The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe (The Athlone Critical Traditions Series)

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The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

Hermann J. Real, Editor

Continuum

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

The Athlone Critical Traditions Series: The Reception of British and Irish Authors in Europe Series Editor: Elinor Shaffer School of Advanced Study, University of London Published volumes Volume I: The Reception of Virginia Woolf in Europe Edited by Mary Ann Caws and Nicola Luckhurst Volume II: The Reception of Laurence Sterne in Europe Edited by Peter de Voogd and John Neubauer Volume III: The Reception of James Joyce in Europe Edited by Geert Lernout and Wim Van Mierlo Volume IV: The Reception of Walter Pater in Europe Edited by Stephen Bann Volume V: The Reception of Ossian in Europe Edited by Howard Gaskill Volume VI: The Reception of Byron in Europe Edited by Richard Cardwell Volume VII: The Reception of H.G. Wells in Europe Edited by Patrick Parrinder and John Partington Forthcoming volumes in the series include: The Reception of Hume in Europe Edited by Peter Jones

The Athlone Critical Traditions Series: The Reception of British and Irish Authors in Europe Series Editor: Elinor Shaffer School of Advanced Study, University of London

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe Edited by Hermann J. Real

thoemrnes

Thoemmes Continuum The Tower Building 11 York Road London SE1 7NX

15 East 26th Street New York NY 10010

First published 2005 © Hermann Real and the contributors 2005 Series concept and Series Editor's Preface © Elinor Shaffer All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 0-8264-6847-0 (hardback) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe/edited by Hermann Josef Real p. cm.—(Athlone critical traditions series) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8264-6847-0 1. Swift, Jonathan, 1667-1745—Appreciation—Europe. 2. Swift, Jonathan, 16671745—Translations—History and criticism. 3. Swift, Jonathan, 1667-1745—Criticism and interpretation—History. 4. Swift, Jonathan, 1667—1745—Influence. 5. European literature—Irish influences. I. Real, Hermann Josef. II Series. PR3728. E87R43 2005 828'.509—dc22

2005041747

Typeset by Tradespools, Frome, Somerset Printed and bound in Great Britain by Cromwell Press, Trowbridge, Wiltshire

For Professor Bernhard Fabian on the occasion of his 75th birthday

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Contents

Series Editor's Preface Elinor Shaffer Acknowledgements

xiv

List of Contributors

xvi

Abbreviations Timeline: European Reception of Jonathan Swift Introduction Hermann J. Real 1

ix

Swift's First Voyages to Europe: His Impact on Eighteenth-Century France Wilhelm Graeber

xviii xix 1

5

2

The Italian Reception of Swift Flavio Gregori

17

3

Swift's Horses in the Land of the Caballeros José Louis Chamosa González

57

4

A Lusitanian Dish: Swift to Portuguese Taste Jorge Bastos da Silva

79

5

The Dean's Voyages into Germany Astrid Krake, Hermann J. Real and Marie-Luise Spieckermann

93

6

Swiftian Presence in Scandinavia: Denmark, Norway, Sweden Nils Hartmann

142

No Swift beyond Gulliver: Notes on the Polish Reception Michael During

156

From Russian 'Sviftovedenie' to the Soviet School of Swift Criticism: The Dean's Fate in Russia Michael During

170

7

8

viii

Contents

9 Detecting Swift in the Czech Lands

214

Michael During

10 The Dean in Hungary

224

Gabriella Hartvig

11 Swