORVM AVXILIARES COPIAS, NON SINE MAXIMIS PERICVLIS, AB RHENI FINIBVS, AD LEMOVICORVM EXTREMOS LIMITES ADDVXISSET, FRANCORVMQVE ACIEI, INVITIS GVISIORVM ET PAPECOPIIS CONIVNXISSET, FELICITER AD DEVM EMIGRAVDIT IN LEMOVICIS, III. IDVS IVNIAS, ANNO A NATO CHRISTO, CI ). I). LXIX. DEDIE A LA MEMOIRE DE TRESILLVSTRE ET TRES-PIE PRINCE, VVOLFGANG, COMTE PALATIN DV RHIN, DVC DE BAVAIERES ET DE DEVX-PONTS, PRINCE DV SAINCT EMPIRE: LEQVEL APRES AVOIR AMENE AV TRES-GRAND BESOIN DES EGLISES FRANCOISES, LE SECOVRS DES EGLISES D’ALLEMAGNE, DEPVIS LES BORNES DV RHIN, IVSQV’AVX DERNIERS LIMITES DE LIMOUSIN, NON SANS VN EXTREME DANGER: ET CONIOINT ICELUY SECOVRS A L’ARMEE FRANCOISE, MALGRE LES FORCES DE CEVX DE GVISE ET DV PAPE, PASSA DE CE SIECLE EN LA VIE ETERNELLE, AV MESME PAYS DE LIMOUSIN, LE XI. IOVR DE IVIN, M. D. LXIX.

The bilingual edition was a deliberate choice. Latin spoke to an international audience. The count’s successor has a daunting legacy, to be the protector and benefactor of the French Churches. The international audience is made aware that the French Protestant community recognises the concept    Robert M. Kingdon, Geneva and the Consolidation of the French Protestant Movement 1564–1572: A Contribution to the History of Congregationalism, Presbyterianism, and Calvinist Resistance Theory (Geneva, 1967), p. 175; Robert J. Knecht, The French Civil Wars (Harlow, 2000), p. 151.    A. Chandieu, Epithaphe de la Mort de Tresillvstre Prince Wolfgang, Comte Palatin du Rhin, Duc de Bauieres & de Deux-ponts, Prince du sainct Empire. Avec vn Ode sur les misères des Eglises Françoises (s.l. François Perrin for Jean Durrant, 1569), A2r and A3r.

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of mutual interest: the Count is so missed by his allies that a translation is necessary, to succour the grieving French he leaves behind. This is a showpiece designed to bring potentially disparate parties together, and cement them in their common aims. This is continued in the accompanying verses. The ‘Argument’ is a stirring interpretation of the death of the Count designed to promote unity between French and Germans. Using a battle scene where Wolfgang leads the Protestant forces, the two countries are shown to be united by faith. Sçauoir à l’Alleman, le lien relacé De la Foy qui l’vnit au François oppressé: Lien, di-ie, qui point ne doit estre destruit Par la force des mains, ni par l’esprit instruit Aux ruzes de la cour: ainçois constant & ferme Doit nouër des saisons le plus eslongé terme.’

And in Latin: ‘Germanis, fidei cum Gallis vincula, nunquam Armata soluenda manu, non artibus vllis Ingenij, aeternos sed constatura per annos.

Rejecting the ‘ruzes de la cour’, the message is that common faith should take precedence over the protocols of diplomacy and rank. The French Protestants had solicited the aid of the German princes citing common religious aims. Yet it would be naïve to ignore that it was Wolfgang’s princely status which enabled them to offer any aid to co-religionists. He is an exemplary leader. He is described as leaving his soul as a hostage under French guard, so that the two nations might share a common future. Germany is credited as being the ‘tutrice’ to the French Church, a reference to the Reformation’s German origins as well as to the current situation. The relationship is mutual: at one stage Germany is described as presiding over France, and in the next line France is Germany’s guide. One might be militarily stronger than the other, but they must unite for the common aim of serving Christ: Que pour l’honneur de Christ chacune communique L’vne à l’autre sa force & puissance bellique Par un secours commun: & brief que sans partage

 

  Chandieu, Epithaphe, A2r and A4r.

  Condé had promoted the second War of Religion as a fight for liberties, which had worried his princely German allies. Subsequent diplomatic missions would be careful to stress the religious compatibility of the Huguenots and their foreign backers, in England, Germany and the Swiss Cantons. Kingdon, Consolidation, pp. 170–75.

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Remettent en commun le vif de leur courage Pour la cause de Christ: tout ainsi que la grace D’vn seul Christ est commune à l’vne & l’autre race: Et que les moeurs des deux sourdent d’un mesme fons’ ‘communibus armis, Militam Christi subeat, communibus armis, Auxilia, & Christo communia pectora, Christus Vtrisque est veluti communis, origine mores Communes.

The count’s legacy should be the unification of the two armies. With all its talk of unity and common goals, the tone of the ‘Argument’ is less optimistic than needy. Without further encouragement the German forces might dissipate, and the French be left to continue their struggle alone. This desperate tone is put into context by the subsequent poem, the ‘Ode sur le misères des Eglises Françoises’. Incredibly sombre compared to Chandieu’s previous writings, this is the first step along the path of meditative literature that he followed for the duration of his poetical career. Fully the first two-thirds of the work are a bleak description of the current French situation. Chandieu uses the image of a ship in a storm to evoke the precarious nature of French politics. France est au nauire semblable, Qui n’a mast, ny voile, ny cable Qui ne sois rompu & cassé: Et se iette encor à la rage Du second & troisieme orage, Oublieuse du mal passé. Son gouuernal est cheut en l’onde, Dont elle flotte vagabonde Au seul vent de sa passion: Ia du naufrage elle s’appoche, Heurtant à l’insensible roche De sa longue obstination.

The second and third storms refer to the second War of Religion (November 1567–March 1568) and the third (September 1568–August 1570). For Chandieu, each war is a fresh tumult that rocks the unsteady 

  Chandieu, Epithaphe, A2v and A4r–v.   Chandieu, Epithaphe, B1v. In later editions read ‘temps’ for ‘mal’. Ronsard used the same ship metaphor in the ‘Institution’ (ll. 107–10), and Chandieu also referred to the Protestant faithful as sailors on a ship, Histoire, aa2v. 

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boat once again. The boat has no oars or mast, and thus cannot be steered, a reference to the government which the next stanza further clarifies: it has fallen into the water, and now the ship is being blown by the winds of passion towards the rock of obstinacy. Chandieu is desperate to convey the strange nature of the wars. Over five stanzas, France is described in terms approaching that of schizophrenia: her strength has been turned upon herself and she is tearing herself apart, in ways that the armies of her adversary Spain could never achieve. At first, France is ‘vn esclaue empire’ where the subjects are destroyed so that they can be dominated. Et que c’est vn esclave empire, Quand on veut ses subiects destuire, Pour sur ses subiects dominer.

This is compounded by a more bloodthirsty image, a warrior so taken over by bloodlust that he cannot distinguish between friend and foe, so that he kills those who wish him well. Qui a point veu le phrenetique, Lors que l’ardeur du mal le picque, Cacher son glaive dans son flanc? L’enragé Françoise luy ressemble, Meurtri & meutrier tout ensemble, Se baignant en soy propre sang. Il prend son plaisir à se battre, Pensant son ennemi combattre, Et mescongnoist tout ses amis: Ceux qui pour sa langueur souspirent, Et qui sa santé luy desirent, Il les tient pour ses ennemis.

This chilling metaphor accurately summarises the attitude of men like Chandieu, worried at the loss of their co-religionists in battle as they maintained their dedication to the French state. It conveys something of the bewilderment this situation evoked in the hearts of men who considered themselves far from being traitors. This sense of ill-comprehension continues with the image of a drunk man insisting he is sober reflecting the France which insists she is well although she is in ruins. The family ideal is shown also to be at risk.  

  Chandieu, Epithaphe, B2r.   Chandieu, Epithaphe, B2r.

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Trois fois desia l’espee a prise, Trois fois a transpercé l’Eglise, Et dans son estomach fendu Fait tiedir la poincte trenchante, Baignant la terre rougissante Des ruisseaux du sang espandu.

The repetition of ‘Trois fois’, referring to the three wars already fought, grabs the reader’s attention, and forces engagement with the horror of this episode straight away: the Church’s stomach being sliced open so rivers of blood flow from it. Chandieu gives vivid examples of blood-letting, each more successively gruesome. The image of a child being killed in its mother’s arms is followed by the unnatural idea of a father watching his son being killed. A l’enfant on oste la vie, Es bras de la mere qui crie, Qui s’efforce, qui le defend, Et qui veut sentir la premiere Le coup de l’espee meutrieur Et de la mere & de l’enfant. Le pere a veu en sa vieillesse Mourir le fils de sa iuenesse: Et d’vne lamentable voix Le pere pleuroit sa misere De son fils, & le fils du pere, L’vn & l’autre mourant deux fois. 10

The juxtaposition of old age and youth, father and son, is especially touching, with the final line of the stanza, where they die together, creating a strong sense of unease. After that between father and son, the next bond to give way is that between man and wife. Les soldats brutaux & farouches, Ont souillé les pudiques couches Des maris, tout deuant leurs yeux: Yeux ternis d’angoisses extremes, Qui voudroyent n’estre plus yeux mesmes, Pour ne voir ce crime odieux.11 

  Chandieu, Epithaphe, B3r   Chandieu, Epithaphe, B3r–v. 11   Chandieu, Epithaphe, B3v. 10

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The wars are shown to threaten the basic components of society. Virgins are sacrificed to the soldiers’ rage as mothers look on, waiting to die, mirroring the father and son image. La vierge en son florissant aage A esté proye de leur rage, (Sans qu’on l’ayr osé secourir) Tout devant la mere liee, Qui attendant d’estre tuee, Mouvoir ia deuant que mourir.12

In a final outrage, the normal process of life is challenged so completely that those who are not born are killed, denying them a beginning by forcing them to their end. Le barbare n’a pas eu crainte D’ouvrir la mere estant enceinte: Qui d’vn precipité tourment Rend son fruict, son fruict qui bouillonne En son sang, alors qu’on luy donne Plustost fin que commencement.13

The cumulative effect of these images, forcing the reader to consider the threat to the ordinary family in terms of crimes against nature, is striking and climactic. The weapon imagery recalls that used in the Discours, but with a very different effect. Whereas in the debate with Ronsard, the tone was triumphant, here the Protestants are victims. The reality of war is fully apparent. These crimes are witnessed by nature: the air, trees and rivers. This reflects Chandieu’s growing preoccupation with the natural world and the inhumanity it witnesses. He shows his own sorrow in a particularly affecting stanza. O que mes yeux ne sont fontaines Sourdans du rocher de mes peines, Et faisans des fleuues diuers, Qui sur l’eschine de leur onde Me portassent par tout le monde Dedans la barque de mes vers!14 12

  Chandieu, Epithaphe, B3v.   Chandieu, Epithaphe, b3v. 14   Chandieu, Epithaphe, B4r. 13

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In Chandieu’s theological and poetical works, he expressed sorrow, outrage, anger, contempt, a whole range of emotions that one might expect from one who understood his vocation to be that of a man of God whose efforts are thwarted by force. This strange stanza, in the middle of a poem so replete with examples of this challenge, stands out in its simplicity. It tells the reader how deeply the author has been struck by the events he has witnessed and described, so much so that he worries his eyes are fountains of tears, tears in such volume that they might create their own river. It is a plea for strength, so Chandieu can continue his work. Being overcome by emotion would not help him continue, and so he uses his poetry as a boat to traverse the rivers so frequently alluded to. This is a rare glimpse into the interior world of Chandieu’s experience, and his description of poetry as a boat suggests by this point he realised its potential as an escape mechanism. He used poetry to understand the events unfolding around him, so he could continue his other work. He would continue this after the death of his daughter, and when the situation deteriorated even further in the 1580s. It is interesting that these highly emotive, personal verses were something that Chandieu felt suitable for publication. Although he used a pseudonym, his authorship was very apparent. He was making a comment on the situation that he knew could be traced back to him. The French Protestant leadership clearly had serious reservations about their situation that Chandieu could only express in the abstract form provided by poetry. Having established the depravity of the world around him, Chandieu brings himself up short, realising he has been concentrating on the wrong sphere. These outrages need to be recorded, so that no one might forget the anguish suffered by the Churches. Memoire, Memoire immortelle, De ma foible voix ie t’appelle, Et entre tes mains ie remets Toutes ces cruautés passees, Et contre l’Eglise exercees, Pour les remarquer à iamais. Arrache à l’oublieux silence L’impitoyable violence Qui va outrageant, poursuyuant, Qui chasse, qui tue, qui brise Les miens, mon peuple, mon Eglise, Et me fait mourir en viuant.15

15

  Chandieu, Epitaphe, B4v–5r.

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Furthermore, there is a source of hope. The ‘Ode’ came at a strange point in the history of the Protestant Church in France. Tired of war and hurt by the pressure mounting from internal critics like Morély, this verse articulated Chandieu’s preoccupations. Fully three years before Saint Bartholomew, the traditional ‘break’ in the fortunes of French Protestantism, Chandieu was already concerned by ‘Des massacres pernicieux, Des maux, des miseres, des pertes, Que les fideles ont souffertes’ and ‘Toutes ces cruautés passees, Et contre l’Eglise exercees’.16 This prefigures the rejection of worldly things fully explored in the Octonaires. Chandieu was fascinated by the themes of inconstancy and loss. He had already touched on them in the ‘Response aux Calomnies’.17 The ‘Ode’ sees him address the subject formally for the first time. His objective here, however, was to provide commentary on the current situation. No matter how dire that might appear, Chandieu’s faith provided consolation. Consequently, the rest of the poem celebrates Chandieu’s relationship with God in terms that restore some sense of optimism. Mais que fay-ie helas? pourquoy est-ce Que chargé de douleur i’abbaisse Ma veuë aux hommes terriens? Pouquoy tien-ie courbe ma teste, Alors qu’estonné ie m’arreste A la terre, au monde, au moyens? I’esleue à toy mes yeux, ô Sire, De l’abysme de mon martyre: A toy, dont la grande grandeur Surmonte la haute machine, Qui d’vn cours mesuré chemine, Et ne se lasse en son labour.18

Chandieu asks God for justice to be done to the Churches’ oppressors, and that His children be forgiven their own sins. Sois garant de ta gloire propre, Vengeant le blaspheme & l’opprobre Dont les meschans t’ont diffamé: Les meschans, qui contre ta gloire Pensent avoir desia victoire Par leur bras contre moy armé. 16

  Chandieu, Epitaphe, B4v.   Chandieu, ‘Response aux Calomnies’, ll. 101–4. 18   Chandieu, Epithaphe, C1v. 17

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Ie t’appelle, ô Souverain Iuge, A fin que ta Maiesté iuge Entre moy & tes ennemis: Ie t’appelle ô Dieu veritable Afin que me sois secourable, Ainsi que tu me l’as promis.19

This brings the reader far from the opening negative imagery: although the ‘miseres’ of the title are very real, there is hope and potential for a better outcome, due to God’s grace. Grief poetry: the ‘Cantique à la Memoire de sa fille’ and ‘Vers sur la mort de Coligny’ The 1570s saw Chandieu address loss even more closely in his work. On 5 October 1571, Chandieu’s eldest child Marie died at the age of seven. Less than a year later, Coligny was murdered in the opening stages of the Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacres. Chandieu had written obituary verses before, on the death of Calvin, and we see in his treatment of both the preacher and the Admiral the distress felt in the Protestant movement when a leader passed on. Chandieu’s poetry shows how contradictory the impulses Protestants felt when confronted with the loss of a loved one could be – torn between contentment they had passed to a better place, whilst dealing with personal grief. Three sonnets were attributed to Chandieu addressing Calvin’s death. The first examines how the month of Calvin’s passing has turned from spring, the period of new life, to that of death. Comparisons are made between the beauty of the spring flowers and the beauty Calvin had brought into the world. May, qui doit resjouir la terre universelle, Et revestir les champs de sa verte beauté; May, qui doit descouvrir la riche nouvauté De mille et mille fleurs, que la terre nous cèle; May nous a despouillés de tout contentement, May a changé son verd en dueil et en tournant; Bref, ce May fut un mois au mois de May contraire.20

19 20

  Chandieu, Epithaphe, C3v.  Reprinted in BSHPF 5, p. 327.

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The second sonnet has an aura of resignation, that the natural order has been followed by Calvin’s returning to the place from which he came. It is a source of comfort that their leader has not forsaken them in his passing on. Cessez (dit l’Eternel) et vous l’aurez tous deux: Car je luy ay donné un nom tant glorieux, Qu’il n’y a mort, oubli, no tombeau qui l’enserre: Le ciel aura l’esprit, la terre gardera La gloire de son nom: et immortel sera L’esprit vivant au ciel, le nom vivant en terre.21

The final sonnet is more personal. Written in the first person, it talks about the physical attributes of the man himself. Je pensoy que la mort avoit trop tost fermé L’œil, l’aureille, et la bouche à ce chef vénérable, Qui a veu et ouï le fruit inestimable De son dire excellent, entre tous renommé. Alors je cognoy bien, Calvin, que tu es mort En un temps propre à toy, et qu’heureuse est la mort Qui t’a fermé ton œil, ton aureille, et ta bouche.22

Calvin was Chandieu’s mentor, both theologically and personally. He entered his life when Chandieu was barely out of his teens, and took the place of the father he’d never known. Calvin’s death, as Protestantism was beginning to lose its initial momentum within France, was a loss on both a professional and personal level. By dwelling on the disparity between physical being and the joyful fate that awaits after death, Chandieu uses Calvin’s theology to mirror his grief. Death is not sad when it leads to something better. It is for God to gather his children to him at the appropriate time. In some ways, Coligny’s death was even more crushing. It symbolised the woeful position of Protestants in France – the first to die in the Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacres, Coligny was the political figurehead on whom Protestants had relied for ten years. Chandieu dedicated six verses to him. The first two bridged Chandieu’s polemical poetry and the later reflective works. Patriotism is an integral part of Coligny’s character. Passant, veux tu savoir celuy qui gist ici Et sa vie et sa mort et son sepulchre aussi? 21 22

  BSHPF 7, p. 14.   BSHPF 7, p. 14.

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Vous tous ces trois en un, regarde sa patrie: Tu verras son tombeau, et sa mort, et sa vie. Il vivoit à la France, en la France vivant, Il est mort à la France, à la France servant, Et contre sa fureur par sa fureur extreme La France est le tombeau de luy et d’elle-mesme. Car elle, luy niant tout honneur du tombeau, Et deschirant son corps en a jetté en l’eau, En a bruslé au feu, et le rest a fait pendre, Pensant par ce moyen sans sepulchre le rendre: Mais un homme incons a ce corps retiré, Et l’a secretement en ce lieu enterré. Où est donc son tombeau? il est par tout le monde: Il est en l’air, au feu, en la terre, et en l’onde.23

The second and third poems show how this patriot has been betrayed. Coligny used his physical body to preach the Gospel and to protect France, but his body has been butchered by his enemies. Celuy qui pour la vie et bien de sa patrie A cent fois exposé et les biens et la vie, Celuy qui pour la France a sa teste cent fois Exposee à la mort, sans test tu le vois. … Voilà France, comment les bons Français tu payes, Te tuant en leur mort, te navrant en leurs playes. Cruel, cruel François, tu ne t’es contenté D’avoir cruellement à l’amiral osté Et la test et les mains: mais tes mains furieurs Luy ont aussi coupé les parties honteuses: Je di donc qu’en sa mort n’y a rien de honteux, Et que les seuls meurtriers ont la honte pour eux.24

The fourth poem recalls the imagery of the ‘Ode sur les misères des Eglises Françoises’, with the ground soaked in blood and innocent lives lost: ‘La terre a beu son sang, la terre gemissante De boire ainsi le sang d’une vie innocente.’25 Coligny’s death is one more in the cycle of death. The final stanza acts as a summary, bringing Coligny back to a position of respect,

23   Vers sur la mort de Coligny, reproduced in BSHPF 24, pp. 84–5. This final theme is repeated in Octonaire 3. 24   BSHPF 24, p. 85. 25   BSHPF 24, p. 86.

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and judging the manner of his death to be demonstrative of the current inescapable turmoil in the world. These obituary poems are short. They were public works, designed to commemorate great men and recognise the impact the person’s life had on those around them. The verses on Marie’s death are quite different. The poem is much longer.26 The poet’s soul is lost in the desert searching for refreshment, trapped in ‘la prison de son corps’.27 Chandieu despairs because he can sense the better alternatives. Je sens en moy revenir D’une autre vie immortelle Un immortelle souvenir: Je voy au grand mal present La grandeur du bien absens Duquel le desir s’augment Par la misere presente.28

This misery clearly also pertains to the state of the French Churches. From here, his thoughts turn to death: man falls from cradle to grave, and life is only just begun when it ends. This reinforces Marie’s short life. Chandieu remarks on the inconstancy of human life in general, in which young men grow old with the lines on their face to prove it, and forget their glory days of youth. L’Homme n’a rien d’arresté, Quand il est, il a esté, Et d’une legiere fuite Se levant court à son giste. Le voicy en sa jeunesse Paree d’un sang meilleur: Le voila en sa vieillesse, Qui, basanant sa couleur, Va des rides labourant, Son visage ia mourant,

26   The work was first published in a small collection, Poemes Chrestiens & Moraux (s.l., s.n., s.d.), alongside other works by Chandieu, including the Octonaires and the ‘Ode sur les misères des Eglises Françoises’, and Pybrac’s Quatrains. This book is extremely interesting, not only because of its rarity, but also for its composition – the verses are laid out in civilité font, the only work by Chandieu to be so rendered. The ‘Cantique’ appears on leaves B1v ff. 27 28

  Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, l. 6.   Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, ll. 10–16.

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En attendant qu’on se jecte Dans sa fosse desia faicte. Comme de la bande noire Des sonder volans de nuict On perd soudain la memoire Quand le beau du iour nous luit: La vie qu’auront icy Vole & s’enfuir tout ainsi: Ceste vie est de la vie Seulement une effigie.29

He is insistent on the transient nature of human life over several stanzas. Certes la vie est pareille A la rose qui ouverant L’oeil de sa beauté vermeille, Rend l’air odoriferant: Puis soudain on s’esbahit Comme elle s’esvanouit, Estans flestrie & seichee Par le vent qui l’a touchee. Si la course est incertaine Du vent, qui audacieux D’un pied leger se pourmeine Parmi le vuide des cieux, Et roule & chasse & poursuit La nuee qui s’enfuir: Aussi le temps nous emporter Ou d’une, ou d’une autre sorte. Qu’est-ce donc que ceste vie? Un songe, une rose, un vent, N’ayant rien que tromperie, Pourriture & changement.30

Human life is ‘rien qu’une vanité’, where only anguish and torment survive to torment man incessantly. As one pain ends, so another arrives to take its place. In fact, man actually enjoys his misery, and foolishly loses himself in it. There is, however, some hope, that comes with death. Those with faith know that although life on this earth is desperate and miserable, there will come a time of peace. 29 30

  Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, ll. 29–48.   Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, ll. 49–68.

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Mais la vie est proffitable A qui congnoist, comme il faut Que la vie est miserable, A fin d’aspirer plus haut: Et qui, nageant, void le port D’une bienheureuse mort, Qui de la mort le deliure Pour eternellement vivre. Cessez donc, mes yeux, d’espandre Les pluyse de ma douleur, Cessez de percer & fendre Les entrailles de mon coeur.31

The idea of death as hope fits with Chandieu’s ideas about the futility of achieving salvation on earth, and his abhorrence at the corruption he sees in the world around him. It also runs true to Calvinist theology, where the greatest reward will be after death when one reunites with the elect: ‘Dieu l’a ainsi ordonné: Il prend ce qu’il a donné.’32 Chandieu is not speaking as a theologian here, but as a father who has lost his daughter. His grief spills out into the verse. Ma fille vit à ceste heure D’une vie trop meilleure. Elle n’a faict en ce monde, Sinon entre & sortir, Du tormens, qui y abonde, Dieu la voulant garentir. Elle n’a qu’un peu gousté De nostre calamité, Et de la peine diverse Qu’à pleine coupe on nous verse. Au repos, ou je la croy, Je puis dire en ma misere Qu’elle a vescu devant moy, Combien que je soy son pere.33

As a father, the greatest comfort Chandieu has at this point is that his daughter is in a better place – in fact, the best place. The fact that Marie

31

  Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, ll. 97–108.   Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, ll. 109–10. 33   Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, ll. 111–24. 32

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has achieved the salvation which he has only to look forward to is indeed the greatest possible comfort at this time. O vie cent fois heureuse De ces espritz bienheureux: O ma vie douloureuse, Tant que ie soye avec eux. Icy vivant ie ne voy En moy, qu’un bien peu de moy: Quand ie verray leur lumiere, Lors sera ma vie entiere.34

This undeniably moving work shows how Chandieu brought his faith to bear on his personal life. This is the most tangible account we have of how being Protestant allowed him to act in his everyday life. The loss of a daughter was far closer to home than the more noteworthy death of a political leader, even of a beloved teacher and religious guide. In these lines, the heartbreak at losing one’s own offspring is mitigated only by the very real belief that she has gone to a better place, one that can be achieved because of the faith in which she lived her short life, and to which the father has dedicated himself. Additionally, the themes of human weakness and above all of the transient nature of the world around us were to be predominant themes in Chandieu’s later poetry, all the more so after Marie’s death was followed by that of so many other innocent victims the following year. The fortunes of French Protestantism This era in the fortunes of French Protestantism could not help but be marked by the effects of the massacres of 1572. Chandieu’s writings, especially the ‘Ode’, indicate despair had entered into the Protestant mindset prior to this date. But nothing prepared them for the scale of violence and the practical losses of those few months, and the mass exodus away from the faith in the years that followed. In this climate, two main shifts can be seen to have occurred. The first was practical; having devoted so much time and energy through the early years to establishing a Protestant Church separate to that of Geneva, with its own structures and its own specifically French identity, the body blow dealt by the massacres to the Protestant leadership left them no option but to flee to the sanctuary and protection of Geneva. The work of Olson has shown this was not an easy situation to manage in practical

34

  Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, ll. 145–52.

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terms.35 The letters of the Bullinger Project in Zurich imply an attempt to maintain a separation between the French congregation and the native Genevan Churches: Appendix C shows the existence of a letter of December 1572 specifically from the French Stranger’s Church, with Chandieu’s name attached to this document.36 This letter suggests that the assimilation into the Genevan Church was not immediate. Yet in this climate of loss, Geneva’s supremacy had to be acknowledged, and the fate of the French Churches shifted as much due to their loss of independent identity as to the physical losses of 1572. Chandieu was mostly based in Lausanne after the spring of 1573, in comparative calm after his work between France and Geneva, and in an atmosphere of contemplative comradeship among the staff of the Lausanne Academy which he joined in June 1577 as Professor of Theology. This put him in contact with academics such as Nicolas Colladon and Blaise Marquard as well as Claude Aubéry, his great friend and intellectual sparring partner. In this atmosphere, assumedly somewhat rarefied after fleeing from massacres in Lyon, Chandieu had the time to turn his mind to wider issues facing the Reformed Church, not exclusively in France but in Europe as a whole. During the 1560s he had carved out a niche for himself as a talented polemicist. After the massacres, he was expected to announce and reinforce the Calvinist message to the wider world. What had originally been the vision of one man, in one city, had taken root in many communities throughout Europe, and a new generation of leaders had to provide guidance. Chandieu’s experiences in France, as polemicist and leader, made him an ideal proponent of this amended agenda. The debate with Jesuit writers showed Chandieu taking on the mantle of a top level Calvinist spokesman, charged with representing the movement on an external basis as well as providing guidance within.37 Yet whilst promoting and protecting his religion, Chandieu continued to use poetry to examine the Protestant experience. The Octonaires In many ways the Octonaires are Chandieu’s masterpiece. They are the apogee of his poetry, and they consolidate the themes he had explored 35

  Jeannine E. Olson, Calvin and Social Welfare: Deacons and the Bourse française (London and Toronto, 1989), pp. 25 and 136. 36   Apart from the council records which record the French communities’ thanks to the city of Geneva, ‘notament de qu’on leur avoit donné lieu pour s’assembler et prier Dieu ensemble’, there is no other obvious documentation which allows for us to suppose that this group carried on functioning in the same way as the Italian or English Churches did. RCP, vol. 4, p. 55. 37   Chandieu’s later polemical works are discussed in Chapter 8.

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over the preceding years in a self-contained cycle of 50 eight-line verses.38 The overall theme is man’s weakness and the futility of human existence. Chandieu as poet and pastor wishes to bring the sinful to God’s glory. To do this, he illustrates the fragility of the human world. After an introductory duo which introduce the ideas of the passage of time and the fallibility of the human senses, Octonaire 3 looks at the interchangeability of the four elements. Le Feu, L’Air, l’Eau, la Terre ont tousjours changement, Tournant et retournant l’un à l’autre element. L’Eternel a voulu ce bas Monde ainsi faire Par l’accordant discord de l’element contraire, Pour monstrer que tu dois ta felicité querre Ailleurs qu’au Feu, qu’en l’Air, qu’en l’Eau et qu’en la Terre, Et que la vray repos est en un plus haut lieu Que la Terre, que l’Eau, que l’Air et que le Feu.39

The next Octonaire returns to a familiar theme in Chandieu’s writing, the unpredictability of the seas. Y a-il rien si fort, si rude et indomptable Que le flot de la mer par les vents tourmenté? Y a-il rien qui soit si foible que le sable? Le flot est toutesfois par le sable arresté. O Mondain de combien la tempeste est plus forte Du vent de tes desirs, que ton ame transporte! Veu que rien n’est si fort au monde, qui retienne Le flot tempestueux de la passion tienne.

And Octonaire 5 discusses rivers in a similar vein. ‘Vous, Fleuves et Ruisseaux, et vous claires Fontaines, De qui le glissent pas Se roule roule en bas Dites-moi la raison de vos tant longues peines. C’est pour montrer au doigt que ta vie en ce Monde S’enfuit ainsi que l’onde, 38   All citations of the Octonaires are from Antoine de Chandieu, Octonaires sur la Vanité et Inconstance du Monde Françoise Bonali-Fiquet (ed.) (Geneva, 1979). The numbering used in this edition has been kept for simplicity’s sake, although the Octonaires were arranged into different orders in some of their appearances in other works. 39   Chandieu, Octonaire 3.

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Et ta felicité Ne s’arrect icy-bas où rien n’est arresté.40

The idea of nature being untrustworthy is arresting: the works of the Pléiade had established the pastoral genre as man in his idyll, without social constraints. Chandieu’s work takes this further: man is unavoidably unstable, as nature is forever changing. This is evident in all forms of nature: Octonaires 6, 7 and 29 look at night and day, emphasising the disorientation of the senses and man’s weak perception of the world around him, whilst remembering the light God brings into one’s life. And Octonaires 8 to 11 form a complete set, dealing with the seasons of the year and how each season demonstrates the precarious nature of man’s reliance on the world. An everyman character ‘Mondain’ is introduced in Octonaires 16 and 17. This character is a template for Chandieu’s characterisations of the worst of human excesses. In Octonaires 18 to 21, he examines what he sees as the fundamental aspects of man’s character, Ambition, Voluptuousness and Avarice. ‘Le Mondain se nourrit tousjours De l’espoir de ses vains discours, Qui ne sont que fumee et vent, Qui le vont ainsi decevant, Et rendent son ame affamee Ne t’esbahi doncques s’il est Si leger, veu qu’il se repaist Tousjours de vent et de fumee. Le Mondain craint tousjours et tousjours il desire, Doublement tourmenté d’un contraire martyre. Son desir est un feu qui court parmy ses os, Le sechant, l’atterrant, le privant de repos. Sa crainte est un glaçon, qui luy saisit le cœur, Pensant ne tenir pas ce qu’il serre et embrasse; Et ainsi combattu de desir et de peur, Il gele dans le feu, et brusle dans la glace.

40

  Chandieu, Octonaire 4 returns to a familiar theme in Chandieu’s writing, the unpredictability of the seas, and Octonaire 5 discusses rivers in a similar vein. This had featured in the Ronsard polemic, in the Histoire and in the ‘Ode sur les misères des Eglises Françoises’. Octonaires 24, 25, 28, 31, 33, and 34 all deal with nature themes, water, plants, and wind.

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Ambition, Volupté, Avarice, Trois Dames sont à qui on faict service, Et les Mondains se travaillent sans cesse, Pour en avoir Honneur, Plaisir, Richesse. Tous sont payez. Le vain Ambitieux, N’a que du vent. Le fol Volupteux, Un repentir. L’Avare, un peu de terre, Et moins en a, d’autant plus qu’il en serre. Comme de l’Aigle en l’air l’aile viste et hautaine, Comme la nef en l’eau, portee par le vent, Ainsi s’envole et fuit la richesse mondaine, Ainsi passe soudain le plaisir decevant. Et comme on ne peut pas voir ni en l’air, ni en l’eau Ou la trace de l’aigle, ou celle du vaisseau, Ainsi les biens s’en vont, et ton plaisir se passe, Et t’efforces en vain de les suivre à la trace. L’Ambitieux tousjours en haut tendre Et adjouster honneur dessus honneur. L’Avare fend la terre, afin d’y prendre Le metail riche, où il fonde son heur. L’un tend en haut, et l’autre tend en bas, L’un est contraire à l’autre, ce nous semble, Mais pour cela contraires ne sont pas, Car à la fin ils se trouvent ensemble. J’ai de l’Avare et de l’Ambitieux Les grands regrets et la plainte entendue: Las! j’ai perdu mon thresor precieux, Et moy (helas!) j’ai ma grandeur perdue. A quel propos ces regrets tant extremes? A quel propos ces extre mes douleurs? Pleurez plustost de ce que vos grandeurs Et vos thresors vous ont perdus vous-mesmes.41

Chandieu was preoccupied with the weaknesses of man in his experiences of the post-St Bartholomew world.42 Worldly issues weigh heavily on 41

 Octonaires 18–21. These verses are amongst the most striking of Chandieu’s work. Damon Di Mauro has examined their biblical precedents in a recent article ‘Les Octonaires … D’Antoine de Chandieu et les «Trois Concupiscenes»’ BHR 68 (2006), pp. 563–9. 42   The Méditations would make similar observations. See Chapter 8.

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the reader’s mind throughout the series. Historical context is also vital: Octonaires 32, 38 and 48 all consider how antiquity failed to achieve salvation, whilst Octonaire 26 makes a direct reference to the French situation. It is interesting to see how Chandieu’s attitude has changed over time. In the polemic against Ronsard, and above all in the ‘Ode sur les misères des Eglises Françoises’, Chandieu’s descriptions of France’s troubles were violent and bloodthirsty, with images of weaponry and battles. He had raged against the effect of war on families, women and children. In the Octonaires, his response is far more muted. The present situation is part of God’s overall design. The wars are just another example of the unpredictability of the world, where salvation only comes from the grace of God. Tu me seras tesmoin, ô inconstante France, Qu’au monde n’y a rien qu’une vraie inconstance, Car ta paix est ta guerre et ta guerre est ta paix, Ton plaisir te desplaist et ton soulas t’ennuye. Tu crois qu’en te tuant tu sauveras ta vie, Flotant sur l’incertain de contraires effects Il n’y a chose en toy qui ferme se maintiene, Et n’as rien de constant que l’inconstance tiene.’43

Throughout, Chandieu uses different styles: rhetorical questions (27), thundering sermonising (41), and detached observation of events (40). The effect is to force consideration of the arguments from all sides. The idea of man being in balance with nature and the world, but most importantly with himself, had developed throughout the Renaissance. Medieval thought saw man’s soul as distinct from his body. After death, the two separated. If the soul is that part of the human constitution closest to God, then the body, which is visibly weak and subject to age, disease and death, is by definition removed from God. It was Christ’s assumption of the human body which marked out His sacrifice. It is in death that man comes close to God. The aim was to show the unstable and transitory nature of earthly life. Man should be aware of his miserable state, so he realises God is his only hope. This pessimistic view of Man’s condition was integral to Calvinist theology. If Man is in a state of blindness and sleep, the role of pastors like Chandieu is to awaken the chosen. In the Octonaires, this sleeper is the everyman character referred to as ‘Mondain’, the embodiment of all weaknesses and foibles, but about whom God still cares enough to offer

43

  Chandieu, Octonaire 26.

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a means of salvation.44 Chandieu plays a dual role, that of a poet and of a preacher bringing the Mondain to God. The idea that salvation began with the sinner’s recognition of their own state of corruption was integral to the salvation process. Chandieu’s poetry is an example of how this recognition might be articulated. The sixteenth century had seen an increasing emphasis on the inner values of religion: prayer and meditation as opposed to outward ceremony.45 In the early Church, theology and private religion were complementary, but this had ceased during the Middle Ages and religion had become a predominantly communal experience. The soul-searching prompted by religious reforms reinforced the role of the individual in religious experience. Although evident in the practices advocated by evangelical writers such as Marguerite de Navarre, spirituality became more visible in French literature from the 1570s, when devotional religion as practised at the court of Henri III became fashionable, and an accompanying literature became necessary.46 In essence, Chandieu’s Octonaires were the poetical twin of his Méditiations.47 Although not specifically based on a particular psalm, the Octonaires addressed the same issues as meditation literature and would prove to be popular with the reading public. What do the Octonaires tell us about the mental state of French Protestants after the massacres? Chandieu had found a method, either knowingly or inadvertently, by which surviving believers could reconcile the horror of the events they had witnessed to their overall destiny as the chosen children of God. This world was not meant to be easy: if one did not face challenges that truly tested one’s faith, one was apt to fall into sin. In this, the constant believer could take comfort from their closeness to the trials of biblical characters, most obviously David, and take heart that the eternal reward for their suffering on Earth would be salvation. The similarity to David’s situation was reinforced by the continued use of Psalms 44

  In his Méditations, Chandieu separated ‘Mondains’ from ‘fideles’ and ‘craignans Dieu’. 45   Terence Cave, Devotional Poetry in France, c. 1570–1613 (Cambridge, 1969). Other examples of the genre can be found in Terence Cave and Michel Jeanneret, Métamorphoses spirituelles: Anthologie de la poésie religieuse française 1570–1630 (Paris, 1972). 46   This was built around the themes explored by Philippe Desportes and Guy Le Fèvre. Obviously, some themes of Catholic devotional poetry were anathema to Calvinist worship, for example the abundance of penitential literature, something the Protestant Church had no need of in a theology where election not penitence ensured salvation. This also cut out some of the necessity for reflection on the life of Christ so prevalent in Catholic poetry, where sharing in the bodily suffering of Christ led to the salvation of the individual. 47   See Chapter 8. Even more celebrated than Chandieu’s Octonaires was Du Bartas’ La Sepmaine, a verse account of the Genesis story. Interestingly, this is counted as profane, despite its biblical subject matter, as it had no aim to encourage spiritual devotion.

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in congregational worship and lay activity. Although Chandieu’s intention might have been to create a sense of inevitability and acceptance amongst Protestants, once his work entered the public domain, it became malleable and useful in achieving the aims of others. Thus we see it appearing in various guises, as songs, as a source for emblems and in anthologies. The Octonaires: poetical afterlife Over the next three decades the Octonaires were published in several formats – as an emblem book, as music lyrics, in anthologies, in various translations and as appendices to other works. Their afterlife as a product indicates how they tapped into a stream of thought within the Calvinist consciousness. The earliest surviving collection is a manuscript edition of 1576 of 19 Octonaires, owned by the Protestant surgeon Rasse des Noeux. The first edition to comprise all 50 Octonaires appeared in 1583, when they were published after Chandieu’s Méditations. The Régistres du Conseil de Genève record a request for publication by Louis du Rozu. A three-year privilege was granted on the advice of Beza on 29 July 1583, and du Rozu passed this on to Laimaire.48 Multiple editions were reprinted in Geneva both of complete and partial collections. Twenty-six were added to editions of Abraham Sacrifiant in 1598 and 1606. A Genevan edition of the Méditations printed in 1599 included them, as did Jean de Tournes’ Poëmes Chrestiens et moraux.49 In 1591 Jean Jacquemot made a Latin translation of the first 25 Octonaires, which were included with his translation of Jeremiah’s Lamentations. A full Latin translation was made in 1598 with Pybrac’s Quatrains, and another collection appeared in 1601.50 Not only were these poems popular with Protestants, they became firmly embedded in their literary world, as attested by their frequent reproduction in various forms. They were adaptable, to be used complete or in parts, in French or Latin as appropriate. Even more telling,

48

  RCP, vol. 5, p. 17.   This is the same rare item which contains the Chandieu, ‘Cantique à la mémoire de sa fille’. 50   The Octonaires continued to be published into the seventeenth century as addenda to other works: editions of Pybrac’s Quatrains published in 1607 and 1608 included both French and Latin translations, in a different order to that conventionally established. Viri Claris. & Ampliss. Vidi Fabri Pibracii In Svpremo Senatv Parisiensi Praesidis, Sacri Consistorij Consiliarij, & Francisci Alenc. Ducis Cancellarij, Tetrasticha Gallica Graecis, Pariter & Latinis Versibus Expressa, Authore Florente Christiano. Quibus Adiecta Sunt D. Gregorij Nazanzeni Aliquot Euisdem Argumenti Tetrasticha Totidem Linguis & Versibus Expressa. (Lyon, Francis Fabrum, 1607 and 1608). 49

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the Octonaires appeared in three different formats that showcase the versatility of Chandieu’s verse, and the versatility of the printing industry. Emblem books A rare edition of the Octonaires survives from 1580.51 The Strasbourg printer Bernard Jorbin, put a selection of Chandieu’s verses together with 18 engravings entitled Octonaires sur la Vanité et Inconstance du Monde by the engraver Etienne Delaune.52 The verses were lettered A–S, with a series of engravings. These were well known to aficionados of Delaune, but the link with Chandieu was not known. The poet’s name only appeared on the manuscript as AZ, and the notoriety of Delaune meant that the accompanying verses were seen as somewhat of secondary interest.53 As thought-provoking as Mauger’s work is on the history of this lost edition, she neglects to take account of the series as a constituent whole that takes its logical place in Chandieu’s work. These poems address themes that can be seen to have built throughout Chandieu’s career as a poet and as a Protestant. The 1580 edition is fascinating due to its rarity and its composition. The structure is not that of a standard emblem book: conventionally these comprised an illustration accompanied directly by either a verse or verse and prose explanations, underneath the illustration on the same page, or on the facing leaf.54 Thus the links between illustration and verse/explanation were very visible. The first part of the Delaune book was made up of the verses printed in succession, and the illustrations followed on in an unsigned second section. Yet the two were indeed intended to be seen in tandem: the printed verses were each signified by a letter from A–S which corresponded directly to letters found in the illustrated section. Also the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris holds a set of the Delaune engravings with the corresponding verses inscribed on them. 51   Florence Mauger, ‘Antoine de Chandieu and Etienne Delaune: Les Octonaires sur la Vanité et Inconstance du Monde. Un recueil d’emblèmes?’, BHR 58 (1996), pp. 611–29. 52   In 1576 there were 19 stanzas in manuscript. The 1580 edition comprises 17 Octonaires and a dedicatory huitain ostensibly to Marguerite de Navarre. Mauger attributed this to the printer’s brother-in-law Jean Fischart. Fischart was an established Protestant satirist in Germany who had translated Gargantua into German. Mauger identifies him by the use of his device, ‘Alors comme Alors’ in the Colophon. ‘Antoine de Chandieu and Etienne Delaune’ pp. 620–21. 53   Delaune’s engravings are held at the Bibliothèque Nationale and the Musée des Beaux-Arts in Paris. 54   The most celebrated Protestant emblem books were Beza’s Quarante-quatre Emblemes Chrestiens (1581) and Georgette de Mornay’s Emblèmes, ou Devises Chrestiennes (1571).

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The intended usage of such works is still not understood. Obviously expensive luxury items, arguments have been made emphasising their didactic nature, and their possible use as educational aids. However, the complexity of the ideas which were routinely conveyed in the forms of emblems and devices has led one specialist to conclude that they could not possibly have appealed to any but the educated classes, with their emphasis on classical knowledge and symbolism, and the frequent use of Latin in their composition. It was very difficult to convey information in this form, and the skill needed in making the ideas accessible was considerable.55 Emblems could also be put to work as publicity, especially when addressing complex religious debates.56 As the sixteenth century wore on, emblem books changed from being an all-encompassing genre to manuals of policy, especially those composed on the Protestant side by Beza and Mornay.57 The arguments are presented to a select readership, which tended to be intellectual and educated. This was persuasive literature of the most sophisticated level, designed to inspire an intellectual response. Works of this nature attempted to push doctrinal debate into a more intellectual arena, avoiding the popular tensions and bloodshed of former years. In an emblem book, issues could be raised and thoroughly examined by interested parties, who could then respond. Of course, this seems not to have been a huge impact on the Chandieu work: there is only one surviving copy, and Chandieu had no personal connection to the edition. Meanwhile, Chandieu’s Octonaires experienced success in other genres. Musical editions Chandieu’s work became popular as lyrics for the Protestant community.58 France had a strong musical tradition, but in the sixteenth century this mingled with Italian influences to produce the chanson, far lighter and simpler than earlier compositions. In a broad sense, the effect of the 55

  Daniel S. Russell, The Emblem and Device in France (Lexington, Kentucky, 1985)

p. 62. 56

 Russell, Emblem and Device, p. 90.   Alison Saunders, The Sixteenth Century French Emblem Book: A Useful and Decorative Genre (Geneva, 1988). 58   Jean Balsamo, La musique dans l’education aristocratique au XVIe siècle (Chambery, 1991); François Lesure, Musique et musiciens français du 16e siècle (Geneva, 1976); Musique et poésie au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1954); Pierre Pidoux, Le Psautier Huguenot du XVIe siècle. Mélodies et documents (Bâle, 1962) and ‘Les origines de l’impression de musique à Genève’ in J.-D. Candaux and B. Lescaze (eds) Cinq siècles d’imprimerie genevoise (Geneva, 1980); and Edith Weber, La musique protestante en langue française (Paris, 1979) and Histoire de la musique en France 1500–1650 (Paris, 1996). 57

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Reformation on music was to democratise what had previously been exclusive. In the Catholic tradition, liturgical music was the preserve of the schola, specially trained musicians, and the general congregation was expected to follow the service in silence. However, Protestants soon introduced congregational singing into their worship, with vernacular hymns with simple melodies being sung in the course of the service. The German hymns of Martin Luther were followed by the Psalms translations of Marot and Beza. The Huguenot Psalter enjoyed great success as a printed book, with multiple editions throughout the century. Often cited as an aural call to arms in times of persecution, it was also an established part of the liturgy. The entire cycle was sung over the course of about six months. There were marked differences between Protestant music and traditional Catholic song, mainly in the simplicity of Protestant composition This was necessary for people’s understanding of the words. The practice of writing music to fit specific sets of words had only developed at the end of the fifteenth century: previously any number of sets of words might be sung to a melody. Under the influence of Clément Janequin, the words became an integral part of the whole composition. Because it was important that the words were intelligible, this resulted in simplified part-writing. Hymns and sacred chansons were an important recreational pursuit. Calvin’s understanding of how music might be applied to worship can be traced to his time in Strasbourg, where music and vernacular singing had quickly been introduced into the liturgy.59 It was from Strasbourg that Calvin took his liturgical structure, which included singing by the entire congregation. Calvin’s attitude was that music should be simple and not distract from the devout nature of the words being sung. From simple settings, compositions became more complex, longer and polyphonic. They were designed for private performance, sometimes the part of one or more voices being replaced by an instrument. Music was an identifiable aspect of Protestant lay piety, in conjunction with the family reading of the Bible. The communal singing of Psalms became symptomatic of combative Protestantism, much to the annoyance of Catholics. The chanson spirituelle developed alongside the psalms, using other devotional texts as a base. These did not use pre-existing melodies, and took freer musical liberties, being closer to the secular chanson. The Octonaires are an outstanding example of this. In their subject matter and musical application, the Octonaires fulfilled the same role as the Psalms. The Psalms were the songs of David, and singing them let Protestants identify not only with each other but with biblical traditions of music as well. David’s faith was frequently tested, but his faith in God saw him achieve salvation. Protestants drew on this sense 59   Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 54–5.

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of identification, and could reflect on the similarity of their experiences before returning to the fight. On 13 October 1581 Claude Juge asked the Genevan council for permission to print Octonaires de la vanité du Monde, Pibrac’s Quatrains and Beza’s Pseaumes Latines & Pseaumes François, all set to music by Pascal de l’Estocart. In November 1581, Jean de Laon published two books of l’Estocart’s music, including the Octonaires, but a letter from l’Estocart implies they were written earlier:60 The final sum of 50 had not yet been reached, or Chandieu had not distributed the full set, else l’Estocart would have completed the cycle. The subsequent editions of Octonaires by l’Estocart only included works by du Chesne and Goulart. Two decades later, 36 Octonaires were set to music by Claude le Jeune, and published in 1606.61 Two of the most significant French composers of the sixteenth century, both of these men had Protestant backgrounds. Claude le Jeune had a long career as a musician, and ended his days as compositeur ordinaire de chambre for Henri IV. He died in Paris in 1600, and eight editions of his works were compiled and published by his sister Cecile. The works are grouped into 12 modes, groups of three songs based around a similar theme. Both Le Jeune and l’Estocart follow the accepted guidelines for Protestant music: simple melodies with the clarity of the words being of the utmost importance. The clarity of the words and the careful marrying of the subject text with the music are extremely engaging.

60

  ‘Il est avenu par la providence de Dieu, qu’à mon dernier retour d’Italie pour entrer en France, j’ay esté prié d’un mien ami de mettre en musique quelques Octonaires composez par le Sieur de Chandieu sur l’inconstance et vanité du monde. Or combien que j’eusse discontinué un tel exercice l’espace de plusieurs années, ayant esté employé a autres affaires, toutesfois desirant r’entrer en grace avec les Muses, je donnai air à cinq ou six huitains, qui ayans esté esprouvez induisirent cest ami et autres à me presser de poursuivre le reste: ce que je fis au moins mal qu’il me fut possible.’ Cited on pp. 14–15 of introduction by BonaliFiquet. 61   Isabelle His, ‘Le livre des Melanges de Claude le Jeune, Anvers, Plantin, 1585: Au coeur du débat modal de la séconde motié du XVIe siècle’ in Marie-Thérèse Bouquet-Boyer and Pierre Bonniffet (eds), Claude le Jeune et son temps: En France et dans les états de Savoie 1530–1600s (Chambery, 1991). The musical editions had been re-edited earlier in the century by Henry Expert as part of his series Monuments de la musique Française au temps de la Renaissance (Paris, 1929). Two CDs have been released of recordings of the Octonaires: Claude Le Jeune: Octonaires de la vanité et inconstance du monde (Arion, 1999) by the Ensemble Jacques Feuille, and Anne Quentin, Inconstance et vanité du Monde: Musique aux cours de France et de Savoie en 1601 (Ambronay and Naïve, 2000).

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Poetry anthologies The most intriguing trajectory of the Octonaires is their inclusion in collections of devotional poems. They appeared in the collections of the Cantiques de Maisonfleur and Valagre. The first edition of this fascinating anthology appeared in 1580 in Antwerp. In 1584 this was expanded to include works by Yves Rouspeau, Remy Belleau, Marin Le Saulx, Philippe Desportes, Th. De Sautemont and Joachim du Bellay, and a dedication to Charlotte de Bourbon-Montpensier. The 1586 edition added in the Octonaires and Pybrac’s Quatrains. Poetical anthologies became increasingly popular towards the end of the sixteenth century. Perhaps the forerunner of the Cantiques de Maisonfleur et Valagre was the Poemes Chrestiens de B. de Montmeja & autres diuers autheurs. Recveillis et novvellement mis en Lumiere which appeared in 1574.62 This was a collection edited by Philippes de Pas, and dedicated to the then Count Palatine, Frederick. Although it is Chandieu’s former co-author Montmeja who is named on the title page, the collection includes works by Beza, Tagaut, Goulart and other authors, as well as some anonymous works. The tensions surrounding Calvinist verse have been examined earlier. Whilst some felt that the Psalms were poetry enough, others believed that the rise in the number of ‘pagan’ poets needed combating by a home-grown poetical tradition. Poetry was not valued for its beauty alone, but rather for the impact it had on bringing the reader closer to God, and thus it was important that it kept to the fine line between devotional and independently spiritual. Famously Beza had written verses in his youth that he later came to regret, seeing them as too worldly, but from the 1580s, this debate was mainly in the past, and poets could happy investigate more and more deeply the spiritual topics that had been frowned upon several years before. The Maisonfleur collections stand somewhat apart, and pose some perplexing questions concerning the exclusivity of devotional identity, as they include works from both Catholic and Protestant poets. Cave noted that ‘the editorial policy is surprisingly liberal, gathering together poems by both Protestant and Catholic poets’.63 The standard explanation for this series of anthologies has been that they were Protestant in origin, and used the Catholic works, all by well-known authors, who in some cases had been dead for several years, as a cover for their more controversial Protestant works. This accounts for the slightly bizarre inclusion of works by Ronsard and du Bellay, who belonged to an earlier generation of poets, and whose works, whilst spiritual in direction, do not enter fully into the 62   Montmeja, Poemes Chrestiens de B. de Montmeja & autres diuers autheurs (s.l., 1574). 63   Cave, Devotional Poetry, p. 79.

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devotional paradigm. But this does not fully explain the phenomenon. These books were produced in Catholic centres, Paris and Tours.64 It is worth taking into account the production values involved: these were high quality books, well presented and of a high print standard. They were obviously intended as a luxury product, as indeed was the majority of non-polemical poetry. The works included for the most part all come from the same devotional background, the only true exceptions being the inclusions from the established poets of an earlier generation. The themes reflect a society tired by years of destructive war: the transient nature of life, the rewards awaiting believers after death, the instability of the world around us and the glory of the hereafter. Cave’s work found this symptomatic of the genre as a whole. When trying to define the difference between Catholic and Protestant devotional poetry, he could only do so by use of a negative construct: a Protestant work would not touch on devotional aspects anathematic to Protestant doctrine, such as meditation on the body of Christ and the Passion.65 But this became less pronounced a division, with boundaries being eroded, in poetry at least, throughout the 1590s, and more obviously after the Edict of Nantes. These collections did their best to remain enigmatic. The overall dedication was to the Protestant Princess Charlotte de Bourbon, by an editor who signed himself. P.M.D.M.S.D.L.G., dated from Antwerp in the spring of 1580. It states merely that the late Sieur de Maisonfleur wanted to dedicate this work to her, illustrating as it does so well the ideals of Piety and Virtue.66 The editor undertook to bring this wish to fruition after Maisonfleur’s death, neither wishing to deprive the princess of her gift nor the public of the worthy poems. At no point does he mention the inclusion of the other works in the dedication. The letter to the readers mentions the other works very briefly. The main point of this short prose letter is to debate the idea that poetry can have an honourable role in society, and is not just the frivolous verse of the court, a very Calvinist concern. At the very end of the letter, the editor mentions having included other Christian works to give more contentment to the reader, which have been gathered

64   Printers who produced editions including Chandieu’s verses included Jean Houzé (Paris, 1586), Mathieur Guillemaut (Paris, 1587 and Tours, 1592, shared with Sébastien Molin) and Raphaël du Petit Val (Rouen, 1602). 65   Cave, Devotional Poetry, pp. 22–3. 66   ‘Ainsi, le feu Seigneur de Maisófleur voulant dignment addresser ce sien oeuvre excellent, n’estimoit pource pouuoir faire meilleure election, que de celle qu’il voyait, entre autres tant illustre de Pieté & Vertu.’ Les Cantiques du Sieur de Maisonfleur gentilhomme françois, (Paris, Jean Houzé, 1586), A2r.

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from different authors.67 No more hints as to the criteria for inclusion are given. And no further information is given in subsequent editions as to the selection processes for the expansion of the contents. These editions, spread over three decades which saw France internally battered and divided, are an intriguing hint that not all Frenchmen were so easily divided between ‘Catholic’ and ‘Protestant’ in the emotional moulds traditionally cast. This is not to deny that being a Catholic or Protestant carried an inherent identity that one was proud of and aware of, but rather that the ideas these identities stood for had many similar characteristics. The fact of their production at all means a market existed for books in which confessional differences were if not ignored totally, then at least put aside. These were books of a religious nature, designed to encourage piety, and thus their lack of confessional exclusivity makes them all the more intriguing. Enough common sentiment was expressed in poetry for Catholic and Protestant works to sit alongside each other and not provoke comment. Although it would be premature to suggest this indicates a movement of reconciliation between Protestant and Catholic, it surely shows that throughout this era, people were being forced to consider the same questions on either side of the confessional divide: questions of salvation, being and the relationship man has with God, and at some points, what applied to one group was equally as valid for the other. Chandieu’s poetry had grown more reflective over the years since his engagement with Ronsard, and collections such as this indicate he was not the only author for whom prolonged civil disruption had provoked inner contemplation. Although both Catholics and Protestants wrote poems encouraging deeper spiritual awareness, this did not mean they were any closer to theological reconciliation. The Octonaires are perhaps best fitted to being Chandieu’s legacy, and their content, and their afterlife, show that the spokesman of the French Refugee community had struck a despairing chord with readers from a far wider circle than he could ever have envisaged. It must not be thought that Chandieu had given up all hope of the Churches’ situation ever improving. The tone of his later works was frequently reflective, and the contrast of the 1570s and 1580s with the vibrancy of the earlier successes of the 1550s and 1560s must have been especially trying for those who remembered the movement’s high point. Yet at times, there was cause for celebration. Henri de Navarre, heir presumptive following the death of Anjou in 1584, was a far more successful vessel for Protestant hopes than his father, Antoine de Bourbon. Chandieu of course had been close to Bourbon three decades previously, 67

  ‘Et de surcroit, pour donner plus de contentement au lecteur, nous auons adiousté en ceste derniere edition quelques poësies Chrestiennes, recueillies de diuers autheurs, & mentionnees en la seconde page.’ Cantiques du Sieur de Maisonfleur, A4v.

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as a young pastor full of vigour and hope.68 His relationship to the young Henri was very different – Chandieu served as his chaplain for about three years, returning from his Swiss exile to the challenges of life on campaign. Despite the physical deprivations, Chandieu was apparently content to leave the comforts of family and home in Geneva to return to active service in the French Churches. His confidence was rewarded by Navarre’s victory at Coutras in October 1587. Chandieu preached to the troops on the eve of battle – their success the following day must have seemed a divine justification of years of torment. In celebration, Chandieu wrote a ‘Cantique’ that praised God for his support of his children.69 In the poem, Chandieu placed the victory at God’s feet, noting as he had in the Octonaires that man was too weak to achieve such feats alone. Puisque mes foibles mains au jour de ma victoire N’estoyent rien que l’autel de tes puissantes mains Seigneur, je veux qu’aussi ma bouche pour le moins Me serve à te chanter un triomphe de gloire.70

Shadows of the old Chandieu are visible in the poem’s vivid evocation of the battlefield, its fire and gunpowder. Ces bataillons fonduz au feu de nos courages, Sans esteindre jamais noz ardeurs tant soit peu, Monstroyent que nous estions embrasez de ton feu Et que la cire estoit le support de leurs rages. Leur nombre, devant nous, ne fut que de la poudre, Qui s’esparpille en l’air au tourbillon d’vn vent. Mais quoi? ton Ange aussi qui leur vint au devant, Souffloit sur eux les vents & les feux de ta foudre.71

68

 On the relationship between Bourbon and Chandieu, see especially Chapters 3 and

4. 69   ‘Cantique pour le Roy, sur la victoire par luy obtenue a Coutras, contre Monsieur de Ioyeuse, le 20. Octob. 1587’. The poem was quickly printed as an appendix to polemical pamphlets circulated following the battle, including the Lettre d’un gentil-homme francois a messieurs de la Sorbone de Paris sur la nouuelle victoire obenue par le roy de Navarre contre monsieur de Joyeuse à Coutras and later was published alongside du Bartas’ similar celebration of Navarre’s victory at Ivry. 70   Chandieu, ‘Cantique pour le Roy, sur la victoire par luy obtenue a Coutras’, in Guillaume de Saluste, Seigneur du Bartas, Cantique sur la victoire d’Yvry (Lyon, Jean Tholosan, 1594), C3v. 71   Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, C3v.

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The image of a storm is called upon once more, but this time God brings calm to the heart as to the waves. Mais ainsi qu’au Rocher la vague se consume, Mon cœur en ce peril par ta force affermy, Soustint sans s’esbranler le flot de l’ennemy, Et tout soudain ce flot se rompit en escume. Ces courages, eslnez[soc] du vent de l’esperance, Creuerent à la fin d’abondance de vent.72

There is joy at the justice meted out to the Churches’ persecutors. Ainsi pour bien vanger de pareilles iniures, Il n’est que d’avoir Dieu tousiours de son costé. N’entrez point en desfi de sa fidelité: Il paye tout à coup l’attente & les vsures.73

Chandieu must have been optimistic that with the promise of Navarre’s future reign, the troubles of the French Protestant community must nearly be at an end. Accordingly, the ‘Cantique’ ends anticipating the glories yet to be achieved, the final line prefiguring Navarre’s longed-for coronation. A celle fin, Seigneur, que i’entende ta voix, Et m’enseignant tousiours le bien que ie te dois, Seigneur, fai-le moy faire, & me rends la pareille. Fais qu’en mesmes dangers iamais ie ne m’estonne, Et puis que tes bontez ce bien m’ont auancé, Ne te contente point d’avoir bien commencé: Il faut que de la fin l’ouvrage se couronne.74

The middle years of the French Wars of Religion saw Calvinism change from a thriving militant movement confident enough to raise an army and take on the royal forces to a shrunken vestige of its former self, in many areas leaderless and without hope. Although the Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacres are greatly responsible for this reversal of fortune, Chandieu’s verse shows that despondency had in some cases set in years before these seismic events rocked the foundations so carefully laid. As one of the surviving leaders of the Church, Chandieu took on his practical duties without complaint, and maintained the vestiges of the 1559 Confession 72

  Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, C3v–4r.   Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, C4r. 74   Chandieu, ‘Cantique’, C4r. 73

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and Discipline even in exile. But his poetry, always far more indicative of his emotional state than his prose, shows how much the heavy human cost weighed on the French Church. Even when not specifically writing in memory of someone dear to him, it was impossible to escape the gravity of the situation which French Protestants now faced. With few causes for optimism, Chandieu and his colleagues clung to what hope they had, and began to forge a new identity for themselves, one which turned their desperate losses into a secret sign of hope. From the horror of 1572, a more sober Church emerged, one that identified with David and the Israelites. With the glory days of mass expansion thoroughly behind them and the shock of recent events slowly being absorbed, thoughts turned to consolidation of what little remained. Again, it would be Chandieu who answered his Church’s call.

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Chapter 8

‘Sa solide erudition est redoutee de tous les aduersaires de verité’: Chandieu’s Practical Experience of Protestantism

Chandieu never set aside his preoccupation with the administration of the French Churches and the interior spiritual life of the Protestant believer. From his base in Lausanne and then Geneva, he produced more works designed to shore up the French Churches. By this stage, he numbered amongst the most prominent theologians of the Reformed Churches. Within France, he was repeatedly requested to carry out missions on behalf of the French Churches by the National Synods which met in this era. The system he had spent so long establishing and defending now repaid his dedication with recognition of his talents. Even more noticeably, he gained international recognition with his writings addressing the criticisms of Jesuit theologians. Chandieu’s standing as a theologian was now second to none within the Reformed community. Yet success masked a severe personal cost. This was the era of crisis for French Calvinism. The wars to this point had seen Protestantism largely wiped out in Northern France, and the Church’s heartland was now to be found amongst the communities of the Midi. The development of Monarchomach theories of resistance, and the declaration of the ‘United Provinces of the Midi’ were far removed from Chandieu’s youthful dalliances with rebellion in the Conspiracy of Amboise. It is striking that he did not comment on or contribute to the emerging theories, even as his friend Beza became more enmeshed in justifying the position of French Protestants. Instead, he remained dedicated to making sure the Church operated as smoothly as possible, given the circumstances. By the 1580s, the upper echelons of   Chandieu was designated as a spokesman for the Churches at proposed international conferences by the Synod of Sainte Foy in 1578 and again by the Synod of Vitré in 1583.    Philip Conner, Huguenot Heartland: Montauban and Southern French Calvinism during the Wars of Religion (Aldershot, 2002), Chapter 1.    An overview of Beza’s thought on this subject can be found in Robert M. Kingdon’s ‘Théodore de Bèze était-il vraiment «monarchomaque»’, in Paul-Alexis Mellet (ed.), Et de sa bouche sortait un glaive: Les Monarchomaques au XVIe siècle (Geneva, 2006), pp. 121–8. 

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the Protestant leadership could not help acknowledging that their vision of a Protestant France would never be realised, and they had to accept their position would be at best as a minority Church within a culture used to hating and blaming them for decades of civil war. Chandieu’s writings reflect this crisis: the theological works still pulled no punches when they come to lambasting monks and supporting Calvinist doctrine, but an element of rapprochement hinted at an awareness of the need to band together with other Protestant groups. In accordance with Chandieu’s growing international stature, his theological writing was now substantially undertaken in Latin. His treatises on Purgatory, the Death of Christ and the Word of God were all written in Latin and only translated into French after his death. And his confrontation with Jesuit scholars led by Turrianus was unsurprisingly conducted in the language of international scholarship. He did however translate two of his own works into French during his lifetime, and it is these works that show his ongoing preoccupations for the French Church. His Méditations covered many of the same themes as the Octonaires, whilst in the Response à la Profession de foy des Moines de Bordeaux, he proved he had lost none of his taste for combative literature. Polemical theology: Chandieu, the Jesuits and scholasticism In 1577, Chandieu engaged Jesuit polemicists in his Sophismata F. Turriani. Earlier works had masqueraded as having a potential audience amongst Catholics, or had been written with a view to presenting Calvinist policy to religious opponents. This work and its successors are significant in terms of Chandieu’s vernacular writings. Primarily, their composition and continual reissue give an impression of Chandieu’s standing as an author and theologian in the eyes of others. The audience for Latin works was considerable. It was still the language of scholarship, and thus the international language of the intellectual. By engaging in this international dialogue, Chandieu validated his intellectual credentials. These must be affirmed if the true value of his work in France and abroad is to be appreciated. From the point where he was appointed as spokesman for    Antoine de Chandieu, Sophismata F. Turriani, collecta ex ejus libro de Ecclesia et ordinationibus ministrorum ecclesiae, adversus capita disputationis Lipsicae (Geneva, Pierre de Saint-André, 1577). He had engaged in controversial literature a decade previously, publishing a work that challenged the eminant Catholic polemicist Claude de Sainctes, who wrote criticising Chandieu’s colleagues Calvin and Beza. Refutation libelli quem Claudius de Saintes, monachus, edidit cum hac inscriptione: Examen doctrinate Calvinianae et Besance de coena Domini, ex scriptis authorum ejusdem collectum. ([Geneva], [Jean Crespin], 1567). It was not republished until after his death.

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the refugee community after the massacres, Chandieu was cast as a leader of the French spiritual community, and thus one of the prominent leaders of international Calvinism. His works reflected this change in his status. As a spiritual leader, he was bound to defend his Church’s ideology to the utmost. He had done this before, against internal dissenters like Morély, and to external critics like Ronsard. But his spirited poetic attacks were no longer appropriate. As valid a part of the Protestant arsenal they had been in the 1560s, the international religious situation of the late 1570s needed a more measured response, that of a serious and respected theologian. The spurs Chandieu had earned defending the Church against Morély were to be rewarded by his recognition as an established theological voice amongst the international intelligentsia. The main topic was the succession of pastors. He employed a scholastic approach both to these works and to his broader treatises, developing his arguments through a step-by-step process. This had been seen in Chandieu’s treatment of Morély, but here it was far more systematic, numbering the errors in his opponent’s logic one by one. It was to be a style which came to dominate his theological writing. Chandieu wrote to protect the Calvinist cause from external opposition, as he had done before, and a systematic step-by-step approach was by far the most suitable at this juncture. Chandieu employed the same scholastic approach in other works, to great acclaim. He embarked on a series of three theological treatises that reiterated the Calvinist standpoints on key aspects of theology: the word of God, the nature of Christ’s sacrifice on the cross and predestination, and on the true remission of sins and Purgatory. Chandieu and his   These works were reprinted throughout Chandieu’s life and were incorporated into the collected works put together after his death in 1591. Chandieu, Opera theologica. Nunc primum in unum volumen collecta ([Geneva], excudebat Ioan Le Preux, 1592).    Donald Sinnema, ‘Antoine de Chandieu’s call for a scholastic reformed theology (1580)’, in W. Fred Graham (ed.), Later Calvinism: international perspectives (Kirksville, Missouri, 1994), pp. 159–90. Goulart would later praise Chandieu’s systematic approach to theology in his prefaces to the French translations of the scholastic treatises, saying ‘sa solide erudition est redoutee de tous les aduersaires de verité’. Chandieu, Traité Theologic et Scholatique De l’unique Sacrificature & sacrifice de Iesus Christ: contre le controuué sacrifice de la Messe. Escrit en Latin par Antoine de Chandieu excellent theologien, & nouvellement mis en François, par S.G.S. de l’imprimerie de Jean le Preux ([Geneva], Le Preux, 1595), ¶2r.    These treatises, published between 1580 and 1582 in Latin, were then later revised and reissued in Latin, before being translated into French after Chandieu’s death by Simon Goulart. Their publication in Latin indicates they were intended for an academic audience, but the fact that they were translated implies they had a wider readership, especially when their earliest translation is considered. In 1584, over a decade before the French editions, a work appeared in London from J. Harrison, entitled A Treatise touching the word of God, Tr J. Coxe. Clearly, Chandieu’s work was appreciated far from Lausanne, and not just by 

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contemporaries considered the three works to be a set: Chandieu refers readers to things he says in the other compositions, and Goulart makes apologies for translating out of order. Their theology is unsurprisingly committedly Calvinist, and they follow Chandieu’s fashion of theological writing: refutation point by point, use of biblical, apostolic and patristic writers, taking the opponents’ arguments apart piece by piece. Much of the theological content was repeated in the more expansive Response à la Profession du foi des Moine de Bordeaux. What is more intriguing is the idea behind the publications. Much of Chandieu’s theological work was in some way reactive to circumstance: he wrote La confirmation de la discipline ecclésiastique in response to Morély, his Latin treatises in response to the Jesuits and Claude Aubéry. These three treatises were not prompted in the same way. Large proportions of the works refute Catholic thinking and the essential feeling of combat is continually present. However, whilst the theology becomes dense and concerned with minutiae for long stretches, the overall ambition is never lost. The three works cover the basic areas in which Reformed theology, as opposed to practice, differed from Catholicism: the primacy of the Word as expressed in Scripture, the theological basis for the Lord’s Supper and how mankind’s sinful nature relates to his salvation. In these three works, one finds a guide to being a Reformed Christian, albeit one written for those already fully integrated into the processes of the Church: Goulart did after all refer to the works being used as study books for trainee pastors. This fits with their structure and makes a great deal of sense. There would be little need with such a target audience in mind to bother with a French translation. As Goulart remarks, there were also the editions of collected works, and Chandieu’s a Latinate audience. The first of the three treatises appeared in 1580, from Jean Le Preux’s works in the town of Morges, outside Lausanne, under the title Locus de verbo Dei scripto, adversus humanas traditiones, theologice et scholastice tractus. It was reissued from this same printer, again in Morges in both 1582 and 1584, with the London edition appearing between these two. Its final Latin edition was again by Le Preux, from his Genevan workshop the year after Chandieu’s death, and it also appeared in the collected works.    ‘Or les liures que ce Noble & docte personnage nous a laissez en latin, pour estre escrits en termes vsites es escholes de Theologie, faits pour les mieux exercez es disputes, demeuroyent enclos au grand recueil aui a esté fait de ses oeuures apres son trespas: & ie ne pensois point les communiquer à nos François, estimmant que ce que l’auteur mesme auoit elegamment & solidement escrit en nostre langue contre les Moines de Bourdeaux, sur tous les poincts qui sont auiourd’hui en dispute entre nous et les Papistes, pourroit satisfaire à ceux qui desirent sçauoir son auis sur tels differens. Ioint que I’encline assez au iugement de plusieurs grands personnages, qui estiment que par silence & douceur lon peut gaigner beaucoup sur les plus opiniastres.’ Chandieu, Traité Theologic et Scholatique De l’unique Sacrificature & sacrifice de IESUS CHRIST: contre le controuué sacrifice de la Messe. Escrit en Latin par ANTOINE DE CHANDIEU excellent theologien, & nouvellement mis en François, par S.G.S. de l’imprimerie de Jean le Preux ([Geneva], Le Preux, 1595), ¶3r.

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own French theological tract, the Response à la Profession de foy. But Chandieu was still producing texts that could help the ordinary Christian in their daily life, and was not afraid to embrace new genres that might prove effective. The Méditations The Calvinist community was made up of other people as well as pastors, and Chandieu did not neglect them in his writing. Largely removed from pastoral work by this stage in his career, nonetheless he proved his ongoing concern with the spiritual health of the French Protestantism in his Méditations. This fascinating genre provides real insight into the practicalities of how people experienced Protestantism in their everyday lives. Prose meditations on Biblical passages became popular with Calvinist writers during the religious wars, as seen in Table 8.1. The genre was technically ingenious in its manipulation of language.10 Meditations combined knowledge and reflection on the Psalms, which had known such a successful reception amongst the Protestant readership of the sixteenth century, with a conscious use of the first person that enabled the author to achieve a personal tone not usually seen in the religious texts of the era. Naturally when this was experienced by another reader, the emotive first person text raised their emotional engagement with the ideas, promoting deeper reflection and engagement. The style is that of prayer, as opposed to philological–theological self expression: using the first person brings the reader fully into the text and allows identification with David. The Biblical King encapsulates both aspects of the Protestant personality: the Chosen One, anointed to lead Israel in the same way that the Protestants were chosen to receive God’s grace, but also the sinner, whose actions removed him from the exalted position his by right and whose recognition of this sin was necessary to bring him back into   This data is based on the research of Klára A. Erdei, ‘Méditations calvinistes sur les psaumes dans la littérature française du XVIe siècle’, in Acta Litteraria Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, vol. 24 (1–2) (1982), pp. 117–55, and the French Vernacular Book Project. 10   A revival of interest in this narrow genre occurred amongst literary scholars in the early 1990s. La Méditation en prose à la Renaissance, Cahiers VL Saulnier no. 7 (Paris, 1990). For other examples in this genre, see Theodore Beza, Chrestiennes Méditations, Mario Richter (ed.) (Geneva and Paris, 1964); Jean de Sponde, Méditations sur les Pseaumes, Sabine Lardon (ed.) (Paris, 1996); and Agrippa d’Aubigné, ‘Méditations sur les Pseaumes’, in Œuvres Complètes, vol. II, Eug. Réaume and de Caussade (eds) (Geneva, 1967). Also of interest is Marie-Madeleine Fragonard, La pensée religieuse d’Agrippa d’Aubigné et son expression (Paris, 2004), especially pp. 93 ff. 

248 Table 8.1

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

Prose Meditations

Author

Title

Publication details

Theodore Beza

Chrestiennes Méditations sur huict Pseaumes du prophète David

Geneva, Berjon, 1581

Antoine de Chandieu

Méditations sur le Psalme XXXIII

earlier Latin edition

Philippe Duplessis Mornay

Discours de la Vie et de la Mort (with Savonarola’s Meditations)

Paris, Auvray, 1584

Philippe Duplessis Mornay

Meditations Chrestiennes sur les Pseaumes VI, XXV, XXX, & XXXII

La Rochelle, Haultin, 1586

Philippe Duplessis Mornay

Meditations chrestiennes sur quatre Pseaumes du Prophete David

Geneva, Chouët, 1591

Philippe Duplessis Mornay

Meditations chrestiennes sur plusieurs Pseaumes

Paris, Auvray & Louvain, 1596

Meditations sur le Psalme Cent-un. Au Roy

La Rochelle, Haultin, 1591

Meditation sur le Psalm Centetrante

La Rochelle, Haultin, 1594

Pierre Pelisson

Meditation sur le Pseaume CXXVII

in Mornay 1586

Jean de Sponde

Méditations sur le Psalmes XIII., ou LIII, XLVIII., L., & LXIII

La Rochelle, 1588

Agrippa d’Aubigné

Mediations sur les Pseaumes

Geneva, Aubert, 1630

Daniel Toussain

L’exercise de l’Ame fidele, Assauoir Prieres et Meditations

Frankfurt, 1582

Philippe Duplessis Mornay

Les Larmes de Philippe de Mornay sur la mort de son fils unique en latin et en françois avec des meditaions sur les versets 11 & 12 du chap. III. des Proverbes

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Simon Goulart

Meditation chrestienne, sur les paroles du Seigneur, au 18. ch de S Matth v. 10

Geneva, Marceau, 1623

James VI

Meditation de Jacqves VI, dv nom, Roy d’Escosse

La Rochelle, Haultin, 1589

John Fox

Eicasmi seu Meditationes in Apocalypsin S Joannis Apostoli et Evangelistae

Geneva, 1596

Le voyage de Bethel (par Jean de Focquembergues) avec les Preparations, Prieres et Meditations

Middlebourg, Parmentier, 1602

Simon Goulart

XXV Meditations chrestiennes

Geneva, Chouët, 1608

Charles Drelincourt

Prières et méditations pour se préparer à la communion

Charenton, 1621

Sébastien Durant

Méditation pour les Églises réformées de France

Sedan, Jannon, 1622

Juan de Valdés

Les divines considérations et saintes méditations (trans. Claude de Kerquifinen

(1563) re-ed Lyon, Rigaud, 1601

God’s light.11 The meditation fulfilled the same basic role as confession did for the Catholic psyche, allowing the individual to engage in admission, repentance and absolution in order to square themselves with God. Meditation provided the same cathartic release: guiding the penitent Christian in a solitary setting, with no intercession from a priest. In essence, these texts used deeper study of Biblical works to achieve deeper religious awareness and to draw parallels with the ongoing upheavals in the everyday lives of Protestants. The Psalms themselves were originally a literature of suffering, that of the personal suffering of David and the collective sufferings of the Israelite peoples. Thus the adoption of this biblical antecedent by the Protestants in the period of their own trials is not surprising. The genre’s history is somewhat confused, and much of the initial research focused on Beza, the highest profile contributor. In his dedication to Anne Bacon, Beza mentioned that he had been long been thinking of putting together his reflections on the content of the Psalms.12 It would make sense   Fragonard, Pensée religieuse, pp. 95–6.   ‘… il y a quelque temps qu’aprés m’estre employé à la traduction et exposition d’iceux,

11 12

je me suis mis aussi à esbaucher quelques meditations sur ce subject ayant choisi, comme pour

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for Beza to have been working on this project after his translations and with them still fresh in his mind. The ‘Princesse’ mentioned might well have been Jeanne d’Albret. Beza met her in 1571 at the Synod of La Rochelle, along with Chandieu, before her death the following year. Publishing must have slipped Beza’s mind when more practical matters needed to be addressed in the wake of the Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacres. This climate was to inspire many of Beza’s co-religionists. The fact remains that Beza was not the first Protestant to publish a Psalm Meditation. Chandieu’s original Latin Mediationes in psalmum xxxii had appeared in 1578 and had been translated into English the following year.13 Chandieu was not necessarily an innovator in this area, and it is probable that studies of Latin and vernacular collections will uncover similarly themed works appearing in the 1570s. Chandieu has been dismissed by some as nothing more than an poor associate of Beza.14 Rather, his work bridges the Meditation and more traditional theology, and represents a key step in the development of the Meditation as a genre. Secondly, it forces greater consideration of the climate in which these works of profound contemplation of the pitiful human condition appeared. There is only one surviving copy of the 1583 French edition of Chandieu’s Méditations.15 This contained the first full edition of the Octonaires, for which it has received much attention, but its main text has been little explored. Chandieu’s Méditations stand out from those of his contemporaries due to their sheer length. On one short psalm, Chandieu produces 248 pages: the same psalm saw Beza produce 18 pages in his un essay, les sept Psalmes pieçà nommez penitentiaux, pour estre lors specialement dediez à ceux lesquels aprés avoir satisfait à la penitence publique et canonique, estoyent r’alliez au corps de l’Eglise: le tout pour mon instruction et consolation particuliere. Et depuis encores ayant esté requis d’une grande et vertueuse Princesse de luy dresser quelque formulaire de prieres, je les ay reprins en main et polis aucunement, en esperence mesmes de les publier: ce que n’estant venu à effet par le soudain decez d’icelle Dame, je les ay gardez entre mes papiers comme chose de peu de prix.’ Beza, Chrestiennes Méditations, pp. 39–40. 13   Mediationes in psalmum xxxii. Authore A.Sadeele (Lausanne, Fransiscus Le Preux, 1578); Moste excellent meditations uppon the xxii Psalme, written in latin by ... A.Sadel, and nowe newly translated into English ... by W. W[atkinson] (London, T. Dawson, for T. Cook and T. Man, 1579). 14   For example, Erdei believed Chandieu’s prose leant too heavily towards the theological texts of his past to be truly accepted as part of the meditative canon: ‘La méditation pour Chandieu n’est pas de la littérature, il n’y pense même pas, son style est celui des raisonnements arides. Son exemple montre que les Protestants formés par l’Institution, malgré les Méditations de Beza dont l’influence se répandait déjà, ont eu du mal à dépasser le puritanisme calvinien contraignant.’ Erdei, ‘Méditations calvinistes’, p. 129. 15   Chandieu, Méditations sur le psalme XXXII, traduictes du latin ... Ont aussi esté adjoutez 50 octonaires sur la vanité du monde, par A. Zamariel ([Geneva?], J. Laimarie, 1583).

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original edition.16 Other meditative writers would follow Beza’s format and analyse several psalms in brief: Chandieu is conspicuous in his extensiveness. He was first and foremost a minister, extremely knowledgeable about the Bible and its interpretation. By this stage he was also an accomplished polemicist, experienced in composing detailed theological tracts designed to convince opponents. It is not surprising that when left to exhaust himself on a particular, and in this instance well-defined, subject, he could run on. Chandieu wrote his Méditations before Beza’s pervasive influence took hold.17 Chandieu’s theological past is manifestly obvious in his treatment of the text, but this work was very different to anything else he had produced, and signalled a new departure for his writing, borne out by the subsequent Octonaires. The Preface to the work initially appears to be a dazzling homage to the person of David in the Bible, and the significance of his struggles with sin.18 David’s victory over Goliath gave the Israelites courage, as his victory over sin should give Christians courage in their own battles. His example inspired Chandieu to produce this work.19 Of course, the Méditations are for anyone to read and use, but Chandieu especially mentions his hope that they will be used by those who have turned away from the Reformed Churches, because they have suffered great afflictions. He knows there are some people who openly sin against God’s word, but his interest here is those who are unhappy in their sinning but who still persist in it.20   Beza, Chrestiennes Méditations, pp. 59 ff.   Given the closeness of their relationship, there remains the possibility that the two

16 17

friends had shared their works in manuscript. 18   ‘Car combien qu’il ait esté grandement honoré par ceste victoire là: si est-ce que sa repentance a esté aussi vne victoire d’autant plus magnifique, que l’ennemi qui a esté vaincu, asauoir le peché, estoit plus dangereux & redoutable: veu que Goliath ne pouuoit tuer que le corps, mais le peché peut tuer & le corps & l’ame[sic]. Et si la victoire est plus admirable, quand le soldat qui est sous les pieds de son ennemi comme desia tout vaincu, reprend coeur & non seulement se leue, mais aussi abat & terrasse celuy par lequel il auoit esté abattu: il faut confesser, que Dauid se repentant de sa faute, a encores mieux & plus vaillamment combatu contre le peché, qu’il n’auoit fait contre Goliath. Car lors le combat estoit d’ennemi à ennemi: mais en la repentance de Dauid, le vaincu a combattus contre le vainqueur & l’a surmonté.’ Chandieu, Méditations, ¶2r–v. 19   ‘Et parce que ie desire que ce mien petit labeur puisse seruir non seulement à moy, mais aussi aux autres, autant qu’il plaira à Dieu le benir: ayant sceu que quelques vns qui n’entendent pas la langue Latine (en laquelle ces Mediations ont esté premerement mises en lumiere, il y a ia quelque temps) desiroyent en auoir communication: à ceste causes ie les ay traduites en Françoises & reueues, selon que i’ay pensé estre connuenable pour respondre à leur intention & desir.’ Chandieu, Méditations, ¶3r–v. 20   ‘Ie say qu’aucuns personnages de grande pieté & sauoir leur ont ia tendu la main, tant par leurs doctes escrits, que par leurs saintes remonstrances & exhortations, auquelles ie ne pourroy rien adiouster: mais ce que ie fay à present, est seulement pour tesmoigner, que ie suis du nombre de ceux là qui desirent de tout leur coeur, que ceux qui se sont destournez

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This introduction was composed around the same period as the Octonaires, in the early 1580s, and the accompanying Méditations at the end of the previous decade. The end of the 1570s have traditionally been seen as a crisis period for Calvinism, with thousands having abandoned their faith at the time of the massacres, fearing continued violence. Those who had escaped with their lives and who now watched from a safe distance could only voice their disappointment. For someone so intimately involved in the growth of the Church as Chandieu, this disappointment had to be all the more crushing. Out of harm’s way in Lausanne, this preface demonstrates how keenly he felt the need for action to save the Church, for the sake of the souls of the lost, rather than the Church itself. This is a perfect example of how Chandieu’s vision of the Church was completely bound up with its members. It was not a political issue or desire to increase attendance, but a matter of saving souls. He could help through his ministry and his writing. Far from being a cold, inhuman Calvinist dogmatist, he is desperate to bring comfort to those who need it. The text begins with a short explanation of the nature of sin and repentance in man. This is thoroughly Calvinist in tone, utterly convinced of the state of human wretchedness.21 The alternative to this is being aware of one’s sin but also of one’s own weaknesses and falling into a state of despair. But in this Psalm, Chandieu explains, David shows man how to remedy these states, in three ways. Firstly, he proposes the doctrine of the remission of sins and how this comes from the Grace of God. He then confirms this doctrine with his own life and experiences. Finally he remonstrates with sinners to recognise their faults and come to accept the judgement of God. Chandieu likens the Psalm’s title to a doorway one must appreciate before crossing the threshold, before contrasting it with ancient philosophy. Chandieu observes the best philosopher of all was Socrates, who said he only knew one thing, and that was that he knew nothing. He is slightly dismissive of all the sciences they designed for living well, for there is nothing to compare with the science that David demonstrates. de la profession de l’Euangile, y reuiennent, & par leur retour nous donnent autant de ioye & consolation, que leur depart nous a donné de fascherie & de tristesse. Ce que ie les prie de prendre de bonne part, & exhorte au nom de Dieu de se rendre bons disciples & diligens imitateurs de Dauid és choses conntenues au present Psalme.’ Chandieu, Méditations, ¶4r. 21   ‘Mais les hommes sont tellement addonez & asseruis à peché, qu’entre les autres fautes qu’ils commettent, cest ci est des plus grandes, qu’ils n’ont pas vn tel sentiment du peché comme il est necessaire pour les amener à vne droicte repentance. Car il y en a de si stupides que combien qu’ils soient presques accablez sous le pesant fardeau de peché, ce neantmoins ils ne sentent pas leur charge, mais au contraire, pensent estre bien à leur aise: & se plaisent tellement en vn si miserable trauail, qu’ils ne font autre choses tous les iours que d’amasser peché sur peché, c’est à dire, entasser charge sur charge, & mettre vn fardeau sur l’autre, auec telle stupidité que plus le monceau est gros & pesant, & moins ils le sentient.’ Chandieu, Méditations, a1v–2r.

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Chandieu employs a series of rhetorical questions to make his point.22 All worldly sciences are useless if the science of remission of sins is not added to perfect them. Man can take comfort from knowing David underwent periods of doubt, as did St Paul, to inspire the reader to follow the same mental pathway. The Meditation itself addresses each verse in turn. It is intended to be read in one sitting. In Chandieu’s theological works, each subsection is very clearly marked out and set apart, so the argument can be broken down and digested piece by piece. Here, there is often not even a clear paragraph break between the 11 verses. Instead, the reader is presented with a mass of text. There is no convenient break point, but rather one is drawn deeper and deeper into to the psalm and its ramifications. The overall result is overwhelming. The tone is very different to that of the theological treatises: although not written in the first person as many meditations were, Chandieu writes as though addressing a congregation or a parishioner. The benevolent ‘tu’ is far more relaxed than the ranting of the Response à la Profession de foy des Moines de Bordeaux. He even puts words into David’s mouth, to convey with absolute clarity what the reader should be thinking. His treatment of the first verse exemplifies this, and harks back to the introductory section, continuing the critique of ancient philosophers. Most pertinent is the middle section of the first verse, where Chandieu considers man’s quest to find happiness. The ideas here are revisited in the Octonaires, those of man’s basest natures, and the lack of constancy in the world.23 Chandieu rails against those who believe happiness can be achieved through the pursuit of good works, an idea irrevocably linked   ‘Mais la science doit estre proprement appellee science, qui rend les hommes non seulement plus sçauans: mais aussi meilleurs. Car si nous considerons les sciences qui ont esté anciennement tant renommees, comme l’Arithmetique, l’Astrologie, la Geometrie, & autres semblables: dequoy seruira la cognoissance de toutes ces choses, si le remors de nostre conscience nous rend conuaincus que nous sommes indignes du ciel & de la terre, & de la iouissance des creatures de Dieu? Que seruira-il à l’Astrologue de sçauoir le cours & le mouuement du ciel & des corps celestes, si son peché le precipite iusques aux enfers? Que profitera au medecin de sçauoir guerir les corps si cependant son ame est malade de vne maladie mortelle. Pourquoy se vantera le Iurisconsulte de cognoistre le droict & l’equité s’il se sent conuaincu en sa conscience d’iniquité & d’iniustice? Quoy plus?’ Chandieu, Méditations, a7r–v. 23   ‘Di moy, auaricieux à quoy pretens tu par tant de peines, tant de veilles, de soucis, de dangiers, & par le continuel trauail tu amasses ordinairement tes richesses? C’est, dira-il, afin que par ce moyen ie soye heureux. Et toy, ambitieux, à quelle fin pourchasses-tu tant les honneurs & dignitez de ce monde? Pour estre bien heureux, dira-il. Et si ie m’addresse au voluptueux, il me respondra de mesme, & me dira qu’il pense estre bien heureux, quand il se sera plongé en ses delices, & en toutes sortes de voluptez & plaisirs. Partant les auaricieux, les ambitieux, & ceux qui suiuent les voluptez pensent estre bien heureux au milieu de leur malheur, iusques à ce qu’en fin l’experience leur monstre que la felicité n’est pas es richesses, ni es honneurs, ni es voluptez de ce monde.’ Chandieu, Méditations, b4r–b5r. 22

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with Catholicism. Instead, he addresses those discouraged by the present situation.24 This desperate picture matches the French Protestants’ plight: hated by Catholic France, they had experienced fire and water as means of execution, above all during the massacres; they had been rejected by friends, family and above all their country. Chandieu the exile speaks for his fellow countrymen in their plight. But there is hope, in the Calvinist vision at least, in the form of the final judgement in which the just shall be saved. The righteous should imagine this day and suffer what happens to them, however cruel, in the meantime.25 They are in fact lucky to be rejected by such a barbaric world, as it underlines their progress along the path to righteousness. The second verse, Bien heureux est l’homme auquel le Seigneur n’impute point l’iniquité, & en l’esprit duquel il n’y a pointe de fraude, discusses God’s justice, and the necessity of true faith. When he encourages people to live in faith and to reject its enemy hypocrisy, it is not hard to imagine Chandieu thinking of those who have turned from their faith in the panic after the massacres. This passage is remarkably positive about the administration of God’s justice, and the impression is that Chandieu is trying to convince lapsed members to come back as they will regret persisting in this delusion. This verse teaches people to hate hypocrisy. It rejects the idea of good works and talks on the subject of the remission of sins, on which Chandieu would write separately. The reassurance that not everyone is perfect must have felt very reassuring to Chandieu’s readers:   ‘Il semble que dés le berçeau vous succiez desia les fascheries qui croissent quand & vous, & vous accompagnent iusques au tombeau. Le monde vous a en detestation, & semble que tous les elements conspirent contre vous. Car la terre vous reiette, les feux vous consument, les eaux vous estouffent, & si quelques vns eschappent, ils sont si estroittement reserrez que le libre vsage de l’air, & presques la respiration commune leur rest deniee. Les autres hommes voudroyent que vous ne fussiez plus hommes, & sont marris d’auoir ce nom commun auec vous. La patrie, qui est naturellement douce aux autres ne vous peut souffrir. Vos parents vous desauoënt, vos amis vous deliassent, vos ennemis triomphent de vous: ou est donc ceste felicité de laquelle vous vous glorifiez? Ie respon qu’elle n’est voirement en ces elements corruptibles, puis qu’elle est exempte de tout corruption, & qu’il ne faut iuger des bien heureux selon le iugement de la chair, & l’auis de monde: mais selon la sentence que Iesus Christ luymesmes en a prononcée (Matt. 5).’ Chandieu, Méditations, b7r–v. 25   ‘Puis donc que les paroles de Iesus Christ nostre Seigneur doiuent auoir plus de poids enuers nous que les paroles des hommes, nous mespirsons aisement les moqueries, dont on vse coustumierement contre nous. Si la terre nous a en haine, le ciel nous approuue: Si les hommes nous reiettent, Dieu nous reçoit: Si nos amis nous mescognoissent, Dieu nous recognoit pour ses seruiteurs & enfans: Si la patrie nous dechasse, nous auons vne demeure & vne cité permanente au ciel: Si nostre vie est subiette à beaucoup de maux, nous auons esperance d’vne meilleure vie, qui sera exempte de tout fascherie & calamité. Par ainsi, tant s’en fait que la haine du monde esbranle nostre felicité, qu’elle la conferme d’auantage, nous estant vn certain tesmoignage que nous ne sommes pas du monde.’ Chandieu, Méditations, b8r–v. 24

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if even David can make such grave mistakes and be forgiven, then there is hope for the rest of mankind. The Meditation continues in this pattern. The third verse takes the theme of consolation, teaching the value of confessing one’s sins to God: not auricular confession, dismissed as being of little worth because it is coerced, but rather the joy of entering into an honest relationship with God.26 The fourth verse explains the joy of accepting God’s help and reflects on the physical benefits of honesty with God, whilst the fifth verse again encourages men to undertake this by their own volition and to talk to God, again condemning auricular confession.27 The sixth verse states God’s blessings are shared by the whole Church, of especial relevance to the contemporary reader. With the Church threatened by outside menace and so many people tempted back to the Catholic Church, reminding people of the Protestant Churches’ communal nature and exclusivity, which had been so attractive to those joining in the early years, is a sensible measure to take. By forgetting this, the Church has found itself in this dire situation, and steps must be taken to end this, although people have been slow to respond.28 Verses seven and eight examine how the remission of sins is central to our relationship with God, and how man’s sinful nature means he is unable to achieve this alone, but is reliant on God’s aid. The final sections bring in the idea of repentance, once again highlighting man’s utter dependence on God, before concluding with promises of triumph. For those who have been moved to act on his words, Chandieu helpfully includes a prayer for those who wish to confess their sins to God, taking meditation from a passive to an active experience. The Méditations was part of a growing trend in Protestant literature, but the reasoning behind its growth has not sufficiently been explored. French Protestantism had been flung off course from its original optimism, causing its members to question their motivations. As they found their purpose to be pure and true, they still needed a way to interpret recent events. The most logical way for them to do this was by copying the actions of their Biblical predecessors, and David became the model for thoughtful Protestants wishing to reflect on their situation. For these years were perhaps the darkest for men like Chandieu, and the inner contemplation   Chandieu, Méditations, f3r–v.   Chandieu, Méditations, g4r ff.. 28   ‘Or il faut que i’accuse nostre lascheté en cest endroit. Car combien en-y a auiourd’huy 26 27

qui facent leur profit de cest exemple? où sont ceux qui gemissent pour leurs pechez, qui se conuertissent, & qui implorent la grace de Dieu? Combien en verra-on qui prient Dieu de bon coeur au milieu de tant de calamitez & miserez? En somme nous n’auons pas faute d’exemples, veu mesme cestuy-ci de Dauid qui nous est presenté deuant les yeux.’ Chandieu, Méditations, h1r.

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encouraged by the Reformed religion gave little emotional support outside the actual service itself for adherents troubled by their conscience. With no equivalent to confession, an alternative outlet had to be found. The burst of meditative writing and reflective verse that surfaced during the later decades of the sixteenth century proves that meditations and poetry proved to be the most appropriate channel for these men who found themselves far removed from the militant confidence of the previous decade. And as the position of French Protestantism grew more precarious, such resources would prove to be even more valuable. Redirecting theology: the Response à la Profession de foy From August 1585, Chandieu was in France. After a brief stop at the family estates in Pôle, he continued on to Aquitaine, where he served as Navarre’s army chaplain. During this period he maintained close relations with Duplessis-Mornay, with whom he spent at least two periods of time in Montauban of significant enough note to be included in his diary, in 1586 and 1588.29 The first of these stays was about the time he wrote his last major theological tome, the Response à la Profession de foy.30 The book was conceived as a response to another work, Antoine de Sansac’s Confession published a year previously.31 Chandieu set out to refute this work point by point. As he did so, he reiterated the contents of the Protestant Confession which he had helped compile over a quarter of a century before. But the book was more than a straight reply. He took this opportunity to engage other Catholics with whom he disagreed, notably a lawyer from Cahors, Antoine de Peyrusse, and to comment on issues currently engaging the international Protestant Church.32 The preface sets out Chandieu’s theological stall in dramatic fashion. It opens with a ringing statement: ‘Il n’y a rien si foible que le mensonge.’ 29   Hughes Daussy, Les Huguenots et le Roi: Le combat politique de Philippe DuplessisMornay (1572–1600) (Geneva, 2002). 30   The Response first appeared anonymously in 1586, from Pierre Haultin in La Rochelle. Expanded editions appeared in 1588 (Geneva, Antoine Blanc), and 1590 (Geneva, Le Preux), with further reprints in 1593 and 1595 (both from the Haultin press in La Rochelle). 31   No copies of this remain, but the work seems to have been printed by Simon Millanges in Bordeaux in 1585, at the behest of Henri III, as a means of spreading Catholic awareness. Répertoire Bibliographique, vol. 1 p. 44, no. 102. 32   Antoine de Peyrusse had published a pamphlet the previous year entitled Discours Sur l’Edict du Roy, contenant la reünion de ses subjects à la Religion Catholique, Apostolique & Romaine, Et reuocation de l’exercise de la nouuelle pretendue religion (Cahors, Jacques Rousseau, 1585).

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Taken from John Chrysostom, this summarises Chandieu’s basic premise: the Monks who authored the Confession are to be proved to be liars. Ancient history shows the truth has always won over evil in the attempt to establish false religions.33 The militant imagery instantly recalls Chandieu’s virulent polemic of the 1560s. The format may be different, but the stakes are still the same. And Chandieu’s back catalogue gives his writing an experiential foundation unassailable by less experienced writers. As he points out, the battle between truth and lies is not so distant as one might imagine. He has lived it out in his writings, but anyone who has lived in France over the last 25 years has seen this battle raging. Nonetheless, the drama of the civil wars are colourfully evoked. The ‘foreign’ forces of Catholicism, led by the Pope, are to blame.34 For those acquainted with Chandieu’s Ronsard polemic, this is a familiar accusation. Chandieu and his Protestant co-religionists are still being presented as loyal Frenchmen, persecuted by an outside force detrimental not only to them, but to the fabric of French society. He had made much the same point in his debate with Ronsard.35 Two and a half decades later, with all parties forced to look outside France for assistance, the stakes are just as high. And Chandieu does not spare the invective. The Catholic Church turns people 33   ‘Or quand le mensonge est descouuert il est vaincu: & cest vaincre à la verité, que d’estre cognue. La foiblesse de l’vn monstre asses quand toutes les forces du monde sont employes pour le soustenir, & ne peuuent. La force de l’autre se void manifestement veu que toutes les forces du Monde ne l’ont peu vaincre. Qui plus est: ceux qui veulent authoriser le mensonge sont contrains de le colorer du tiltre & pretexte de verité: & pour combatre la verité ils luy donnent le nom de mensonge: tesmoignans par cela que le propre de la verité, c’est de vaincre: & le propre de mensonge, c’est d’estre vaincu. Ainsi l’erreur, l’jodlatrie & la superstition desrobent le nom de l’Eglise pour estre receues: & pour destourner les hommes de la vraye Eglise, on luy donne le nom d’heresie qui est propre à la fausseté & à l’erreur .’ Chandieu, La Response à la Profession de foy publiée conte ceux de l’Eglise Reformée. Avec la refutation tant des calomnies qui y sont contenues, que generallement des erreurs de l’Eglise Romaine pretendue Catholique, (La Rochelle, P. Haultin, 1586), A1r. 34   ‘… la memoire de vingt cinq ans nous fournit assez d’exemples pour faire voir & cognoistre a ceux qui ont des yeux & de l’entendement combien ce que nous disons est veritable. Toutesfois l’experience des choses passés n’a peu empescher que la ligue & les factions du Pape, trop auant enracinées en ce Royaume ne nous ayent remis aux guerres ciuiles, dont le sage Conseil & la prudence de noz Rois nous a souuentefois deliurez par cy deuant. Et cest merueilles que tant de François ayent en ce temps trouué meilleur la maladie causée par les pratiques des Estrangers, que les remeddes domestiques, dont l’vsage nous a esté autant profitable, comme le mespris a desja commencé d’estre pernicieux a tout ce Royaume. Tant y a que les partizans du Pape & singulierement les Moynes ses principaux satelites (qui ne font point de conscience de brouiller & renuerses tous les Royaumes & Estats pour affermir le Siege de la Papauté) n’ont peu estre esmeuz, ou de compassion, pour la calamité publique: ou de crainte, pour les redoutables Iugements de Dieu dont nous auons senty les effets & les sentons tous les Iours.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A2v. 35   See Chapter 4.

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against their native lands: ‘Voire tellement ingrates, qu’estans nourries en France, ne pensent qu’a flestrir & ruiner la France, pour honnorer & aggrandir l’Italie: & present l’espaule à l’Euesque de Rome, pour assujettir à son authorité & disposition tous les Royaumes & principautez.36 His suggestion is that this foreign ‘maladie’ should be replaced by ‘les remedes domestiques’, the faith to which he has dedicated himself.37 Chandieu tells of the publication of the Bordeaux confession. The monks are the pope’s foot soldiers in France, ‘ses principaux satelites ( qui ne font point de conscience de brouiller & renuerses tous les Royaumes & Estats pour affermir le Siege de la Papauté)’.38 They are without compassion and they do not fear the judgement of God, which makes them formidable ennemies. Chandieu has been forced into action by their machinations.39 This is the crux of the matter: the monks lie to condemn the Protestants, but to convince people they are telling the truth, they have called the Protestants liars. Chandieu will prove how the monks have done this, and demonstrate the integrity of Protestant belief. The tone of the subsequent work complements this ambition: although heavily grounded in theology and Scripture, the work has at its heart the confrontation between Catholic and Protestant perceptions of what is true. Such emotive subjects inspire insult and spite. Chandieu uses the Preface to reiterate the manifest dedication to the Protestant cause that made him such an ardent polemicist. Here it takes the form of an espousal of one of his earlier contributions to Reformed orthodoxy, the Confession.40 The simplicity of     38   39   36

Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A8r. Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A2v. Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy (1586), A2v. ‘Quant a nous, tout ainsi qu’a la fureur des armes nous opposons nostre juste deffence, non seulement sous l’authorité des Edits de sa Majesté faits, Iurez, & publiez solennellement, mais principalement sous la protection de Dieu est le Dieu des Armées: a la justice duquel nous appellons d’vne telle violence et oppression: Aussi aux calomnies des Moynes nous auons bien voulu opposer la presente Response, pour monstrer que nostre Religion est expressement fondée sur celui qui est le Dieu de verité: & que pourant elle ne peut estre esbranlee par les menteries des hommes veu (comme nous auons dit ci dessus) que la foiblesse est au mensonge & la force est a la verité: & que les hommes ne peuuent rien contre celuy qui peut tout.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A3r. 40   ‘Nostre Confession de foy, est publiée pieça, de laquelle les fondemens sont amplement declarez par plusieurs liures qui en ont esté faits, comme aussi on les a proposées de la bouche quand on en a esté requis & sommé tousjours prets de le faire. Nostre Confession de foy rejete le Iuif, deteste le Turc, condamne tous les heretiques. Elle n’a rien qui soit contraire a la parole de Dieu: rien qui repugne aux anciens Symboles de l’Eglise Chrestienne : rien qui s’accorde auec les heresies condamnées tant par les anciens Conciles que par les ancienes loix Imperialles sur ce faictes. Nostre confession de foy reconnoit vn seul Dieu, assauoir le Pere, le Fils & le S. Esprit, reçoit vn seul Iesus Christ pour nostre Sauueur, Mediateur & redempteur, Auouë vne vraye & Catholique Eglise de laquelle Iesus Christ est le Chef: retient les saincts 37

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Chandieu’s argument is effective. Stating the bare bones of Protestant belief – the Trinity, the Sacrifice of Christ, the Sacraments – he immediately casts the roles of heroes and villains in this confrontation. His advancement of the argument is equally simple and compelling. Having cast aspersions on the loyalty of the monks, Chandieu questions how they came to condemn Protestant belief. He states twice that they did not even call a council, something the ancient Church always did when condemning opponents as heretics. To those who might accuse him of doing exactly the same thing, he reminds them that this is simply a reply, a refutation, and thus the necessity of a council is removed.41 Moreover, this is not theology confined to the study of an academic audience, but rather it is active theology, produced in response to current events, that will take people through the continuing confusion of civil war. Chandieu was first and foremost a pastor, despite his increasing notoriety as a theologian and statesman. This work was born out of his experiences on the battlefield at the side of Henri de Navarre, and of his travels through the fractured France of the 1580s. Whilst his opponents might have led comfortable lives within the protective bosom of the Catholic Church, Chandieu had spent three decades in practical service for his Church. It was this personal experience that had shaped the Histoire, and that had inspired the Méditations and the Octonaires. The Response saw him marry this experience gathered in the service of the Church with his talent as a writer to produce his most complete defence of protestant belief. And his talents shone through. Instead of a proper Church council, the Protestants have been condemned by a bogus body, the League. They have are ‘trop auant enracinées en ce Royaume ne nous ayent remis aux guerres ciuiles’.42 By 1586, the League had made inroads throughout France. Inspired by the example of the Guise and based on a system of local cells, their effect on the grassroots conduct of the wars was immense. Towns such as Paris were taken over by League councillors. Heresy laws were strictly enforced, and sometimes surpassed by overly vigilant members.43 For men like Chandieu, the rise of the League was catastrophic. The battle to establish Protestantism in France had been hard fought over the 1560s. The massacres of Saint Bartholomew had posed a massive logistical and psychological setback, but some hope still Sacremens d’Icelle Iustituez[sic] par Iesus Christ publiez & administrez par les Apostres. En somme nostre Confession de foy n’oste pas l’Eglise mais oste les Erreurs & corruptios ennemies de la pureté de l’Eglise. Ou est donc ceste heresie dont les Moynes nous tiennent pour conuaincus? A quel tiltre s’appellent ils l’Eglise, & nous donnent le nom d’heretiques, si ce n’est qu’ila se veulent parer des ornemens qui nous sont propres & nous deshonorer de leur deformité & laideur?’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A3v–A4r. 41   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A3r, A4r. 42   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A2v. 43   Robert J. Knecht, The French Civil Wars (Harlow, 2000), pp. 218–17.

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lay with the fate of Henri de Navarre. This was counterpoised by the rise of the League, and Protestants had to make an effort to combat this. Chandieu’s reply to the monks of Bordeaux must be seen in this context of heightened religious tension. He believed the illegal assemblies of the League have caused great losses for the country.44 The League are cast an anti-Christian body. They have followed similar procedures and have comparable elements to true Christianity, but these have been subverted in the pursuit of their evil aims: the Bible has been replaced as Holy Word by the revocation of the peace, catechism by banishment and imprisonment. And in this topsy-turvy world where all that is true is undermined, their Confession was put together by the monks of Bordeaux, with the result that it too runs contrary to true Christian doctrine, and indeed condemns the truth as lies. Circumstances allowed Chandieu to take the moral high ground here. After the 1559 synod, the French Churches had experienced problems with multiple versions of both the Confession and the Discipline, but at the Synod of La Rochelle, Protestant France had achieved a single Confession that all could live by.45 This was mirrored by the work in Germany of Salvard. His Harmony of Confessions presented Reformed Protestantism as a united block, albeit one in the early stages of compromise.46 On the Catholic side, division still remained in the wake of Trent, which had not been universally accepted. Chandieu is taking an emphatically principled stand here: he is not concerned that he and his co-religionists have been attacked, for this is something that has occurred throughout the history   ‘La Ligue, qui au commencement de l’an passé commença à paroistre en armes contre le Roy et les Princes de son sang, a esté leur Concile. Les Chefs de leurs Regimens, & les Capitaines de leur armee, ont esté les legats. Les premiers sessions ont esté tenues en Champagne & Bourgogne, & la Conclusion faite aupres de Paris, par l’authorité d’vne armee de vingt mil hommes assemblés pour forcer le Roy, & le contraindre à renuerser son Edict de Paix. Volià le Concile qui nous a condamnez, duquel la publication dure encores. Leurs descisions se font à coups d’espees, Leurs Canons sont non de Concile, mais de Batterie. La demolition des villes, le reuage du païs, le degast & ruïne de tout ce poure Royaume, ce sont leurs Syllogismes et arguments. Le banissement, la prison, le rauissement des biens, ce sont leurs Catechsimes et instructions. La reuocation de l’Edict de paix, est le texte de leur Escriture. Et parce que l’ancien Concile de Nice fit vne Confession de foy, les Moynes l’ont voulu surmonter en cest endroit. Car pour vne ils en ont fait plusieurs, qui toutes sont nées de ce beau Concile militaire, si solonellement celeberé. Ils nous souloient reprocher par ci deuant, que les Protestants auoyent beaucoup de Confessions de foy: & maintenant il se treuue[sic] en ce Royaume que ceux de l’Eglise Reformee n’ont qu’vne Confession de foy, & ceux de l’Eglise Romaine en ont plusieurs: & est à presumer, qu’en fin chacune Parroisse aura la sienne, à fin que ce soyent plustost confusions de foy, que confessions.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A4v–A5r. 45   This was also the synod that did much to erradicate the division caused by Jean Morély. 46   On the debate over the Harmony of Confessions, see RCP, vol. 4, 1575–1582. 44

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of the Church, but he is not able to ignore untruths. Dismissing their ‘Abjuration de foy’ as ‘remplie des erreurs’, Chandieu protests that the Monks have misrepresented, misinterpreted and modified the writings of ‘plusieurs doctes & excellens personnages’.47 His brief list of victims is telling – Luther, Calvin, Peter Martyr and Beza have all been slandered by their lies.48 Chandieu is looking beyond the confines of the Reformed tradition in this work. Whilst the Response à la Profession de foy was the ultimate compendium of his own beliefs, the religious climate of the 1580s necessitated his recognition of other Protestant movements when defending the Reformation to Catholic critics. Having criticised the Catholic Church for post-Tridentine tensions, he could hardly ignore initiatives within his own Church to bring about closer ties between Catholic and Protestant. The Preface also contains an attack on Antoine de Peyrusse.49 Chandieu engages the kind of invective that recalls his most virulent attacks against Ronsard. The man’s professional acumen is called into question: ‘Mais s’il est autant mauuais juge en ses causes ordinaires, qu’il est en ceste ci, de laquelle il s’est meslé extraordinairement: & s’il est aussi insufficient Iuriconsulte, que nouueau Theologien’, as is his patriotism: ‘ce Iuge Mage se met en auant, & de gayeté de coeur fait vne harangue Panegirique, pour tesmoigner le joye qu’il a, de voir toutes choses en confusion & ruine, qui est en vn Iuge Mage vn trespetit jugement. Car c’est vne chose tresindigne de rire au milieu des cendres de son peuple, & de dancer sur le tombeau de sa patrie.’50 This is a rare admission of the hurt that polemic could engender. Although the exchange with Ronsard shows how bitter combatants could   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A5r.   This is despite there being strict provisions against Catholics reading these authors,

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as Chandieu mischievously points out: ‘Et pour redoubler leur impudence, ils font jurer expressement en l’article de leur Abjuration 32. que ceux qui auront des liures qu’ils appellent censurrez, cest adire fait par les docteurs qu’ils calomnient, les remettront tous entre leurs mains, auec promesse & serment de n’en lire jamais, par ci apres. Qui est vn vray moyen pour calomnier hardiment & mentir auec toute licence sans estre descouuertes. Mais s’ils ne veulent qu’on voye les Liures, pourquoy en cottent ils les passages? s’ils veulent estre creux simplement de ce qu’ils disent, parce qu’ils le disent, qu’est il besoin de cotter les lieux? s’ils ne craignent point d’estre desmentis, pourquoy empescher ils de voir si leur accusation est vraye? Qu’est ce d’aleguer des passages, a la charge qu’on ne les verra point? Nest ce pas accuser autruy & se confamner soy mesmes?’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A5v. 49   Antoine de Peyrusse was a lawyer from Cahors. He wrote a pamphlet entitled Discours sur l’Edict du Roy contenant la reünion de ses subjects à la religion Catholique (Cahors, Jacques Rousseau, 1585). Addressed to Henri III, this short work thanked Henri III for his revision of the peace edicts. 50   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, A8r–v. Peyrusse responded to Chandieu’s criticism in Apologie contre la preface de la response de ceux de la nouvelle religion, (Cahors, Jacques Rousseau, 1587).

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be, and the level of name-calling to which authors were prepared to stoop, the vivid image of Peyrusse laughing amongst the ashes of compatriots and dancing on the grave of his country is immensely powerful. It combines the accusations of disloyalty levelled at the League with gross inhumanity, a point reiterated by Chandieu.51 Striving to reach a less castigatory note, Chandieu concludes the Preface with some positive affirmations of the strength of the Protestant faith. He maintains that adversity only serves to strengthen Protestants’ relationship with God. And it is God who will bring about resolution, by touching the hearts of their adversaries, so that they do not betray their country.52 Chandieu’s main concern are those who have become disheartened by the recent setbacks for the Protestant faith, and who have left the Church. He hopes that his work will convince them to return, that prayers and readings from Scripture will bring these errant souls back to God. As he comments on writings that promote courage in times of persecution and adversity, one is reminded of the tenor of the introductory letter to the Histoire des persecutions, in which Chandieu advocated similar ideas. He recognises the difficulty of what he asks of the Christian reader, comparing himself to a surgeon who has to take drastic action to prevent more serious illness: ‘Il ne faut pas que le Ministre de la parolle de Dieu vse de flateries agreables, mais de remedes salutaires. Le Chirurgien est ignorant qui maniant la playe trop doucement, entretient le mal, & en l’entretenant l’augmente.’53 Chandieu does not shirk from this hard task, but rather turns to his main project, the refutation of Sansac’s Confession. The main body of the work takes of the Bordeaux Confession by Sansac point by point. Each Article starts with a reproduction of the original text, so that Chandieu can refer clearly to what he is refuting and those readers who have not read the original text know the context in

51   ‘Quel Iuge est ce la qui a choisy les larmes publiques pour matiere & argument de sa joye? mais pour ne nous arrester dauantage à ce Iuge (lequel nous recusons en ceste cause comme tres incompetent) nous l’aduertirons pour la fin qu’entre autres choses, ça este fort mail discouru a luy, quand pour prouuer qu’il faut chasser les heretiques de ce Royaume: il allegue, que Nicephore Empereur de Grece donna assurance en son Royaume aux Manichées & Attinigains heretiques qui fut cause que par la conuersation auec les Chrestiens ils abjurenent leur heresie. Car il y a trop grande difference entre retenir les heretiques pour les conuertir par bonnes remonstrances: & chasser les gens de bien, afin de n’estre conuertis par eux.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, B1v–2r. 52   Chandieu describes France as a ship that carries her inhabitants as passangers, with the Leaguers trying to capcise her with everyone on board. This is strongly reminiscent of the ship motifs in the ‘Ode sur les miseres des Eglises Françoises’ and the Octonaires. Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, B2r. 53   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, B4r.

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which he is writing.54 And not all Chandieu’s audience would have read the original Confession. The multiple re-editions indicate its continuing popularity: It appears that Chandieu’s talent at summarising Catholic and Protestant doctrine, and arguing the points of contention in plain language supported by sound referencing, made him invaluable as an example for students. The Response à la Profession de foy could be used by teachers as a text book for doctrine, or as a model for how to engage and defeat a confessional opponent. This defence of Protestant belief is consistently castigatory towards its Catholic opponents. The subjects under discussion were conventional enough, as seen in Table 8.2. The topics Chandieu addresses here are those which continually promoted enmity between Catholic and Protestant: transubstantiation, justification by faith, predestination, and the apostolic succession. This work deals with the touch paper issues in the interconfessional debate. Chandieu was well placed to expound on them, as he had written serious scholarly works on many of these subjects, and had debated the finer points of Protestant doctrine and practice for three decades on a provincial, national and international level. This work was a summary theology that one could reach for to clarify one’s position on any given point of dispute, be it the status of marriage or the nature of Christ’s humanity. The intricacy of the theological argument suggests its main audience would have professional rather than recreational, as perhaps the Méditations enjoyed. But it is never less than an inflammatory engagement with Catholics. Forced to follow the lead of the original confession when arranging his Articles, Chandieu is not able to re-order the work to his own liking. Thus, Christ’s humanity is touched upon in Article 2, but then returned to in Articles 27 and 28. Several Articles cover more than one subject – for example Article 5 deals ostensibly with the Incarnation of Christ, but also questions whether the Virgin Mary was born into a state of grace or not. At other points, several Articles on a similar subject are replied to together, as in Articles 30 to 32, which deal with the canonicity of the Bible, and proscribed reading matter. This comprehensive approach to a subject can be a little bewildering and exhausting. It must never be forgotten that Chandieu is replying to someone else’s argument, and his own methodology soon shines through. For those well-versed in Chandieu’s disputational technique, the Response follows an established pattern. The formula he had first adopted   In order to make the text easier to follow, several of the editions made the base text typographically distinct from Chandieu’s reply. Haultin’s 1593 La Rochelle edition was particularly neat: the Articles of the Monks’ Confession are set out in a small italic font, followed by a blank line, the word ‘Response’ in block capitals, with Chandieu’s text in larger point roman font. 54

Table 8.2

The Articles of the Response à la Profession de Foy

Article

Subject

Non Christians

Calvin

Ancients

1

Trinity

y

y

y

y

Jews, Turks, Manicheans, ‘Sabellins’, Arians, Euominens, Macedonians and other Trinitarians, ‘pretendans reformez’, Calvin (Luther)

2

God’s omnipotence

y

y

y

ancient and modern heretics, Nestorians, Pierre Vermigli, Calvin and Beza

3

God can do things he does not want to

4

Where sins come from

y

y

5

Incarnation

y

y

6

Scripture compared to Old Testament

7

Nature of Christ’s death

8

Whose sins are forgiven by Christ’s death

9

Number of Sacraments

Reformed

Other

 

y

Calvin, Beza, Nestorius, ‘pretendans’

y

Jews, false apostles and ‘pretendans’

y

y

‘pretendans’

y

y

‘orgienistes’ and ‘pretendans’

y

‘pretendans’ and protestants

y

y

Manicheans and Calvin

Article

Subject

Non Christians

10

Baptism

y

11

Baptism of children

12

Order of Sacraments

13

Entry of grace into person

14

Eucharist & Transubstantiation

15

Calvin

Ancients

Reformed

Other

y

y

Jews, Donatists, Anabaptists and ‘pretendans’

y

y

Manicheans, Pelagians, Anabaptists and ‘pretendans’

y

Beza y

y

Novatian and ‘pretendans’

y

y

Valentine, Manicheans, Arius, Berengar, Calvin and ‘pretendans’ and ‘protestans’

Eucharist for ill people

y

‘pretendans’

16

Communion in both kinds

y

Hus and ‘pretendans’

17

God as untouchable

y

Anthropomorphites and ‘pretendans’

18

Concomitance

19

Entry of Holy Spirit into person

20

Sacrament of Holy orders

y

y y

y y

y

Calvin and Nestorius y

Novatian, Donatiens and ‘pretendans’

y

‘pretendans’ and Calvin

Table 8.2 (continued) Article

Subject

Non Christians

Calvin

Ancients

21

Marriage

22

Extreme Unction

23

Imperfection of penitence, marriage and Extreme Unction

y

y

24

Duration of Purity of Baptism

y

y

25

Singular occasion of Baptism, Confirmation and Ordination

26

Christ descends to Hell to save souls

y

27

Resurrection

y

28

Further discussion of Resurrection

29

Ignorance of Christ at Incarnation

Reformed

Other general – those who deny this

y

‘pretendans’

y

Donatists, Anabaptists and Calvin

‘Iovian’ and Calvin

 

  y

Calvin and ‘Iovian’, ‘Eutriche’ ‘Brench’, ‘Eutrriche’, ‘pretendans’ and Nestorius

y

y

‘Guenotz’, Arians, ‘Ignoittes’, Bucer, Calvin, ‘pretendans’

Article

Subject

Non Christians

Calvin

y

Ancients y

Reformed y

Other Jews, Marcionites, Manicheans, ‘Severiens’, Arians, Protestans and ‘pretendans’

30

Canonical books

31

List of books

 

32

Prohibits reading censured books

 

33

Rejection of election

34

Permanence of faith

y

35

Faith follows God’s works, does not precede

y

36

Mortal and Venial Sins

37

Retention of some of Adam’s glory

38

Born into original sin

39

Concupiscence is wrong

y

‘pretendans’  Calvin

y

‘Hymnée’, ‘Philet’ and Calvin

y y

‘pretendans’ Calvin

y

Pelagians y

‘pretendans’

Table 8.2 (continued) Article

Subject

40

Divine justice

41

Ten commandments not in nature

42

Following ten commandments by Free Will

43

Justification in Image of Christ

44

Efficacy of Grace and Holy Spirit

45

Non Christians

Calvin

Ancients

Reformed y

y

y

y

Other Protestans, ‘pretendans’ and Anabaptists Jews, pagans and ‘pretendans’

y

Pelagians, Protestants and ‘pretendans’

y

Bucer and ‘pretendans’

y

y

Pelagians, ‘pretendans’

Justification vs. Free Will

y

y

Manicheans, ‘pretendans’, Pelagians, Aëtius, Origenists

46

Purgatory

y

y

Origenists, Pelagians, Arians, ‘pretendans’

47

Acting with Holy Spirit to achieve wishes

y

y

‘lovians’ and ‘pretendans’

48

Traditions conform with Word of God

r

‘Religion Pretendue Reformée’

Article

Subject

Non Christians

Calvin

Ancients

Reformed

Other

49

Dates of Sabbath, ‘Jeusne’ & Marriages set by God

y

y

Manicheans, Montanists, Encratists, Arians, ‘pretendans’

50

Service in Latin

y

y

Arians, ‘pretendans’, other ancient and modern sects

51

Priestly succession

y

y

Manicheans, Protestants, ‘pretendans’

52

Indulgences

y

y

Novatian, Protestants and ‘pretendans’

53

Consanguinity and clerical marriage

y

y

‘Taciens’, ‘Encratists, Epicureans, Nicolatians, ‘lovians’, ‘pretendans’

54

Councils to be called by Roman Church

y

y

Arians and others non-Catholics

55

Authority of council’s decisions

y

‘pretendans’

56

Rejection of Greek Church

y

Calvin and Reformed Church

57

Intercession of saints

y

y

y

Saducees, Epicureans, Manicheans, Arians, Turks, ‘pretendans’

58

Pilgrimages & relics

y

y

y

Jews, Pagans, ‘pretendans’

y

Table 8.2 (continued) Article

Subject

Non Christians

59

Images

y

60

Visible apostolic Church

61

Visible Church of pastors

62

Schismes are about people, not office, authority or faith

63

Pope keeping Church together

Conc. Total

Calvin

Ancients

Reformed

y

y

Other Jews, Manicheans, ‘Xenas’, ‘pretendans’ and others ‘Bris-Images’ everything that is against this

y

y

against all errors of Protestant Church

y

‘Guenotz’, Manicheans, Montanists, Donatists, ‘pretendans’

y

‘pretendans’

y

Novatian and ‘pretendans’  

8

18

37

44

 

Chandieu’s practical experience of Protestantism

271

in the Confirmation de la discipline ecclésiastique, and had refined throughout his confrontations with the Jesuits was stylistically perfect for his ambitions in this work. The original Article is reproduced, then Chandieu launches his attack. He opens with derogatory observations on the monks and their reasoning. His attack goes beyond Sansac himself. Rather than focus on the author alone, Chandieu prefers to castigate all monks for their erroneous beliefs. In discussion of Article 2 on God’s omnipotence, Chandieu remarks: ‘Il semble que les Moynes Abjureurs commencent a auoir quelque honte de leur Transsubtantiation’55 whilst Article 6 on the Old and New Testaments, and the extent to which the Old Testament is to be followed as God’s Law, he observes: ‘Nous voyons icy la raison pourquoy les Moynes appellent ordinairement nostre Religion nouelle, assauoir d’autant que l’Euangile leur est vne nouuelle Loy. Voire si nouuelle, qu’ils monstrent de plus en plus par cest Escrit qu’ils ne l’ont encor saluee que de bien loin.’56 In the next Article, which discusses Christ’s death and the role of Pontius Pilate, Chandieu is even more blunt: ‘Nous ne nous amuserons point à amplifier l’effrontée & plus que Monachalle impudence de ces Moynes, qui nous accusent des blasphemes qu’eux mesmes ont inunetez: & nous souilleroyent volontiers de leurs ordures.’57 This is not a gentlemanly discussion, or verbal duel. There are none of the refined niceties of the Ronsard polemic here. As when dealing with a threat to the Church of the magnitude of Morély or the Jesuit polemicists, Chandieu is direct and unforgiving in his condemnation. Chandieu gives a brief explanation of how the monks are wrong. Either they have not understood Protestant theology, or they have wilfully ignored the writings of the Church fathers. If their conclusion is something for which there is no evidence in either Scripture or theology of the fathers, this will be seized upon gleefully as evidence of the monks’ scholarly unsuitability. 58 This is usually only a few lines, before the main theological endeavour is launched. In proving the suitability of Protestant doctrine over Catholic error, Chandieu’s evidence has a clear hierarchy. The Bible provides the foundation on which he builds with patristic writers.59     57   58   55

Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, D3v. Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, H5v. Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, I1r–v. Article 2, for example, demonstrates how ambiguous the Monks’ reasoning can be: ‘Ils disent qu’ils fondent leur foy sir la Toute-puissance de Dieu selon sa Sainct parole, baillee tant par escrit que de viue voix. Ce qui est dit fort ambiguement, comme de fait toute leur profession est pleine de captions & ambiguitez, qui sont plus conuenables à une profression d’erreur, que dignes d’vne vraye & sincere confession de foy.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, D4r. 59   Unsurprisingly, the medieval scholastics are avoided, even though at points they could be used to support Chandieu’s argument. Chandieu refers to ‘Doctor Thomas’ as ‘their’ 56

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If there is a relevant contemporary writer, Chandieu will reference them, but clearly his preference is for long-established theologians claimed by each side of the confessional divide. With his point expounded and proved, Chandieu generally includes a final derogatory remark, and dismisses the monks as inept and inaccurate, and often frequently malicious.60 The image Chandieu paints of the monks deserves closer examination. He frequently casts doubt on their academic credentials. Turning again to the discussion of Article 6, he ridicules their understanding of their theological predecessors: ‘Partant nous sommes contraints de les renuoyer encores à l’Eschole, pour ouyr là ce que leur Maistre Pierre Lombard en approuue vsant ces mots en parlant des fidelles qui ont esté sous le vieil Testament.’61 The implication is that the monks are so inadequate in their understanding of theology that they need to be re-educated. It equates them with children, and makes Chandieu into a knowing schoolmaster, whose word is to be trusted over and above that of these disreputable schoolboys. This image is made all the stronger when addressing Articles 43–44, and the ideas of justification: ‘Cest argument des Moynes est si corrnu qu’ils meritent d’estre renuoyez à l’alphabet de leur Eschole.’62 Now the monks are even less educated: they should be sent back to study the very basic subjects, and by implication leave the theology to proper men who have the education and the ability, men like Chandieu. The monks are not merely presented as ignorant but also as malicious. When talking about the Catholic reluctance to administer communion in both kinds, Chandieu is at his most rhetorically persuasive. Having illustrated the biblical precedent for this, and eloquently defended the Protestant insistence that the communal nature of the Eucharist is integral to its being a sacrament, he turns to why the Catholics have disallowed this obviously biblical sacrament to take its proper form. He begins by a sly dig at the monks.63 They are quick to criticise the practices of others doctor in Article 1 and Article 2, and is equally as dismissive of Peter Lombard. 60   The ending of Article 32, dicussed further below, is especially virulent: ‘Car nous desirons que tout le monde voye l’escrit de ces Moynes: & exhortans vn chacun de le bien pezer, pour mieux connoistre la legerté & peu de valleur de tout ce qui y est contenu: estans tresayses que la publication de leurs Liures publie l’ignorance de leurs personnes & la fauceté de leur Doctrine.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, X4v–5r. 61   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, H7v. 62   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, Dd3r. 63   ‘Au reste ces Moynes qui anathematisent à pleine bouche les gens du bien, n’osent parler qu’au demy bouche de ceste matiere. Car pourquoy disent ils seulement que la communion n’est par necessaire à vn chacun sous les deux especes? Il falloit parler franchement & dire, que l’Eglise Romaine à defendu aux laics (qu’ils appellent) la communion sous les deux especes & qu’elle à voulu priuer les poures consciences de cest consolation.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, Q2r.

Chandieu’s practical experience of Protestantism

273

that come into conflict with their beliefs, but unwilling to explain their own decisions. Chandieu presents himself as the polar opposite. His plea to ‘parler franchement’ underlines this difference between Protestant and Catholic, and reminds the reader the extent to which the two sides diverge, not just when it comes to theological doctrine, but concerning their whole approach to the explanation of theology. The monks, representing the entire Catholic edifice, are secretive, manipulative and cannot be trusted. Chandieu, standing for Protestantism, is grounded in Scripture, careful and can be taken at his word, because it is the Word of God. This is underscored in the subsequent lines, with their striking use of the personal pronoun.64 Later the monks are portrayed even more threateningly. In Articles 30 to 32, Chandieu turns to Catholic prohibitions on the Bible and reading non-authorised theological works. For Protestants, the canonicity of biblical books was paramount. Their faith was founded on the word of God, as expressed in Scripture. An accurate bible was essential to conducting one’s faith. Catholic challenges to this are easily dismissed, as Protestants set out the Biblical canon in Article 3 of their confession. Obvious differences arise – Catholics keep the book of the Maccabees for example, because their justification of purgatory lies therein. The problem of what other items one might read is more delicate. The original Article of Sansac’s confession reads: ‘Ie proteste & promets entre vos mains, tous liures censurez & defendus, de quelque subiect qu’ils traittent que ie puis auoir en ma puissance, sans m’en reseruer aucun, iurant presentement que doresnauant ne liray ny retiendray aucun escrit prohibé par la sainte Eglise Romaine, ou par les prelats Ecclesiastiques, ou par les facultez de Theologie communiantes auec ladicte saincte Eglise. Et promets aussi de ne frequenter, ny ne fauoriser les ennemis & heretiques, ou condamnez par ladicte sainte Eglise Romaine.’ Chandieu’s critique of this Article is incendiary. This, he declares, is primarily enforced to ensure that people do not become aware of the lies that the monks pass off as the truth, and his defence of Protestant scholarship is at its most robust.65 This passage distils 64   Chandieu rarely used the personal pronoun in his theological writing, as this was the elucidation of God’s word, not the beliefs of the individual. When he does employ it, it for effect, as here, where it is underlining his antipathy to the Mass. ‘Il falloit, di-je, descouurir hardiment cest attentat intolerable contre la parolle de Dieu si expresse, contre la nature du Sacrement, contre l’vsage de toute l’Ancienne Eglise & mesmes contre leurs propres decrets & canons, voire contre la teneur de leur,[sic] propre Messe laquelle en cest endroit ils desaduouent & ne la reconnoissent plus ne pour Sacrifice, ne pour Sacrement.’ Response à la Profession de foy, Q2r–v. 65   ‘Finalement quand ils veulent qu’on jure de ne voir les liures qu’ils appellent censurez: nous confessions voirement que cest ci l’article le plus important pour la manutention de leurs erreurs: & leur conseillons de le comter pour vne caustelle de leur Messe, voire la

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the endeavour Chandieu set himself in this work: it lambastes the monks in their practices, it presents favourably the work of his co-religionists, rejects any potential links between them and heretical sects both ancient and modern, and validates his stated quest to bring the truth to bear out over the lies he rejected in the preface. The Response à la Profession de foy also served an ideological purpose suggested by its contents and its tone. In part, this was dictated by its base text. The excerpts included from the original Catholic Confession comprise not only what Catholics are to believe, but also make reference to what they are not to believe. Article 5 on the incarnation tells good Catholics what they should believe, and gives a list of Protestant theologians who differ from this, and hence must be avoided.66 This long Article not only sets out Catholic belief, but rejects the opposing Protestant belief, mentioning Calvin and Beza by name. Out of the 63 Articles in the Confession, only two are straightforward proclamations of what Catholics believe. These principalle. Car puis qu’ils sont du nombre de ceuz qui aiment plus les tenebres que la lumiere (comme disoit Iesus Christ) & que la lumiere est celle qui manifeste tout (ainsi que dit S. Paul). Il ne faut trouuer estrange s’ils condamnent les liures par lesquels leurs erreurs sont descouuers & condamnez. Partant il ne faloit accomparer les liures de l’Eglise Reformée aux liures des Payens contenans choses curieuses dont il est parlé aux Actes des Apostres au passage qu’ils ont cotté. Car tels liures sont bannis de nostre Eglise & sont logez en la leur: voire au Conuent des Moynes qui les gardent aussi diligemment, comme malheureusement ils ont fait brusler & font tous les jours, non seulement de bons liures pleins de sainctes instructions pour connoistre Dieu & le seruir, mais aussi la Bible mesme qui contient la pure & sacrée parolle de Dieu. Ce pendant ces bons abjureurs se donnent d’autant plus de licence de mentir & de calomnier, imposans à Iean Caluin, à Theodore de Beze & generallement à l’Eglise reformée des choses ou ils ne penserent jamais: & sont si estourdis qu’ils ne penserent jamais qu’ils cottent les passages de leurs liures, lesquels pourtant ils ne veulent pas qu’on voye. Car nous saurions volontiers pourquoy donc & à quelle fin ils les ont cottés. Or quant à nous, nous sommes de contraire aduis. Car nous desirons que tout le monde voye l’escrit de ces Moynes: & exhortans vn chacun de le bien pezer, pour mieux connoistre la legerté & peu de valleur de tout ce qui y est contenu: estans tresayses que la publication de leurs Liures publie l’ignorance de leurs personnes & la fauceté de leur Doctrine.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, X4r–5r. 66   ‘Je croy en nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ Fils vnique de Dieu (coessentiel au Pere & au Sainct Esprit). Incarné de la substance de la perpetuelle Vierge marie par l’ouurage du Sainct Esprit. Et pource je deteste Caluin qui met l’oeurre du Sainct Esprit, pour sanctifier icelle conception: & toutesfois l’Escriture l’assigne à la vertu d’incarner. Aussi jabhorre Beze qui met vne vnion du verbe diuin à l’ame & autre au corps. Et detesre aussi ceux, qui introduisent auec Nestore vne vnion à la personne humaine, auant que le verbe ait esté vni à nature humaine: lequel filz de Dieu je croy vni insceparablement a nature humaine. Et pource je croy, & adore deux natures qui subsistent en vne personne. Et par consequent que l’humanité de nostre Seigneur est vrayement viuifiante en soy, a cause de l’existance diuine, dont elle existe ineffablement, au verbe diuin. Et pource j’abjure Nestore Caluin & Beze, & les pretendans qui la font precisement viuifiante à cause de l’vnion au verbe & non premierement & proprement à cause de l’existence diuine, dont ell’est enrichie par le Diuin verbe en l’vnion personelle auec ladite nature humaine.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, G4r–v.

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275

are Articles 31 and 32 on the Bible and proscribed reading matter: the other 60 all include a statement of anathamization towards other groups. The original Confession is not so much a statement of faith as a statement of opposition, with three main targets. Firstly, there are those of other faiths, namely Jews and Muslims, designated Turks as by the parlance of the day. Then there are the ancient heretical sects, such as Arians, Pelagians and Nestorians. Finally, there are those contemporary movements designated heretical by the Catholic Church. This last group further subdivides. The largest proportion of directives are against ‘Protestans’ and ‘Pretandans’, with a few references to distinct groups, the ‘Anabaptistes’ (for example Articles 11 and 12 on Baptism) and the ‘Religion Pretendue Reformée’ (Article 48 on Tradition). The term ‘Pretendans’ is not clearly defined. In Article 1 it is used in the construction ‘Pretendans Reformez’, which fits the common designation of the Reformed Church as ‘la religion pretendue reformée’, but in the concluding Article, it is used in a different context. This declares its opposition to ‘la Religion pretendue Reformée entre les Protestans, Alemans & entre les Sacramentaires Pretendans & entre les Registres, & puritans Anglois’ which implies that ‘Pretendans’ has been employed as a useful catch-all term for non-Catholic sects. Chandieu’s reply to this is seen below, and he certainly understands it as all Protestants being considered together. A large proportion of the references name individuals: Calvin, Beza, Peter Vermigli, Bucer and Luther. Necessarily, Chandieu has to address these allegations. He is duty bound to refute the links made between Protestants and heretical sects. This is amply demonstrated in Article 4, when he rejects the comparison of Calvin’s works to the Manichean Heresy: ‘Quant à ce qu’ilz objectent à I. Caluin (lequel ils conjoignent auec les Manichéens, selon leur impudence accoustimée) cela procede de l’enuie qu’ilz ont de calomnier.’67 It is hardly surprising that hatred of Calvin is so prevalent in the monks’ confession. His works and theology are chastised by name 18 times. Chandieu is dogged in his defence, using a range of tactics. In the extract above, he cites jealousy as the monks’ motivation in maligning Calvin. In Article 5, he accuses them again of misunderstanding.68 At other points he lets Calvin’s work speak for itself. Article 34, which discusses the nature of man’s faith, provokes   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, G3v.   ‘Enquoy ces Moynes Proffesseurs de calomnie n’ayans rien trouué à mordre[sic], se

67 68

sont contentez d’abbayer de loin les escrits de Iean Caluin, & encores auec telle ambiguité de langage qu’il est malasié d’entendre ce qu’ils veulent dire. Il semble de prime face, qu’ils accusent Caluin, ou d’auoir nié que Iesus Christ ait esté incarné de la substance de la Vierge Marie par l’oeuure du Sainct Esprit, ou d’auoir voulu dire, qu’il y air eu quelque impureté en cest conception, pour le regard de Iesus Christ, qui ait eu besoin d’estre ostée puis apres, par la sanctification du Sainct Esprit. Mais ces opinions prodigieuses sont tant esloignées des Escrits de Caluin, que personne ne l’en peur accuser , que par mesme moyen il ne se

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the comment: ‘Parce que Iean Caluin n’a besoin d’autre deffence que celle de ses propres secrets (comme nous auons desja dit asses de fois) nous nous contenterons de reciter ici fidellement ses parolles, afin que chacun voye la malice Monachale de ces calomniateurs.’ He then reproduces an extract from Calvin’s Institutes, Book 3, Chapter 2 section 7, which Chandieu concludes by saying ‘Voila ce que dit Caluin: qui expose assés clairement son intention & conuainc maniefestement ces Moynes de calomnie & mensonge.’69 Chandieu refers to the Institutes throughout in his defence, frequently including extended citations as well as general references. By including the text of Calvin’s work verbatim, the point is made that what the monks have reported as Calvinist doctrine, and what Calvin actually wrote, are two very different things. This juxtaposition of interpretation and the source material has the cumulative effect of undermining all that the monks have to say, to the point where the reader is subconsciously sceptical of all the ‘orthodox’ doctrine the monks put forward. Perhaps the most engaging example of this process comes early on in the work, during Chandieu’s refutation of the first Article. In defending Calvin’s position on the respective essences of God the Father and God the Son, he seizes on an error in the monks’ arguments with perceptible glee.70 The original work cites a passage of Calvin’s Institutes with a reference that does note exist. The Article in question (designated Book 5, Chapter 13, Section 23 by the monks) is so close to the passage that Chandieu cites that it suggests a simple typographical error in the composition of the original work, rather than an ignorant citation, or a fabricated reference. In correcting the monks’ misnumbering of the passage, Chandieu wilfully interprets a common mistake in the printing process as evidence of theological unreliability, and consequently warns his readers. The most striking defence Chandieu undertakes is on behalf of theologians outside the Reformed tradition. Clearly, he does not defend them on points that see them in disagreement with Reformed practice and thought, but nonetheless, there is a tangible conciliatory thread in the Response à la Profession de foy that is not obvious in other works. Chandieu includes a defence of Luther in his discussion of the first Article. This is itself interesting. Luther is not included in the list of those the condamne soy mesme d’estre prize de tout jugement & raison.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, G4v–G5r. 69   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, Y6v–7r. 70   ‘Or afin que nous decouurions deuant les yeux de tous l’impudence de ces Moynes Abjureurs, nous reciterons icy les parolles de Caluin de mot a mot. Ilz cottent le cinquiesme liure de son Institution Chestienne, combien qu’il n’y en ait que quatre, & croyons bien que cest par erreur, car l’erreur est familier en trop de sortes. Voici donc ce que Caluin (refusant les nouueau Arriens qui n’atribuent, l’Escence Diuine qu’au seul Pere) en dit au premier liure, Chapitre. 13. sect. 23…’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, C7v–8r.

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Catholics anathematise, but Chandieu includes him in his defence. That he does so, but only once, suggests that he does not consider Luther’s theology to have the same resonance as Calvin’s, logical given his beliefs and career. So why then include Luther at all? The exact context is in discussion of the nature of the Trinity: the monks have apparently implied that Luther denied the use of the word ‘Coesentiel’ in this context. Chandieu remarks this is not the sense of most of the man’s works, and furthermore cites his correct observation that Faith does not depend on words, but on the thing those words represent. Having discussed the Arian use of the Greek term ‘homoousin’, this passage is rounded off by a brief ‘ilz n’eussent pas ainsi parlé de Luther’, before Calvin’s non-existent fifth volume is addressed.71 This inclusion of Luther when the man himself had not been discussed by the Catholic original strikes one as somewhat engineered. Chandieu possibly expected this book to achieve international attention as his others had, and included a mention of Luther to please potential allies from other Protestant groups. This would fit with his other occupations at this time. He was still heavily involved with the negotiations with the German Princes for the King of Navarre, and would travel to them in 1588. Perhaps more tellingly, this work was composed during 1586, when he spent much time with Duplessis-Mornay in Montauban. With Chandieu as his guest, it is only to be expected that ideas passed between the two of them. Indeed, there was even potential for collaboration between these two intellectuals. By making overtures that included Luther amongst the canon of Protestant greats, was Chandieu attempting to take this further, and promote even greater unity between disparate Protestant groups?72 This is reiterated by additions to subsequent editions of the work. The Response à la Profession de foy provoked a Catholic response. In later editions, Chandieu would include a prefatory letter addressed ‘Aux françois amateurs de Dieu, & desireux de leur salut’. This listed some of the replies his initial work had inspired: authors cited included Claude de Sainctes, Feuardant and Gilbert Coiffier, whose ‘fausses accusations’ prompted another step-by-step refutation.73 Chandieu took exception to Coiffier’s misrepresentation of Calvin’s doctrine, comparing it to a painter who says he has painted Hercules’s portrait, when in fact he has painted a lion slayed by the hero.74 In his rebuttal, Chandieu both replied to Coiffier’s   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy, C7r–v.   My thanks to Amy Graves for her stimulating interest in the relationship between

71 72

Duplessis-Mornay, Chandieu and Simon Goulart. Daussy, Les Huguenots et le Roi, pp. 203 ff. 73   Antoine de Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy pvbliee en Guyenne par les Moines de Bordeaux, pour estre vn formulaire d’abiuration de la vraye Religion, (La Rochelle, Haultin, 1593), a2r–c2v. 74   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy (1593), a2r.

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argument point by point, whilst also directing him to the relevant Articles of the main work. Coiffier’s contentions are in the main standard interconfessional accusations – that Protestants are Arians, they blame God for original sin and so forth. The passage on Free Will and Predestination is especially well-developed: it directs the reader to Articles 4 and 45 of Chandieu’s work, but also to the relevant chapters of Calvin’s Institutes (Book 3, Chs 21–24). The final Article is very interesting. Chandieu replies to Coiffier’s accusation of division within the Protestant faith in two ways. Firstly, he points out that the Catholic Church is not an unassailable monolith, despite Coiffier’s assumptions to the contrary.75 He then goes on to highlight the essential union of the Protestant Churches of Geneva, Switzerland and France, by including the text of the Disputation of Berne agreed between representatives of the Churches of Zurich, Berne, Basle, Schapenusen, Geneva and Lausanne on 23 April 1588. This is of course a pertinent reply to Coiffier’s accusation, but it has a deeper significance. In a work with a primarily Protestant readership, this was a statement of unity that could hardly fail to inspire the constituent Churches. The role call of theologians putting their signature to this document included the most celebrated Protestant theologians of the day: Beza, Musculus, Gryneaus and La Faye.76 The German Churches were also defended from Coiffier’s attack.77 As the base text of the Response expanded, Chandieu continued his efforts to promote understanding between the various Protestant Churches, the attacks of his critics merely providing further misconceptions Chandieu could correct to support his argument. By the end of Chandieu’s writing career, French Protestantism was almost unrecognisable from the vibrant movement he had led at its height. Years of war had taken their toll on the number of adherents and on the attitude of those who remained within the fold. Nowhere is this transformation more evident than in Chandieu’s work. But whilst his poetry had become more reflective and introspective over time, his theology had become possibly more stringent in its demands on Christian life. His final vernacular works show that Chandieu was as firm in his Calvinist beliefs as ever. They also show how he had lost none of his vigour in defending the religion to which he had dedicated his life. But his 75   ‘C’est le propre de l’Eglise Romaine, d’estre diuisee en autant de factions qu’elle a de sectes de Moines, & qu’elle en engendre tous les iours: tellement qu’on peut dire, que iamais l’Eglise Romaine ne sera acheuee, pource que tous les ans, tous les mois, tous les jours il y est adiousté quelque chose.’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy (1593), b4r. 76   Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy (1593), c1v–2r. 77   ‘adioustant qu’il a ouy dire que les Allemans sont diuisez en 24. opinions sur vn seul article de foy: nous respondons que cela est faux’ Chandieu, Response à la Profession de foy (1593), b4r.

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targets had changed. Instead of an audience of interested amateurs, by the 1580s Chandieu’s main readers, for his theology at least, appear to have been theology students and clerics. For Chandieu, this did not present a problem, as it gave him the opportunity to immerse himself completely in the religion that dominated his outlook. In his theological treatises, we perhaps come as close to hearing Chandieu the preacher as is possible for a modern audience. The counterpoint they provide to his poetry is inestimable.

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Conclusion Antoine de Chandieu’s career was defined by the Wars of Religion. He became a pastor as the Protestant community in France emerged from its years of hibernation to national prominence. As a popular pastor in Paris and a talented writer, Chandieu quickly established himself as a key figure in the movement, and a primary contributor to the print culture of the French Reformation. His career in many ways mirrored that of the Church to which he dedicated himself. His early works captured the energy and optimism of the foundation period, when Protestantism was at its strongest in France and the Churches were confident to act independently of Geneva. As this early vigour subsided, and the Churches were forced to consolidate through the 1560s and 1570s, so Chandieu the angry young man gave way to Chandieu the staunch defender of Protestant orthodoxy. He brooked no opposition, be it from Catholic critics or internal challengers such as Jean Morély. Chandieu’s vision was centred on an ideal where Protestant fundamentals – those tenants established in the Confession and the Discipline – were translated into people’s everyday lives. It was this definition of an idealised form of Christian life that made his works of the 1560s so compelling. They articulated both the standards to which Protestants were held in their everyday lives, and the opportunities each believer had to put their faith into practice. In a period of persecution, where tragedy was an ever present reality, Chandieu’s works, especially the Histoire and the Confirmation de la Discipline, provided a very real template for those needing reassurance. Chandieu’s later years were overshadowed by the body blow dealt by the Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacres. His appreciation of the power of genres, already deployed with considerable perception and skill in his younger, more radical days, gave rise to a divergence between his public and private faces. His prose never lost any of its vigour in its defence of the Protestant faith. Yet as the tide turned against French Protestantism, Chandieu became more reliant on poetry to express his doubts and fears. There were certain concerns that he could not easily articulate as a pastor in charge of a vulnerable flock, or latterly as an international spokesman for those living under the cross. Verse gave Chandieu the opportunity to give full rein to his emotions and the immensely moving ‘Ode sur les Misères des Eglises françoises’ and ‘Cantique à la Memoire de sa fille’ testify to the emotional toll that the crisis years of French Protestantism took on

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the faithful, even those at the heart of the movement. This culminated in the Octonaires, the defining work of Chandieu’s later verse. The immense popularity and versatility of the Octonaires implies that Chandieu was not alone in his need for contemplative literature. Protestants and Catholics alike retreated inwards as the wars intensified. Their brilliance is due to their reflection of people’s fears coupled with their spiritual exemplarity. As Chandieu told Christians how to live their daily lives in God’s service through his prose, so his verse brought them closer to God in their interior lives. The everyday experience of interpersonal violence provoked a crisis in the French Protestant consciousness, most evident in the years after 1572. Although Chandieu’s works show an awareness and engagement with themes of violence and loss before 1572, it was after this date that he and many of his fellow poets began to concentrate primarily on verses which explored the processes of death, and encouraged inner contemplation. This is not something that one readily identifies with Calvinism, especially the use of literature to achieve this end, and the similarities with Catholic practice need further examination. Chandieu’s experiences are immensely valuable for later commentators. His vernacular writings give a haunting voice to the challenges faced by Protestants. He was at the centre of French Protestantism during its most turbulent years. He wrote almost continuously during this period, and in his writings the traumas of the Wars of Religion live on. Reading Chandieu’s work today brings us close to the heart of what it was to be a Protestant during this time of exhilaration, persecution and despair. Chandieu is in a small group of men for whom such a study could be undertaken, alongside Beza, Simon Goulart and Duplessis-Mornay. These men were instrumental in the processes by which the French Church built up its organisational structure and consolidated its belief system, and published on these subjects over several decades. So much has been inferred from their single works or publications from a short period of time that has then been assumed to be emblematic of the French Protestant movement. As Chandieu’s writings demonstrate, such assumptions are incorrect, because the events of the wars forced Protestants to constantly redefine their identities and their priorities, if not through their theological writings then assuredly in their meditative and personal works. In surveying Chandieu’s vernacular works, we see how what it meant to be Protestant shifted. Chandieu’s readiness to engage his pen in service of his faith underscores the established interpretation of Protestantism as a heavily literary faith. Chandieu embraced the written word early in his career, as a way of engaging the widest possible Protestant audience for his struggle. It is telling that such a talented writer only rarely addressed his vernacular works outside the Protestant fold. Whilst his Latin works would frequently take on Catholic opponents, Chandieu the French writer was content in

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the main to write for his fellow Protestants. On the rare occasions when he did engage Catholics in the vernacular, it was in response to direct stimuli – the king’s repression, Ronsard’s attack on Protestant values, the monks of Bordeaux’s Confession. Far more prevalent among his writings were pieces designed to summarise Protestant thought or practice for those already converted to the cause but in need of guidance. In the Histoire des persecutions and the Confirmation de la discipline ecclésiastique, Chandieu employed his experience gained writing pamphlets and polemical poetry to great effect. In the hands of Chandieu and his ilk, protest literature became the bedrock of French Protestantism. Chandieu was not only a polymath, he was also something of a literary radical. Often his works have been overlooked when the great surveys of literary genres have been conducted, because his style does not always fit the expectations of modern scholars. Explaining this literary rebellion illuminates Chandieu’s character. Finding the most appropriate vehicle for his message was more important than complying with literary rules, and thus he was prepared to adapt in order to serve his aims, much as he would write in French or Latin as his audience dictated. Drama, verse and prose would all be deployed in the service of his faith and his Church. The people of the sixteenth century were rapidly getting to grips with new media. Books supplemented other forms of communication that have been lost to modern researchers, such as sermons, and played a comforting role in Christian life. This is particularly clear in France, where informal meetings formed the core of what would grow to become Churches. Recognising the role of the book in sustaining faith, Chandieu’s prodigious output is understandable. By committing himself to the written word, he exercised another function of his role as pastor, especially when events and circumstances prevented him from being physically present. It also explains the variety of genres in which he engaged: maintaining the faith of a disparate group of people needed engagement on multiple fronts, and by contributing to the worlds of martyrology, poetry, devotional literature, and practical and theoretical theology, Chandieu exploited all possible avenues open to him to bring about the Reformation message. Central to Chandieu’s ministry was the role of the Church in the lives of its members. As a pastor, Chandieu saw this working on a very personal level. His theological writings testify to his powerful faith and his biblical expertise. They also bring the modern reader closest to Chandieu   ‘Books could be particularly important in helping to sustain the faith of those who had committed themselves to a group, who met together for mutual support (usually Bible reading) and sometimes worship. These conventicles were a particular concern to the authorities, not least because they functioned very effectively as distribution points for heretical literature.’ Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge, 2005), p. 176. 

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the preacher. In his passionate defence of the Churches he dedicated his life to, Chandieu’s vocation was made manifest to those not immediately part of his flock. Yet he was constantly reminded that French Protestants were not free to worship in the way in which he would have wished. Whilst they tried hard through their structures and literature to establish their independence from Geneva in the early years of the wars, this had in fact been largely artificially constructed through innovations like the synods. One demonstration of how fragile this system was is how quickly the Churches turned to Geneva for aid, and then gradually functioned more and more in the way traditionally ascribed to them, with Geneva as Mother Church. This was partly because Geneva was a safe haven at this point, as well as being the leading light of practical Calvinism, but it was also largely to do with the fact that most of the French Protestant leadership were based there from this point. The early years, when it has previously been assumed that Geneva dominated Protestantism in France, were actually the years when the French Churches experienced their greatest independence. That this was a distinction Chandieu treasured is evident from his later actions in Geneva – he would always style himself as a pastor of the French Church, a distinct and separate body to that of Geneva, even after decades of exile. From the works establishing the Church, through the debate with Ronsard and the persecution of the Paris Church, right up to the aftermath of St Bartholomew and the despondent self-appraisal which characterised the Méditations and the Octonaires, Chandieu and his co-religionists were never less than fully aware of their status as Frenchmen and women, the inheritors of a rich history and loath to abandon their native land until given absolutely no alternative for survival. It was only when practicalities intervened, and in essence St Bartholomew was the ultimate symbol of this loss of hope, that the French Churches accepted they could no longer act independently and they recognised Geneva as a ‘Mother Church’. Chandieu personified this shift, as he was there both at the inauguration of the independent French Church system, at the Paris synod of 1559, and in Geneva speaking for the French refugees after the massacres. To refer to Calvinism as an ‘International’ movement can be a misleading statement. The ‘Calvinist International’ was not a universal spectre that encouraged its members to renounce their personal national    Even as late as 1589, Chandieu still identified his ministry in terms of the French Churches. Chandieu’s journal, cited in Auguste Bernus, ‘Le ministre Antoine de Chandieu d’après son journal autographe (1534–1591)’, BSHPF 37, (1888), pp. 629–30.    RCP, vol. 4, p. 55.    This is not to deny that much impressive work has been completed under this banner, such as the volume edited by Menna Prestwich, International Calvinism 1541–1715 (Oxford,

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allegiances; it rather recognised the border-blindness of the True Church, which then functioned independently in its constituent national contexts. Acknowledging those of a like-minded religious conviction abroad and giving up one’s nationalistic loyalties for this abstract understanding was a leap that has not been proved satisfactorily to have taken place. Of course, international boundaries held no bar to aid and support for those in need but before it is accepted that Geneva sat at the centre of an official international Protestant movement, greater attention must be given to the outcries of national loyalties that these groups continually espoused, even after their hopes of converting their entire countries had been lost. Chandieu’s verse especially captures the immense personal struggle undergone by those who wished to serve their God, but to serve their king as well. Chandieu was a complex character who lived through extraordinary times. An internationally renowned figure who was dedicated to his pastoral work and his family, his part in the evolution of French Protestantism was far more nuanced than that which has frequently been ascribed to him. In his vernacular verse and prose, he echoed the challenges, triumphs and fears of his congregation over four decades. The next stage in Chandieu studies is to turn from his role as a spokesman for French Protestantism and its concerns and to consider his other calling as an international statesman for the Reformed Churches.

1985). But the French experience as seen in Chandieu’s works needs to be taken into account when considering this model.

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APPENDIX A

Antoine de Chandieu – Life and Times

This chronology charts the main events of the life of Antoine de Chandieu alongside the key points of the Wars of Religion in France c. 1534

Chandieu born in Chabottes near Ma�on

c. 1538

Death of Guy de Chandieu

c. 1539

Chandieu goes to Paris as a student under Matthias Granjean

1540s

Chandieu moves to Toulouse for law studies

1547

Accession of Henri II

1551 Edict of Châteaubriant increases pressure on Protestant communities mid-1550s

Chandieu living and studying in Geneva

1555 Establishment of a regular Church in Paris Chandieu returns to Paris, probably for a family legal dispute end 1556/start 1557 Chandieu made second regular pastor of Paris Church 1557 4 September Rue Saint Jacques incident September Chandieu returns to Geneva to finish studies Chandieu writes Remonstrance au Roi Autumn Winter 1557/8 Chandieu in Poitiers 1558 March June

Antoine de Bourbon meets with Chandieu Chandieu jailed in Paris, released on efforts of Antoine du Bourbon

288 July/August August

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Chandieu returns to Poitiers Chandieu with Condé, then part of Antoine de Bourbon’s household

1559 Winter/Spring 27 February April

Chandieu in Chartres Ceremonial execution of Jean Morel Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis ends Hapsburg-Valois wars 25 May First National Synod held in Paris 10 June Arrest of Anne du Bourg and six other councillors of Paris parlement 30 June Henri II injured in jousting accident 10 July Death of Henri II late July Chandieu sent by Paris Church to meet Condé and Bourbon early August Antoine du Bourbon hosts anti-Guise meeting at Vendôme 23 August Saint Denis meeting between Bourbon, Chandieu and Throckmorten 11 September Chandieu to meet with Catherine de Medici at Villers-Cottret but cancelled Autumn Pamphlet exchange between Chandieu and Du Tillet September/October Chandieu goes to Geneva to see Calvin November Paris pastors visit Strasbourg December Chandieu preaching around Chartres 23 December Execution of Anne du Bourg 1560 1 February 12 February 22 February 8 March 14 March 15 March 17 March April

Meeting in Nantes for La Renaudie and conspirators Guise learn of conspiracy Court moves to Amboise Crown publishes pre-emptive edict granting amnesty First skirmishes in Tours Arrest of Castelnau and other conspirators Maligny and Bertrand de Chandieu lead attack on Amboise; Guise made Lieutenant Géneral; first executions in Amboise Chandieu in Geneva, testifies on behalf of Calvin in Morély-Bourdon case

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289

May Edicts of Loches and Romorantin; Chandieu in Strasbourg with colleagues after Paris Church dispersed 21–26 August Fontainbleu Assembly 4–5 September Maligny’s assault on Lyon 31 October Condé arrested 5 December Death of François II 13 December Opening of Estates General at Orléans; Chandieu in Orléans with Condé 1561 March 10 March April July 19 July 9 September–14 October end 1561 1562 January End of January 15–18 February 1 March 16 March 23 March 27 March 2 April 8 April 25 April 29–30 April

Antoine de Bourbon gives up regency to Catherine de Médicis in return for being appointed Lieutenant Général Second National Synod in Poitiers formation of Triumvirate publication of Morély’s Traicté de la discipline & police Chrestienne Edict of July encourages judicious clampdown on Protestant meetings Jeanne d’Albret establishes reformed worship in Béarn Colloquy of Poissy meets with Theodore Beza leading Protestant delegation – Chandieu at Provincial Synod in Paris Chandieu advising Condé at peace negotiations Edict of St Germain, known as edict of January Antoine de Bourbon definitively joins Catholic camp Guise meets with Duke of Wurtemberg in Saverne Massacre of Vassy Guise enters Paris Condé leaves Paris Triumvirs bring Catherine de Médicis and Charles IX to Paris Condé takes Orléans Condé starts publishing pamphlets from Orléans Chandieu moderator at third National Synod in Orléans, based there for a year Protestants take Lyon

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September–October 17 November 19 December 1563 18 February 24 February 19 March 30 May 20 June 17 August 10 August 1564 January

Siege of Rouen Death of Antoine de Bourbon from wounds received at Rouen Battle of Dreux, death of Bertrand de Chandieu François de Guise shot by Poltrot de Méré Guise dies Peace of Amboise Chandieu’s marriage contract to Françoise de Félins signed Chandieu and Françoise celebrate their marriage Charles IX’s majority declared at Rouen Fourth National Synod in Lyon

27May 21 May 4 August 26 November

Edict of Paris, changes dating system so administrative year runs January to December rather than from Easter (Paris parlement only changes in 1567) Catherine de Médici begins tour of realm with Charles IX Chandieu at Provincial Synod at La-Ferté-sousJouarre Death of Calvin Birth of Chandieu’s first child Marie at Banthelu Synods banned by Edict of Roussillon Chandieu at Vinzelles

1565 15 October 25 December

Chandieu made temporary pastor in Lyon Fifth National Synod in Paris

24 January April

1566 1 May End of the royal tour of the realm 1567 June 1 September 26–28 September 10 November 12 November

Chandieu in Paris for three months Sixth National Synod held in Vertueil Surprise of Meaux; start of second war Battle of Saint-Denis Death of Anne de Montmorency

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291

1568 11 January

Protestant Army joined by troops from John Casimir of Palatinate 23 March Peace of Longjumeau June Chandieu in Burgundy: murder of Pierre d’Amanzé; Michel de l’Hôpital forced out of power August Condé and Coligny form alliance with William of Orange 23 August Third War starts with Condé and Coligny’s flight to La Rochelle 29 August Chandieu escapes France by crossing Saône at midnight September Edict of Saint-Maur prohibits all reformed worship 6 September Chandieu arrives in Lausanne November Orange’s forces move into France December Chandieu moves to Geneva 1569 13 March Spring 25 June 24 July 13 September 3 October 1570 4 May 12 June 27 June 4 September 22 September 3 October 1571 April

Battle of Jarnac; death of Condé Duke of Zweibruken enters Burgundy with army Encounter at La Roche-L’Abeille Seige of Poitiers starts and lasts for six weeks Coligny sentenced to death by parlement Battle of Moncontour Chandieu’s property sequestered Chandieu moves to Lausanne Baptism of Suzanne de Chandieu Peace of Saint-Germain grants Protestants places de sûreté Meeting of pastors at Nyon under Beza to reorganise French Church Chandieu leaves Lausanne Chandieu arrives back in France, attends Provincial Synods for Lyonnais and Burgundy Seventh National Synod held at La Rochelle, attended by Huguenot leadership

292 5 October 12 November 20 December 1572 1 April June 6 June 9 June 19 June 18 August 22 August 23 August 24 August

28–31 August 5 September 7 September 12 September 15 September 26 September October November 1573 11 February

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

Death of Marie, Chandieu writes ‘Cantique à la mémoire de sa fille’ Chandieu goes to Lyon to restart worship there Cross of Gastines vandalised in Paris ‘Sea Beggers’ take Brill in Netherlands Eighth National Synod at Nîmes Coligny returns to court Jeanne d’Albret dies Coligny proposes intervention in Netherlands to council Marriage of Henri de Borbon and Marguerite de Valois Failed assassination attempt on Coligny Tuilieries meeting decides to remove Protestant leadership Coligny assassinated, massacre starts in Paris, spreads out through provinces over subsequent weeks: Chandieu writes ‘Vers sur la mort de Coligny’ sometime after this Massacres start in Lyon, Chandieu forced to flee Chandieu reaches Geneva Chandieu and Alizet register as ‘habitans’ Henri de Navarre abjures Protestantism Chandieu represents French Pastors in Genevan Company Condé abjures Protestantism Protestants start to form armed groups in Dauphiné and Languedoc, leading to fourth civil war Start of siege of La Rochelle

April/May 11–15 May 6 July

Henri d’Anjou takes over leadership of armies besieging La Rochelle Chandieu family moves to Lausanne Henri d’Anjou elected King of Poland Siege of La Rochelle ends

1574 Spring 8 March

Start of fifth war Baptism of Daniel de Chandieu

Appendix A: Antoine de Chandieu – life and times

April 30 May 6 September 1575 15 September

293

Failed attempt of Navarre to escape court Death of Charles IX Henri III arrives in Lyon François d’Alençon, now duc d’Anjou, escapes court and takes up arms

1576 2–5 February

Navarre escapes court and returns to Protestantism May Edict of Beaulieu 20 June Chandieu speaks for French Pastors in Genevan Council 23 Sept Esaïe de Chandieu baptised 6 December Opening of Estates General at Blois Manuscript version of Octonaires 1577 2–5 March May–June 17 June

Deputies leave Blois François d’Anjou leading attacks on French towns Chandieu invited to be Professor of Theology in Lausanne 14 September Peace treaty signed in Bergerac 17 September Edict of Poitiers ends sixth war Chandieu starts debate with Turrianus 1578 14 February August

Anjou escapes court for second time Catherine leaves court to travel southern provinces on behalf of king 18 August Synod of Sainte-Foy chooses Chandieu to go to German conference Catherine and Marguerite de Valois meet Henri de 2 October Navarre at La Réole November–December Foundation of Order of St Esprit 1579 6 January 23 January 28 February May

Union of Arras Union of Utrecht Treaty of Nérac Ordonance confirms deliberations of estates at Blois

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16 July 29 November 1580 15 February April

Chandieu family moves to Aubonne Start of seventh War of Religion

26 November

Massacre at Romans Henri de Navarre enters into war and publishes Déclaration Henri de Navarre lays siege to Cahors Anjou signs treaty of Le Plessis-lès-Tours with Dutch rebels Peace of Fleix

1581 26 July

United Provinces declare independence

28 May–1 June 19 September

1582 2 June 6 July December 1583 17 January 23 March

May July August–September 25 October 1584 18 May

Jean, Jacques and Daniel go to Bâle Pierre de Chandieu baptised Switch from Julien to Gregorian Calendar – 9 December followed by 20 December Anjou tries to take Antwerp Henri III establishes pénitents blancs de l’Annonciation Notre-Dame, processions take place with increasingly regularity over summer and autumn Synod of Vitré chooses Chandieu to go to Germany, but replaced by Ségur Chandieu leaves Aubonne Chandieu visits properties of Pôle, Chandieu and Chabottes Beza mentions Chandieu gone home with books Jean-Casimir asks Beza to let Chandieu go to Cologne as chaplain to newly converted Elector:

Chandieu leaves Pôle for Geneva, returning 11 June 10 June Death of Anjou 10 July Assassination of William of Orange 15 August Represents Lyonnais and Burgundy at Montauban

Appendix A: Antoine de Chandieu – life and times

295

23 November

Chandieu’s sons matriculate at Heidelberg University November–December League growing in numbers in Paris 31 December Treaty of Joinville between Guise and Philip II of Spain 1585 February March 31 March June 7 July August 10 August 11 August 9 September 20 September 1586 19 June

Chandieu returns to Geneva Henri de Navarre meets with Henri de Montmorency near Castres Start of eighth War of Religion Declaration of Péronne by League Daniel leaves to be companion to future Frederick IV of Palatinate. Chandieu family goes back to Geneva Henri de Navarre chooses four chaplains for coming year, Chandieu to serve July–December Treaty of Nemours, gives Reformed freedom of conscience and worship Chandieu returns to Pole alone Declaration of Bergerac between Henri de Navarre, Henri de Condé and Henri de Montmorency Chandieu goes to Aquitaine Papal bull against Henri de Navarre Chandieu leads public prayers in Castres Baptism of daughter: Chandieu not able to return from Rouergue Chandieu in Montauban with Duplessis-Mornay:

1587 18 February Execution of Mary Queen of Scots 8 May Hotman notes news that Françoise and girls are ill in Geneva, Chandieu still in Nérac unable to return In La Rochelle with Navarre’s Army July Chandieu writes letter to James VI of Scotland 20 October Battle of Coutras, Chandieu present as army chaplain 3 November Chandieu ill in Nérac 24 November Chandieu moves to Nîmes

296

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

1588 January

Chandieu with Navarre in Montauban, sees Duplessis Mornay 5 March Death of Henri de Condé Spring Chandieu returns to wife and family for two weeks 19 March Chandieu leaves Geneva to visit Berne, Basle, and Strasbourg 12 May Day of Barricades in Paris 15 May Chandieu arrives back in Geneva via Lausanne September 1588 Daniel returns to family 16 October Opening of Estates at Blois 23 December Assassination of Duke of Guise 24 December Assassination of Cardinal of Guise 1589 5 January 15–16 January 3 April 30 April 26 May 12 June 1 August 4 August 5 August 21 September 17 October 8 December 1590 14 March May–August End of 1590

Death of Catherine de Médici End of Estates Treaty between Henri de Navarre and Henri III Navarre and Henri III meet at Plessis-lès-Tours Pope starts to excommunicate Henri III Chandieu at Battle of Plan-les-Ouates outside Geneva Henri III stabbed by Jacques Clément at SaintCloud, dies next day Navarre as Henri IV promises to maintain Catholic religion Guise declare Cardinal de Bourbon to be king as Charles X Henri IV wins battle of Arques against duc de Mayenne Chandieu asked to give Sunday evening sermons in Geneva Chandieu’s work noted by Council and given wine as reward Geneva threatened by Savoy Jean de Chandieu fighting for Henri IV at Battle of Ivry Henri IV puts Paris under siege Jean in Pithiviers

Appendix A: Antoine de Chandieu – life and times

1591 14 January 23 February March

297

July 11 November

Chandieu’s last journal entry, finished by Daniel Chandieu dies in Geneva Pope renews excommunication order against Henri IV Edict of Mantes Siege of Rouen starts

1592 21 April 23 May

Siege of Rouen ends Battle of Craon

1593 26 January 4 May 17 May 25 July

Estates General meet in Paris Ceasefire starts Archbishop of Bourges announces Henri IV is taking Catholic instruction Abjuration of Henri IV at Saint-Denis

1594 27 February 22 March 29 December

Coronation of Henri IV at Chartres Henri IV enters Paris with troops Expulsion of Jesuits by Parlement of Paris

1595 17 January 14 June 17 September

Declaration of war against Spain Saulx-Tavannes submits to Henri IV Ceremony of absolution for Henri IV in Rome

1596 February 24–26 May

Duc d’Épernon comes over to crown Alliance of France, England and United Provinces

1598 20 March

Duc de Mercœur promulgates treaty of submission April Edict of Nantes 23 June Ceremonial burning of implements of war in Paris 13 September Death of Philip II of Spain 1599 February

Paris Parlement accepts Edict of Nantes

298

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

15 April Edict of Fontainbleu reestablishes Catholic worship in Béarn

APPENDIX B

English Citations of Chandieu

Number of Chandieu References

Name of Author

Title of Work

Ames, William (1576–1633)

A fresh suit against human ceremonies in God’s vvorship

6

Ames, William (1576–1633)

A reply to Dr. Mortons generall Defence of three nocent [sic] ceremonies

3

Bancroft, Richard (1544–1610)

A suruay of the pretended holy discipline.

1

Barclay, Robert

Quakerism confirmed, or, A vindication of the chief doctrines and principles of the people called

1

Barrow, Henry (1550?–1593)

A petition directed to Her Most Excellent Maiestie

1

Baxter, Richard (1615–1691)

Against the revolt to a foreign jurisdiction

2

Baxter, Richard (1615–1691)

An answer to Mr. Dodwell and Dr. Sherlocke

1

Baxter, Richard (1615–1691)

Catholick communion defended against both extreams

1

Baxter, Richard (1615–1691)

Certain disputations of right to sacraments

1

300

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

Baxter, Richard (1615–1691)

A Christian directory, or, A summ of practical theologie and cases of conscience directing Christians how to use their knowledge and faith

1

Baxter, Richard (1615–1691)

A defence of the principles of love, which are necessary to the unity and concord of Christians and are delivered in a book called The cure of churchdivisions

1

Baxter, Richard (1615–1691)

The English nonconformity as under King Charles II and King James II truly stated and argued by Richard Baxter

2

Baxter, Richard (1615–1691)

The saints everlasting rest, or, A treatise of the blessed state of the saints in their enjoyment of God in glory

3

Church of Scotland

General Assembly., Commission.

1

Downame, George (d. 1634)

A defence of the sermon preached at the consecration of the L. Bishop of Bath and VVelles against a confutation thereof by a namelesse author.

2

Edwards, Thomas (1599–1647)

Antapologia, or, A full answer to the Apologeticall narration of Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, Mr. Sympson, Mr. Burroughs, Mr. Bridge, members of the Assembly of Divines wherein is handled many of the controversies of these times

2

Gillespie, George (1613–1648)

An assertion of the government of the Church of Scotland in the points of ruling-elders and of the authority of presbyteries and synods with a postscript in answer to a treatise lately published against presbyteriall government.

2

Gillespie, George (1613–1648)

A dispute against the English-popish ceremonies, obtruded vpon the Church of Scotland

2

APPENDIX B: English citations of Chandieu

301

Hakewill, George (1578–1649)

An ansvvere to a treatise vvritten by Dr. Carier

1

Hall, Thomas (1610–1665)

The pulpit guarded with XVII arguments proving the unlawfulness, sinfulness and danger of suffering private persons to take upon them publike preaching, and expounding the Scriptures without a call

1

Jameson, William (1689–1720)

Nazianzeni querela et votum justum, The fundamentals of the hierarchy examin’d and disprov’d wherein the choicest arguments and defences of .. A.M. .. the author of An enquiry into the new opinions (chiefly) propagated by the Presbyterians in Scotland,

1

Keith, George (1639?–1716)

Quakerism no popery, or, A particular answere to that part of Iohn Menzeis, professor of divinity in Aberdeen, (as he is called) his book, intituled Roma mendax

1

Leigh, Edward (1602–1671)

Foelix consortium, or, A fit conjuncture of religion and learning in one entire volume, consisting of six books

4

Leigh, Edward (1602–1671)

A systeme or body of divinity consisting of ten books

3

Leigh, Edward (1602–1671)

A treatise of religion & learning and of religious and learned men consisting of six books

3

Lewis, John (b. 1595 or 6)

The vnmasking of the masse-priest vvith a due and diligent examination of their holy sacrifice.

2

Lindsay, David (d. 1641?)

A true narration of all the passages of the proceedings in the generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland, holden at Perth the 25. of August, anno Dom. 1618

1

London

Provincial Assembly

1

302

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

Owen, James (1654–1706)

A plea for Scripture ordination, or, Ten arguments from Scripture and antiquity proving ordination by presbyters without bishops to be valid by J.O.

3

Perkins, William (1558–1602)

A godlie and learned exposition upon the whole epistle of Iude, containing threescore and sixe sermons preached in Cambridge by that reverend and faithfull man of God, Master William Perkins,

1

Prynne, William (1600–1669)

The antipathie of the English lordly prelacie, both to regall monarchy, and civill unity:

1

Rainolds, John (1549–1607)

The summe of the conference betwene Iohn Rainoldes and Iohn Hart touching the head and the faith of the Church

1

Robinson, John (1575?–1625)

A iustification of separation from the Church of England Against Mr Richard Bernard his invective, intituled; The separatists schisme

1

Rutherford, Samuel (1600?–1661)

The due right of presbyteries, or, A peaceable plea for the government of the Church of Scotland

1

Rutherford, Samuel (1600?–1661)

A peaceable and temperate plea for Pauls presbyterie in Scotland,

2

Rutherford, Samuel (1600?–1661)

A survey of the Survey of that summe of church-discipline penned by Mr. Thomas Hooker .. wherein the way of the churches of N. England is now re-examined

2

Simson, Patrick (1556–1618)

A short compend of the historie of the first ten persecutions moued against Christians divided into III. centuries

1

Stubbe, Henry (1632–1676)

A light shining out of darknes [sic], or, Occasional queries submitted to the judgment of such as would enquire into the true state of things in our times

1

APPENDIX B: English citations of Chandieu

Willet, Andrew (1562–1621)

Loidoromastix: that is, A scourge for a rayler containing a full and sufficient answer vnto the vnchristian raylings, slaunders, vntruths, and other iniurious imputations, vented of late by one Richard Parkes master of Arts, against the author of Limbomastix

303 1

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APPENDIX C

Chandieu’s Surviving Correspondence

Although not included in this survey, in the course of my research I have made a record of Chandieu’s surviving correspondence as it stands. In this I have been helped greatly by Dr Alexandra Kess, of the BullingerBriefwechsel-Edition in Zurich. Basle University Library: Chandieu to Grynaeus (all Latin) Mscr G I 33: ff. 19 7 October 1589 ff. 17 20 March 1590 ff. 15 10 November 1589 ff. 3 17 August 1590 ff. 7–8 15 October 1588 ff. 5 June 1588 Mscr G II 11: ff. 237 16 August 1588 ff. 233 1589 ff. 235 2 February 1590 Zürich Staatsarchiv E II 371, fol. 969r.–970r Ministers of Lyon to Bullinger, Lyon 18 November 1564 (Latin) (also signed by Jacques Aubert, David Chaillet, Christophe Fabri, Jacques l’Anglois, Jacques Ruffy, Jean-François Salvert, Pierre Viret, E II 346, fol. 570r–571r. (Latin) Synod of La Rochelle to Bullinger, La Rochelle April 1571 Ms F 58, fol. 588 (Latin)

306

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

Ministers of the Genevan stranger’s church to ministers of Zurich, Geneva 4 December 1572. Edinburgh University Library Letter from Antoine de Chandieu to James VI, July 1587. Scottish Manuscripts from the Drummond Collection De.1.12/8 This piece is written in French and offers compliments to James as a pious Christian Monarch. It also hopes James will continue to purge his Kingdom of all non-Christian influences and reminds of one’s duty to follow the word of God. There is also a certain amount of documentation relating to Chandieu within the Correspondence of Theodore Beza, currently being edited by the team at the Institute d’Histoire de la Reformation in Geneva.

Bibliography Printed primary sources Aymon, J., Tous les Synodes Nationaux des Eglises Reformées de France: Auxquels on a joint des mandemens roiaux, et plusieurs lettres politiques, Sur ces Matieres Synodales, Intitulées Doctrine, Culte, Morale, Discipline, Cas de Conscience, erreurs, impietés, vices, desordres, apostasies, censures, suspensions, anathemes, griefs, apels, debats, procedures, decrets, et jugemens definitifs, concernant Les Edits de Pacification & leurs Infractions, les Places de Sûreté & leurs Gouverneurs, les Chambres Mi-parties & leurs Conseilleurs, les Assemblées Politiques & leurs Privileges, les Universités & leurs Professeurs, les Colleges & leurs Regens, les Eglises & leurs Pasteurs, les Consistoires & leurs Membres, les Coloques et leurs Departemens, les Synodes & leurs Moderateurs, Ajoints, Commissaires, Deputés, & Secretaires, qui ont aprouvé ces Actes (La Haye, 1710). d’Aubigné, A., ‘Méditations sur les Pseaumes’ in Œuvres Complètes vol. II, Eug. Réaume & de Caussade (eds) (Geneva, 1967). ——, Histoire Universelle tomes 1–8, André Thierry (ed.) (Geneva, 1981– 1994). ——, Sa Vie à ses Enfants, Gilbert Schrenck (ed.) (Paris, 1986). ——, Les Tragiques, Frank Lestringant (ed.) (Paris, 1995). Beza, Theodore, Abraham Sacrifiant (Geneva, Conrad Badius, 1550). ——, Confession de la foy chrestienne, faite par Theodore de Besze, contenant la confirmation d’icelle, & la refutation des superstitions contraires (Geneva, Badius, 1559). ——, Histoire Ecclésiastique des Eglises Réformées au Royaume de France, vols 1–3, G. Baum and Ed Cunitz (eds) (Paris, 1883). ——, Correspondance de Theodore de Beze, H. Meylan and A. Dufour (eds) (Geneva, 1960). ——, Chrestiennes Méditations, Mario Richter (ed.) (Geneva and Paris, 1964). ——, Abraham Sacrifiant, Keith Cameron, Kathleen M. Hall and Francis Higman (eds) (Geneva, 1967). Bouilhet, L., La Conjuration d’Amboise: une drame en 5 actes (Paris, 1866). Calvin, J., Lettres de Jean Calvin, Jules Bonnet (ed.) (Paris, 1854), 2 vols.

308

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

——, Institutes of the Christian Religion, John T. MacNeill (ed.) (Philadelphia, 1960) 2 vols. ——, Ioannis Calvini Opera Quae Supersunt Omnia, G. Baum, E. Cunitz and E. Reuss (eds) (Brunswick and Berlin, 1863–1900, reprinted 1964). ——, Three French Treatises, ed. Francis Higman (London, 1970). Chandieu, Antoine de, Advertissement aux fideles espars parmi le royaume de France, de se donner garde de ceux qui sans legitime vocation s’ingerent au Ministere de l’Euangile (s.l., 1561). [——], Tragi-comedie. L’argument pris dv troisieme chapitre de Daniel. Auec le Cantique des trois enfans, chanté en la fournaise, (s.l., s.n., [1561]). ——, Apologie ou defence des bons chrestiens contre les ennemis de l’Eglise chrestienne (s.l., s.n., 1563) ——, Histoire des persecutions et martyrs de l’eglise de Paris, depuis l’an 1557 iusques au temps du Roy Charles neufiesme. Auec une Epistre contenant la remonstrance des proffits qui reuinedront aux fideles de la lecture de ceste histoire: & une exhortation à ceux qui nous ont persecutez, de reuoir nostre cause, & iuger derechef si ç’a esté à bon droit, qu’ilz ont fait mourir tant de seruiteurs de Dieu. (Lyon, [Sébastien Honorat] 1563). —— and Bernard de Montmeja, Response aux Calomnies Contenves av discours & suyte du discours sur les Miseres de ce temps Faits par Messire Pierre Ronsard, iadis Poete, & maintenant prebstre. Le premier par A.Zamariel: les deux autres par B. de Mont-Dieux Ou est aussi contenue la Metamorphose dudict Ronsard en Prebstre (Orléans, 1563). —— and Bernard de Montmeja, Response aux Calomnies Contenves av discours & suyte du discours sur les Miseres de ce temps Faits par Messire Pierre Ronsard, iadis Poete, & maintenant prebstre. Le premier par A.Zamariel: les deux autres par B. de Mont-Dieux Ou est aussi contenue la Metamorphose dudict Ronsard en Prebstre (s.l., 1563). ——, Palinodies de Pierre de Ronsard, sur les discours des misères de ce temps (s.l., 1563). ——, Apologie ou defence des bons chrestiens contre les ennemis de l’Eglise chrestienne (s.l., s.n., [1564]). ——, La confirmation de la discipline ecclésiastique observée es eglises réformées du royaume de France, avec la reponse aux obiections proposées alencontre ([Geneva], [Estienne], 1566). ——, La confirmation de la discipline ecclésiastique observée es eglises réformées du royaume de France, avex la reponse aux obiections proposées alencontre ([La Rochelle], [Barthélemy Berton], 1566).

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——, La confirmation de la discipline ecclésiastique observée es eglises réformées du royaume de France, avex la reponse aux obiections proposées alencontre ([s.l.], [s.d.]). ——, Epitaphe de la Mort de Tresillvstre Prince Wolfgang, Comte Palatin du Rhin, Duc de Bauieres & de Deux-ponts, Prince du sainct Empire. Avec vn Ode sur les miseres des Eglises Françoises (s.l., François Perrin for Jean Durant, 1569). ——, La confirmation de la discipline ecclesiastique, observée es eglises reformées du royaume de France. Avec la response aux objections proposées alencontre (s.l., s.n., 1571). ——, ‘Vers sur la mort de Coligny’, reprinted in BSHPF vol. 5 p. 327, vol. 7 p. 14, and vol. 24 pp. 84–5. ——, Sophismata F. Turriani, collecta ex ejus libro de Ecclesia et ordinationibus ministrorum ecclesiae, adversus capita disputationis Lipsicae (Geneva, Pierre de Saint-André, 1577). ——, Mediationes in psalmum xxxii. Authore A.Sadeele (Lausanne, Fransiscus Le Preux, 1578). ——, Moste excellent meditations uppon the xxii Psalme, written in latin by ... A.Sadel, and nowe newly translated into English ... by W. W[atkinson] (London, T. Dawson, for T. Cook and T. Man, 1579). ——, Méditations sur le psalme XXXII, traduictes du latin .. Ont aussi esté adjoutez 50 octonaires sur la vanité du monde, par A. Zamariel (s.l. [Geneva?], J. Laimarie, 1583). ——, A Treatise touching the word of God, Tr J. Coxe (London, J. Harrison, 1583). ——, La Response à la Profession de foy publiée conte ceux de l’Eglise Reformée. Avec la refutation tant des calomnies qui y sont contenues, que generallement des erreurs de l’Eglise Romaine pretendue Catholique, (La Rochelle, P. Haultin, 1586). ——, Response à la profession de foy, publiée par les moynes de Bordeaux, contre ceux de l’Église reformée, pour leur fare abiurer la vraye religion. Avec la refutation, tant des calomnies qui y sont contenues, que generalement des erreurs contenues, que generalement des erreurs de l’Église romaine, pretendue catholique (s.l. [Geneva], s.n. [Ant. Blanc], 1588). ——, Response à la profession de foi publié par les moynes de Bordeaux, contre ceux de l’eglise reformee, pour leur faire abiurer la vraye religion. Auec la refutation, tant des calomnies qui y sont contenues, que generalement des ereurs de l’eglise romaine, pretendue, catholique. Par A. de Sadell 2e ed., reueue & augmentee par l’autheur, (s.l., s.n. [Le Preux?], 1590). ——, Response à la profession de foi publié par les moynes de Bordeaux, contre ceux de l’eglise reformee, pour leur faire abiurer la vraye

310

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

religion. Auec la refutation, tant des calomnies qui y sont contenues, que generalement des ereurs de l’eglise romaine, pretendue, catholique. Par A. de Sadell 2e ed., reueue & augmentee par l’autheur, (s.l., s.n. [Le Preux?], 1590). ——, Response à la profession de foi publié par les moynes de Bordeaux, contre ceux de l’eglise reformee, pour leur faire abiurer la vraye religion. Auec la refutation, tant des calomnies qui y sont contenues, que generalement des ereurs de l’eglise romaine, pretendue, catholique. Par A. de Sadell 2e ed., reueue & augmentee par l’autheur, (s.l., s.n. [Le Preux?], 1590). ——, Opera theologica. Nunc primum in unum volumen collecta, ([Geneva], excudebat Ioan Le Preux, 1592). ——, Response à la profession de foy pvbliée en Guyenne par les Moines de Bordeaux pour estre un formulaire d’abiuration de la vraye Religion. Avec la refuation tant des calomnies, qui y sont contenües, que generalement des Erreurs de l’Eglise Romaine pretendue Catholique. Par Antoine de Chandieu. Reveüe et augmentee par l’Autheur (La Rochelle, Hierosme Haultin, 1593). ——, ‘Cantique pour le Roy, sur la victoire par luy obtenue a Coutras’, in G. de Saluste, Seigneur du Bartas, Cantique sur la victoire d’Yvry (Lyon, Jean Tholosan, 1594). ——, Résponse à la profession de foi publiée par les moines de Bordeaux (La Rochelle, s.n., 1595). ——, Traité Theologic et Scholatique De l’unique Sacrificature & sacrifice de IESUS CHRIST: contre le controuué sacrifice de la Messe. Escrit en Latin par ANTOINE DE CHANDIEU excellent theologien, & nouvellement mis en François, par S.G.S. de l’imprimerie de Jean le Preux ([Geneva], Le Preux, 1595). ——, Traité Theologic et scholastique de la vraye Remission des pechez. Contre les satisfactions humaines & le controuuvé Purgatoire de l’Eglise Romaine. Escrit en latin par Antoine de Chandieu, excellent theologien, et nouvellement mis en François, par S.G.S. De l’imprimerie de Iean le Preux ([Geneva], Le Preux, 1595). ——, Traité theologic et scholastique de la parole de Dieu, escrite, Contre les traditions humaines. Fait en Latin par Antoine de Chandieu, excellent theologien. Plus un brief enseignement touchant la mesme parole escrite, ou sont sommairement remarquees les principales matieres considerables en cest article de doctrine. Le tout nouvellement mis en François par S.G.S 1 Timoth 3 v 15.16 Tu as connu des ton enfance les sainctes lettres, lesquelles te peuuent rendre sage a salut par la foy qui est en Iesus Christ. Tout l’Escriture est diuinement inspiree, & profitable a enseigner, a conuaince, a corriger& et instruire en iustice:

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——, Lettres du roy nostre sire dressans au seneschal de Lyon ou son Lieutenant pour pourveoir à la surté de la procession du S. Sacrement, (Lyon, Benoît Rigaud, 1561). Gringore, P., Œuvres polémiques rédigées sous le règne de Louis XII, Cynthia J. Brown (ed.),(Geneva, 2003). Haton, C., Mémoires de Claude Haton, Tome 1 1553–1565 Laurent Bourquin (ed.) (Paris, 2001). Henri II, Edict touchant la congnoissance, jurisdiction et jugement des proces des lutheriens et heretiques, (Paris, Jean André and Jean Dallier, 1551). ——, Edict portant la peine contre les perseverans en leurs mauvaises opinions contre la foy (Paris, Jean Canivet, 1558). Hotman, F., Epistre au Tigre de France (s.l., s.n., 1560). ——, L’Histoire dv Tvmvlte d’Amboyse advenv av moys de Mars M.D.LX., (s.l., s.n., 1560). La Place, P. de, Commentaires de l’Estat de la Religion et Republique soubs les Rois Henry & Francçois seconds, & Charles neufieme, ([Rouen], s.n., 1565). La Planche, Regnier de, Histoire de l’Estat de France, tant de la Republique que de la Religion, (s.l., s.n., 1576). La Popelinière, L. du Voisin, sieur de, L’Histoire de France enrichie de plus notables occurences suruenues es Prouinces de l’Europe & pays voisins, (s.l., s.n., 1582). La Vraye Histoire, Contenant l’iniqve Ivgement et Favsse procedure faite contre le fidele seruiteur de Dieu Anne du Bourg, Conseillier pour le Roy, en la cour du Parlement de Paris, & les diuerses opinions des Presidens & Conseilliers, touchant le fait de la religion Chrestienne, (s.l.,s.n., 1561). Lect, J., De Vita Anton Sadeelis et Scriptis, Epistola in Antonii Sadeelis Chandei Nobilissimi Viri Opera Theologica, (Geneva, 1599). [Maisonfleur], Les Cantiques du Sieur de Maisonfleur gentilhomme françois, (Paris, Jean Houzé, 1586). Mémoires de Condé, ou recueil pour servir à l’histoire de France, contenant ce qui s’est passé de plus mémorable dans ce royaume sous les règnes de François II et Charles IX, D.F. Secousse (ed.) (La Haye, 1743) 6 vols. Montmeja, Bernard de, Poemes Chrestiens De B. De Montmeja, & autres diuers auteurs. Recveillis et novvellement mis en Lumiere, (s.l., s.n., 1574). Morély, J., Traicté de la discipline & police Chrestienne, (Lyon, Jean de Tournes, 1562). Peyrusse, A. de, Discours Sur l’Edict du Roy, contenant la reünion de ses subjects à la Religion Catholique, Apostolique & Romaine, Et

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Richter, Mario, Studies in Seventeenth Century Imagery (2nd edn) ( Rome, 1964–1974). Roberts, Penny, A City in Conflict: Troyes during the French wars of religion (Manchester and New York, 1996). ——, ‘The Kingdom’s Two Bodies? Corporeal Rhetoric and Royal Authority during the Religious Wars’, French History 21 (2007), pp. 147–64. Rochas, Adolphe, Biographie du Dauphiné contenant des hommes nés dans cette province qui se sont fait remarquer dans les Lettres, les Sciences, les Arts etc, avec le Catalogue de leurs Ouvrages et la Description de leurs Portraits (Geneva, 1971). Roelker, Nancy, ‘The Appeal of Calvinism to French Noblewomen in the Sixteenth Century’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History 2 (1972), pp. 391–418. ——, One King, One Faith: The Parlement of Paris and the Religious Reformations of the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley, 1996). Romier, Lucien, La Conjuration d’Amboise (Paris: Perrin and Co, 1923). ——, Catholiques et Huguenots à la cour de Charles IX (Paris, 1924). ——, Les origines politiques des guerres de religion,vols 1–2 (Geneva, 1974). Roussel, Bernard and Deyon, Solange, ‘Pour un nouvel “Aymon”: Les premiers Synodes nationaux des Églises réformées en France (1559– 1567)’, BSHPF 139 (1993), pp. 545–76. Roussel, Bernard, ‘La Discipline des Eglise réformées de France en 1559: un royaume sans clergé?’ in De l’Humanisme aux Lumières: Bayle et le protestantisme. Mélanges en l’honneur d’Elisabeth Labrousse (Paris and Oxford, 1994), pp. 169–91. Roy, Ernest, Poesies Diverses tirées de la Muse Chrestienne de Pierre Poupo (Paris, 1886). Russell, Daniel S., The Emblem and Device in France (Lexington, Kentucky, 1985). Saffroy, Gaston, Bibliographie généalogique, héraldique et nobiliaire de la France (Paris, 1968–1979). Shimizu, J., Conflict of loyalties, politics and religion in the career of Gaspard de Coligny : Admiral of France, 1519–1572 (Geneva, 1970). Saunders, Alison, The Sixteenth Century French Emblem Book: A Useful and Decorative Genre (Geneva, 1988). Saunier, Jacques, ‘ Le château de Chandieu [à Lyon]’ Rive Gauche no. 27 pp. 5–6; no. 28, pp. 25–8; no. 29 pp. 27–8; no. 30 p. 27; no. 31 pp. 27–8. ——, ‘Chandieu à l’heure de la féodalité’, in Actes des Journées d’études 1987: Meyzieu et sa région, Histoire du département du Rhône (Lyon, 1989), pp. 43–4.

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Musical resources Ensemble Jacques Feuille, Claude Le Jeune: Octonaires de la vanité et inconstance du monde (Arion, 1999). Anne Quentin, Inconstance et vanité du Monde: Musique aux cours de France et de Savoie en 1601, (Ambronay and Naïve, 2000).

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Index Albret, Jeanne d’ 39, 89, 111, 113–14, 122, 250, 289, 292 Alençon, François, duc de (latterly duc d’Anjou) 41, 45, 238, 293, 294 Alizet, Benoît 39, 292 Amboise 25, 95, 107 Conspiracy of 4, 6, 7, 10, 25–6, 28, 32, 36, 40n., 76, 77, 86, 87–108, 109, 110, 114, 130, 133, 146, 157, 159, 168, 175, 195, 200, 206, 243, 288 Peace of 32–3, 34, 87, 140n., 154, 162, 163, 164, 187, 290 Angers 19n., 31, 64, 95 Arians 136, 138, 275, 277 Assemblée des .deles 57, 74 Aubéry, Claude, 42–3, 225, 246 Aubigné, Agrippa d’ 25n., 95n., 101n., 106, 247n. Avenelles, Pierre des 94–5, 101 Beza, Theodore 4, 5n., 18, 19, 26, 29, 32n., 39, 40n., 41, 42n., 43, 45, 46, 48n., 54–5, 58, 80, 93, 104, 112, 196n., 199, 231, 243, 244n., 261, 274, 275, 278, 282, 289, 291, 294 Abraham Sacrifiant 114, 115n., 116n., 124, 154, 231 character in Ronsardian polemic 136, 138, 141, 142, 143, 148, 150, 151, 152, 154–5, 156 Chrestiennes Méditations 247n., 249–50, 251 Confession de la foy chrestienne 66n. and Conspiracy of Amboise 93–4, 97–9, 104, 107 Histoire Ecclésiastique 17n., 18, 19n., 20n., 21n., 53, 54–5, 61, 62n., 63, 78, 81, 171

and poetry 113, 124, 232n., 233, 234, 235, 236 Blois 17n., 25, 31, 95, 293, 296 Bourbon, Antoine de, roi de Navarre 6, 20, 22–4, 28, 29n., 30, 31, 40n., 87, 88–92, 102, 110, 113, 114 116, 122, 139, 180, 238, 239n., 287, 288, 289, 290 Bourbon, Charlotte de 236, 237 Bourdon, François 97, 100, 288 Bourges 31, 39n., 40n. Briçonnet, Guillaume 52–3, 54n., 61 Bucer, Martin 54, 56, 131, 275 Burgundy 13, 14, 15, 16, 29, 34, 35, 39, 44, 291, 294 Calvin, John 7, 8, 17, 18, 19, 40n., 51n., 54n., 56, 57, 58n., 62n., 75, 79, 80, 82, 85–6, 113, 117, 131, 136, 138, 152, 156, 159, 196, 198, 199, 204, 218–19, 234, 244, 261, 274, 275, 290 and Chandieu 4, 7, 18, 22, 24, 25, 93, 99–102, 104, 107, 157, 218–19, 288 and Conspiracy of Amboise 25, 87, 89, 91, 93, 97, 99–102, 104, 107, 108, 200, 288 and French churches 1, 2–3, 32, 51–2, 55, 59, 64–6, 74, 87, 89, 156, 164 writings 17, 67, 74, 85, 149, 161, 182, 183, 275–7, 278 Calvinism 4, 6–9, 16, 21, 26, 40n., 49, 51–2, 54–5, 57, 58n., 65n., 66n., 76, 85, 123, 137, 138, 144, 146, 155–6, 159, 164, 189, 194, 196, 204, 207, 209–41, 243–6, 247, 252, 254, 276, 278, 282, 284–5 see also French Protestantism Carle, Lancelot de 130, 131n.

330

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Castellio, Sebastien 24, 62 Catholic polemic 19, 27n., 110, 123, 125, 127, 137, 150, 168, 174, 244n., 277, 281 see also Chandieu, writing against Jesuits; Ronsard Catholicism as part of French national identity 1, 132–3, 155–6, 238 attempts at co-existence with Protestants 28, 30, 238 church in France 17, 26, 28, 52, 53, 61, 131, 255, 259, 273, 278, 296, 298 clashes with Protestants 27, 29, 36, 21, 29, 33, 35, 36–7, 80, 94n., 97, 102, 109, 172, 234, 254 priests 15n., 27, 29, 174, 183, 191, 202 see also League Chandieu family 13–16, 48 Chandieu, Antoine de Advertissement aux fideles espars parmi le royaume de France 189–94, 195, 204 and Antoine de Bourbon 22–4, 87, 89, 91, 92, 102, 113, 122, 180, 238, 287, 288 Apologie ou defense des bons chrestiens contre les ennemies de l’Eglise 21, 93n., 173–4, 175 and Beza 4, 18, 26, 32n., 39, 41, 43, 45–6, 48n., 54, 58, 93, 97, 104, 107, 112, 142, 154n., 199, 231, 236, 243, 244n., 250–51, 261, 275, 282, 289, 291, 294 and Calvin 4, 7, 8, 18, 22, 24–5, 32n., 59, 65–6, 67n., 74–5, 87–8, 89, 93, 97, 99–102, 104, 107–8, 113, 157, 164, 200, 204, 218–19, 221, 244n., 261, 275–8, 288 Cantique on victory at Coutras 45, 239–40 Cantique sur la mémoire de sa fille 218, 221–4, 231n., 281, 292 childhood 16–18, 287, 292, 293

children 33n., 37–8, 42–3, 45, 48, 216, 221–4, 290, 292, 294, 295, 296, 297 and Coligny 28, 32, 38, 162, 199, 218–21 and Condé 22, 24–5, 31, 87, 90, 91, 102, 126, 187, 288, 289 Confession 7, 10, 24, 25, 33, 39, 52, 59, 66–78, 79, 81, 85, 86, 92, 97n., 101, 103, 104, 108, 109, 187, 189, 190, 192, 198, 240, 256, 258, 260, 281 Confirmation de la Discipline Ecclesiastique 185, 200, 201–8, 246, 271, 281, 283 Conspiracy of Amboise 4, 6, 7, 10, 25–6, 29, 87–108, 114, 146, 157, 168, 200, 206, 243, 288 correspondance 4n., 5, 11, 43, 113 Discipline 7, 10, 24, 33, 34–5, 39, 52, 59, 60, 61n., 67, 75, 78–86, 101, 108, 109, 163, 187, 188–9, 190, 191, 192, 193, 195, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 241, 260, 281 education 16–8, 287 Epitaphe de la Mort de Tresillustre Prince Wolfgang 38n., 209–12 exile in Switzerland 8, 37–8, 39–41, 42–3, 44, 49, 209, 225, 239, 241, 243, 245n., 252, 254, 284, 291, 292, 293, 296 and Geneva 3, 4, 6n., 7, 11, 16n., 18, 25–6, 33n., 37–8, 39–41, 45, 46, 59, 65, 74, 79n., 80, 85, 87–8, 93–4, 97–104, 107–8, 148, 156–7, 195, 208, 284–5, 287, 288, 291, 296, 200, 208, 209, 224–5, 239, 243, 278, 281, 284, 287, 288, 291, 292, 294, 295, 296, 297 and Henri de Navarre 45, 48, 238–40, 295, 296 Histoire des persecutions 10, 19, 20n., 21n., 33, 42n., 60n., 61, 88, 92–3, 97n., 103–4, 105, 114, 119, 120, 123n., 161–85, 204, 207, 212n., 227n, 259, 262, 281, 283

Index

imprisionment 22–3, 89, 101, 113–14, 116, 119, 179–80, 287 journal 4n., 5–6, 35n., 36n., 37n., 38n., 44, 45n., 46, 284n., 297 at Lausanne academy 42–3, 225, 293 mariage 33, 37, 84, 290, 296 Méditations sur le psalme XXXII 43, 123n., 228n., 230n., 231, 244, 247–56, 259, 263, 284 and Morély 26, 34–5, 78, 97, 163, 191, 195–207, 209, 217 Octonaires sur la Vanité et Inconstance du Monde 3, 6, 43, 48, 49, 113, 217, 220n., 221n., 225–40, 244, 250–51, 252, 253, 259, 262n., 282, 284, 293, O de sur les Miseres des Eglises Francoises 38, 164n., 210, 212–18, 220, 221n., 224, 227n., 229, 262n., 281 Opera theologica 48, 245n., 246 Palinodies de Pierre de Ronsard 31, 140–43, 146, 155n., 156n., 157 pastor 3, 5, 10, 17, 18–19, 24, 31, 32, 33–6, 49, 51, 57, 63, 79, 82, 104, 111, 112, 114, 148, 150, 158, 160, 165, 167, 180, 184, 190–91, 198, 200–201, 226, 229, 230, 239, 245, 247, 259, 281, 283–5, 287, 290, 292, 293 pseudonyms 15–6n., 42n., 111–13, 143, 148, 210, 216 Response à la Profession de foy des moines de Bordeaux 11, 46, 167n., 244, 246, 247, 253, 256–79 Response aux Calomnies contentues au Discours et Suyte du discours ce de temps 31, 102, 125–6, 143–6, 147, 148, 154n., 157, 217 and Ronsard 3, 7, 42n., 48, 102, 111, 123–4, 127, 140–52, 154, 156–8, 167, 168, 201n., 212n., 229, 238, 245, 257, 261, 271, 283, 284 sonnets on death of Calvin 218–9 spokesperson in Geneva 40–41, 49, 209, 238, 244–5, 284, 292, 293

331

territories 15–16, 22, 37, 41, 44, 46, 256, 291, 294 titles 15, 149, 157 Tragi-comedie 111–23, 143 Vers sur la mort de Coligny 219–21, 292 writings against jesuits 3, 42–3, 113n., 225, 243, 244–5, 246, 271, 293 Chandieu, Bertand de 15, 16, 17, 22n., 32, 42n., 95, 104, 135n., 288, 290 Chandieu, Daniel de 42 n., 46, 292, 294, 295, 296, 297 Chandieu, Esaïe de 42 n. Chandieu, Guy de 15, 287 Chandieu, Jacques de 15n., 294 Chandieu, Jean de 45, 48, 294, 296 Chandieu, Marie de 218, 221, 223–4, 290, 292 Charles IX 28, 31, 36, 133, 152, 289, 290, 293 Chassanion, Jean 19, 54n. Chrestien, Florent 111n., 140, 146, 158, 159, 160 Coligny, Gaspard de 28, 30, 32, 37, 38, 40n., 44n., 99, 122, 162, 187, 194, 199, 218, 219–21, 291, 292 Condé, Louis, prince de 6, 17, 22, 24–5, 28, 30–33, 36, 37, 40n., 42n., 87, 89, 90–91, 93, 94, 96, 102, 104, 105n., 107, 108, 121–2, 125–6, 133, 135, 139, 143n., 147, 162, 163n., 164, 184, 187, 199, 211n., 288, 289, 291 confessions, reformed 67, 68–72, 73, 74, 75, 113 see also Chandieu, Confession Coutras, battle of (1587) 45, 239, 295 Crespin, Jean 162n., 171, 184 Dauphiné 13–14, 15n., 16, 292 David, King 124, 146, 204, 230, 234, 241, 247, 249, 251, 252–3, 255 Désiré, Artus 150n., 159 Dreux, battle of (1562) 15, 32, 135, 140n., 290

332

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

Du Bellay, Joachim 126, 159, 181, 184, 236 Du Bourg, Anne 40n., 88, 89n., 121, 167, 168–70, 179–84, 288 Du Tillet, Jean 91, 93, 288 Duplessis-Mornay, Philippe 44, 45, 256, 277, 282, 295, 296 Duplessis-Mornay, Charlotte 44 Elizabeth I 45, 96, 97n. Farel, Guillaume 8, 19, 35n., 53 Félins, Françoise de 33, 37, 84, 290, 296 Foxe, John 171, 184 François I 15, 52, 53, 127n., 132, 156, 289 François II 24–5, 28, 76, 77, 78, 88, 90, 92, 94, 96, 113, 184, 289 French Protestantism 1–6, 8–11, 16, 24, 26, 32, 34–5, 38, 44n., 48–9, 51–9, 60–62, 66–78, 79n., 85–6, 87, 89–90, 100, 105, 107–8, 111, 114, 129n., 130–33, 137, 142, 144, 149, 156–7, 158–60, 163, 168, 174, 181, 187, 190–91, 194, 199, 201, 207, 209–41, 243–79, 281–5 French Protestant Churches 1, 3, 6, 18–26, 30, 33–4, 60, 87, 97, 99, 104, 107, 161–2, 174, 187–208, 209, 217, 224, 230n., 255, 287, 289 National Synods 10, 24, 26n., 29, 30, 34–5, 40n., 52, 78, 80–81, 84–5, 170, 171, 187–9, 191, 192, 194, 195, 198, 204, 206–8, 243, 284, 290 La Rochelle (1571) 19n., 39, 66, 201n., 207, 250, 260, 291 Lyon (1563) 34, 79n., 84n. 188, 192–3, 290 Nîmes (1572) 39, 115n., 292 Orléans (1562) 32n., 187, 188–9, 196–8, 198, 199, 289 Paris (1559) 24, 25, 52, 54n., 60–66, 67, 73, 78, 86, 104, 114, 175, 189, 194, 198, 260, 284, 288 Paris (1565) 34, 200, 290

Poitiers (1560) 78n., 188, 205n., 289 Sainte-Foy (1578) 36n., 243n., 293 Vitré (1583) 44, 243n., 294 Vertueil (1567) 290 Provinical Synods 34–5, 39, 40n., 80–81, 82, 84, 188–9, 191n., 198, 199, 200–201, 289, 290, 291 Confession of see Chandieu, Confession see also Lyon, Protestant Church; Paris, Protestant Church French Protestants 1–4, 8–11, 17, 19–20, 23, 24–6, 27–32, 34–5, 36–8, 44–5, 49, 51–3, 60, 67, 73–4, 76–7, 79, 86, 87–8, 90, 94–5, 97, 100–104, 106, 108, 109–11, 114, 116–17, 119–22, 123–7, 130, 131, 134–40, 146–51, 152, 154–6, 157, 159, 161, 164, 168–70, 171–4, 176, 183–4, 187n., 190, 194, 196, 199, 205, 210–11, 215, 218–19, 230, 231, 233–4, 240–41, 243–4, 247, 249, 254, 257–61, 281–4, 289, 291, 292 Gallars, Nicolas des 24, 57, 65 Geneva 1, 2, 4, 8, 11, 24, 25, 33, 37–8, 39, 42, 45, 56, 57, 62n., 65–6, 75, 87, 107, 110, 136, 151, 152, 156, 196, 198, 204, 209, 225, 231, 239, 246n., 287, 288, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296 Genevan Church 4, 6, 7, 8, 17, 18, 25–6, 41n., 44, 48n., 51–2, 54–6, 57, 60, 64–6, 74, 79, 80, 85–6, 97–104, 108, 137, 148, 156–7, 175, 190, 196, 198, 200, 208, 278, 281, 284–5, 297 pastors 10, 18–19, 39, 40, 41, 46, 55–9, 79n., 80, 82, 97, 100, 102, 148, 195, 196n., 292, 296 missionary pastors 2n., 3, 19, 28, 42n., 56–9, 80n., 85, 194 and french refugees 39–41, 49, 56, 209, 224–5, 244–5, 284, 292, 293

Index

Germany 29n. 52, 53, 57, 110n., 156, 211, 232n., 260, 294 German Lutheran Princes 30, 44, 86, 90, 175, 209–12, 277 Gibier, Éloi 125 Goulart, Simon 45, 113n., 235, 236, 245n., 246, 277n., 282 Grandjean, Mathias 17, 18, 59n., 287 Grévin, Jacques 158–9 Gryneaus, Johan Jakob 43, 44n., 278 Guise, family 21, 24, 25, 28, 30, 32, 36, 76, 88, 90–95, 100, 102, 103n., 105, 121, 126, 131, 135, 142, 156, 259, 288, 296 Guise, François, duc de 29, 31, 32, 88n., 104, 106n., 131n., 147, 148, 288, 289, 290 Guise, Henri, duc de 45, 295, 296 Haemstede, Adriaen van 184–5 Henri II 1, 20–21, 24, 25, 57, 76, 88, 91–2, 94, 116, 121, 129n., 131, 132, 156, 175, 181, 287, 288 Henri III 44, 45, 230, 256n., 261n., 292, 293, 294, 296 Henri IV see Navarre, Henri de Hotman, François 33n., 40, 88n., 93, 94, 98, 101, 105, 295, Huguenot 3, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 36, 136, 139, 211, 291 ‘Huguenot Lent’ 26–8 Huguenot Psalter 234 John Casimir 43, 291 Jodelle, Étienne 150, 159 La Croix see Chandieu, Antoine de, pseudonyms La Place, Pierre de 78n., 92, 93n., 105, La Planche, Regnier de 105 La Popelinière, Lanceclot du Voisin, sieur de 105 La Renaudie, Jean du Barry, sieur de 90–103, 105, 107, 288, La Rivière, Jean Le Mâcon, sieur de Launay dit 19, 31, 33, 92n.

333

La Rochelle 37, 44, 45, 64, 209, 291, 291, 295 Syond of La Rochelle (1571) see French Protestant Churches, National Synods Lausanne 19n., 37, 38, 39, 40n., 42, 43, 48n., 90, 136, 195, 225, 243, 245n., 246n., 252, 278, 291, 292, 293, 296 LaVau 24, 61 League, Catholic 44, 48, 259–60, 262, 295 Lect, Jacques 5, 15, 18, 48 Lefèvre d’Etaples, Jacques 52, 53 Le Jeune, Claude 235 L’Estocart, Pascal de 235 Lestre, Jean de 19, 33, 36n., 43 L’Hôpital, Michel de 27, 29, 291 Lorraine, Charles de 22n., 29, 30, 93, 113, 121, 126, 173, Luther, Martin 51, 52, 79, 110, 131, 138, 139, 234, 261, 275, 276–7 Lutheranism 29n., 53, 138 Lyon 14, 28, 36, 39, 44, 94, 96, 102, 140, 163, 196, 225, 289, 292, 293 Protestant Church 35–6, 37, 39, 64, 290 Syond of Lyon (1563) see French Protestant Churches, National Synods Mâcon 16, 34, 35n., 36 Maligny, Edme de 28, 95, 96, 102, 288, 289 Manicheans 138, 262n., 275 Marot, Clément 8, 124, 126, 127n., 234 martyrs 77, 104, 110, 118–19, 120, 136, 161–4, 166, 168–71, 174, 175–6, 180–85, 192 martyrology 7, 8, 11, 33, 62, 119, 120, 123, 161–85, 283 Meaux 19n., 52–3, 54 n., 57 Surprise of 36, 290 Médici, Catherine de 25, 26, 27, 28, 29–30, 31, 32, 36, 127, 133, 134, 142, 187, 288, 289, 290, 293, 296

334

Protestantism, Poetry and Protest

Merlin, Pierre 35, 40, 43 Molard, Claudine de 15, 16–17 Montauban 44–5, 194n., 256, 277, 294, 295, 296 Montmeja, Bernard de 111–13, 143, 146, 147n., 156n., 158, 160, 236 Montmorency, Anne de 29, 31, 32, 135n., 290 Morel, François de 19, 22n., 25n., 58, 65, 91n. Morel, Jean 21, 167, 179–84, 288 Morély, Jean 6–7, 10, 26, 34–5, 39, 42, 52, 78, 80, 87, 163, 191, 194, 195–201, 217, 260 and Conspiracy of Amboise 87, 88, 97–100, 196 Traicté de la discipline & police Chrestienne 34–5, 195–201, 289 Chandieu’s response to 201–7, 209, 245, 246, 271, 281 Nantes 91, 94, 288 Edict of 237, 297 Navarre, Henri de 33n., 39, 41, 44n., 45, 48, 160, 235, 238–40, 256, 259, 260, 277, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297 Navarre, Marguerite de 53, 230, 232n. Nicodemites 74–5, 161n. Noeux, Rasse de 140, 154, 231 Orléans 24, 28, 31, 32, 36, 39n., 95, 96, 114, 125–6, 133, 147n., 157, 162, 180, 289 church 24, 64 Synod (1562) see French Protestant Churches, National Synods pamphlets 7, 10, 21, 28–9, 38, 92, 93, 98, 105, 109–60, 171–5, 181, 182n., 189, 190, 199, 201, 209–10, 239, 256, 261, 283, 288, 289 Paris 17, 29, 30, 31, 32, 36, 37, 39, 40n., 44n., 48, 60, 63, 64, 65, 89, 90, 91, 93n., 94, 95n., 101, 106n., 111, 113, 114n., 126, 179, 180, 181, 184, 195, 232, 235, 237, 259,

260n., 281, 287, 288, 289, 290, 292, 295, 296, 297 Protestant Church 3, 5, 10, 18–22, 24, 27, 33–4, 36n., 38, 53, 61–4, 79, 81, 89n., 102, 103, 112, 113, 163–71, 172, 175, 176, 179, 183, 194, 284, 288, 289 Synod (1559) see French Protestant Churches, National Synods Pasquier, Etienne 95n. Peyrusse, Antoine de 256, 261–2 pastors 3, 5, 10, 17–18, 19, 32, 38, 41, 42, 66, 74–5, 82, 104–8, 146, 189–94, 198, 201, 204, 246, 247 see also Chandieu, Antoine de, pastor; Genevan Church, pastors pléiade 6, 7, 123, 126, 153, 160, 227, Philip II of Spain 29n., 36, 90, 295, 297 Poëmes Chrestiennes et moraux 221, 231 poetry 6–8, 10–11, 31, 48, 102, 109, 113, 123–9, 133–4, 136, 140–41, 144, 146, 151, 154–5, 157, 160, 209–41, 256, 278–9, 281–2, 283, 285 anthologies 113n., 231, 236–8 devotional verse 6, 230, 234, 236–8, 283 protestant attitudes to 111, 113, 123–9, 144, 146, 154–5, 157–8, 207, 216–17, 236–7 see also Beza, Theodore; Chandieu, Antoine de; Chrestien, Florent; Du Bellay, Joachim; Jodelle, Étienne; Montmeja, Bernard de; pléiade; Poupo, Pierre; Pybrac, Guy du Faur, seigneur de; Rivandeau, André de; Ronsard, Pierre de Poissy, Colloquy of 26, 29–30, 131n., 151, 289 Poitiers 24, 61–3, 64, 65, 73, 74, 78, 160, 287, 288, 291, 293 Synod (1560) see French Protestant hurches, National Synods Poltrot de Méré, Jean 32, 147n., 290 Poupo, Pierre 47

Index

Pybrac, Guy du Faur, seigneur de 160, 221n., 231, 236 Ramus, Petrus 39, 207, 209 Rivandeau, André de 146, 156n. Ronsard, Pierre de 3, 7, 42n., 48, 102, 111, 123, 124–7, 129–40, 141–5, 146–52, 153–7, 158, 159, 160, 164n., 167, 168, 215, 227, 229, 236, 238, 245, 257, 261, 271, 283, 284 ‘Continutation du discours des misères de ce temps’ 134–7, 155n., 156n. ‘Discours des misères de ce temps’ (individual poem) 131n., 133–4, 135n., 139, 141, 142, 153 ‘Elegie à Louis des Masures’ 129–30, 156n. ‘Elegie sur les troubles d’Amboise’ 130–1, 141, 142, 156n., 157 ‘Institution pour l’adolesence du Roy treschrestien Charles IX’ 131–3, 135n., 164n., 212n. ‘Remonstrance au Peuple de France’ 137–40, 156n. ‘Response de Pierre de Ronsard aux injures & calomnies de je ne sçay quels predicans et ministres de Geneve’ Rouen 9n., 31, 124, 290, 297

335 Protestant Church 27, 194

Sadeel see Chandieu, Antoine de, pseudonyms St Bartholomew’s Day Massacres 10, 19n., 39, 41, 49, 207, 209, 217–19, 228, 240, 250, 259, 281 Sansac, Antoine de 256, 262–3, 271, 273 Serres, Jean de 42, 88n., 105 Servetus, Michel 24, 62, 73 Sorbonne 21, 52, 53, 173, 174, 183 Strasbourg 22, 40n., 54, 56, 101, 196, 198, 232, 234, 288, 289 ‘livret de’ 98–110 Throckmorton, Sir Nicolas 89, 92, 96 Tours 24, 31, 53, 64, 95, 176n., 237, 288 Turrianus, Francisco Torres 42, 244, 293 Vassy, Massacre of 30, 133, 157, 159, 289 Viret, Pierre 8, 35, 195, 196, 197 Wittenberg 52, 57 Zamariel see Chandieu, Antoine de, pseudonyms Zurich 41n., 46n., 51, 52, 57, 195, 225, 278 Zweibrücken, Wolfgang, Duke of 38, 175n., 209–11 Zwingli, Ulrich 51, 52, 130, 136

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St Andrews Studies in Reformation History Editorial Board: Bruce Gordon, Andrew Pettegree and Roger Mason, St Andrews Reformation Studies Institute, Amy Nelson Burnett, University of Nebraska at Lincoln, Euan Cameron, Union Theological Seminary, New York and Kaspar von Greyerz, University of Basel The Shaping of a Community: The Rise and Reformation of the English Parish c. 1400–1560 Beat Kümin Seminary or University? The Genevan Academy and Reformed Higher Education, 1560–1620 Karin Maag Marian Protestantism: Six Studies Andrew Pettegree Protestant History and Identity in Sixteenth-Century Europe (2 volumes) Edited by Bruce Gordon Antifraternalism and Anticlericalism in the German Reformation: Johann Eberlin von Günzburg and the Campaign against the Friars Geoffrey Dipple Reformations Old and New: Essays on the Socio-Economic Impact of Religious Change c. 1470–1630 Edited by Beat Kümin Piety and the People: Religious Printing in French, 1511–1551 Francis M. Higman The Reformation in Eastern and Central Europe Edited by Karin Maag John Foxe and the English Reformation Edited by David Loades The Reformation and the Book Jean-François Gilmont, edited and translated by Karin Maag The Magnificent Ride: The First Reformation in Hussite Bohemia Thomas A. Fudge

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Hatred in Print: Catholic Propaganda and Protestant Identity during the French Wars of Religion Luc Racaut Penitence, Preaching and the Coming of the Reformation Anne T. Thayer Huguenot Heartland: Montauban and Southern French Calvinism during the French Wars of Religion Philip Conner Charity and Lay Piety in Reformation London, 1500–1620 Claire S. Schen The British Union: A Critical Edition and Translation of David Hume of Godscroft’s De Unione Insulae Britannicae Edited by Paul J. McGinnis and Arthur H. Williamson Reforming the Scottish Church: John Winram (c. 1492–1582) and the Example of Fife Linda J. Dunbar Cultures of Communication from Reformation to Enlightenment: Constructing Publics in the Early Modern German Lands James Van Horn Melton Sebastian Castellio, 1515-1563: Humanist and Defender of Religious Toleration in a Confessional Age Hans R. Guggisberg, translated and edited by Bruce Gordon The Front-Runner of the Catholic Reformation: The Life and Works of Johann von Staupitz Franz Posset The Correspondence of Reginald Pole: Volume 2. A Calendar, 1547–1554: A Power in Rome Thomas F. Mayer William of Orange and the Revolt of the Netherlands, 1572–1584 K.W. Swart, translated J.C. Grayson The Italian Reformers and the Zurich Church, c.1540–1620 Mark Taplin

William Cecil and Episcopacy, 1559–1577 Brett Usher A Dialogue on the Law of Kingship among the Scots A Critical Edition and Translation of George Buchanan’s De Jure Regni Apud Scotos Dialogus Roger A. Mason and Martin S. Smith Music and Religious Identity in Counter-Reformation Augsburg, 1580– 1630 Alexander J. Fisher The Correspondence of Reginald Pole Volume 3. A Calendar, 1555–1558: Restoring the English Church Thomas F. Mayer Women, Sex and Marriage in Early Modern Venice Daniela Hacke Infant Baptism in Reformation Geneva The Shaping of a Community, 1536–1564 Karen E. Spierling Moderate Voices in the European Reformation Edited by Luc Racaut and Alec Ryrie Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment Edited by Marc R. Forster and Benjamin J. Kaplan Religious Identities in Henry VIII’s England Peter Marshall Adaptations of Calvinism in Reformation Europe Essays in Honour of Brian G. Armstrong Edited by Mack P. Holt John Jewel and the English National Church The Dilemmas of an Erastian Reformer Gary W. Jenkins Catholic Activism in South-West France, 1540–1570 Kevin Gould

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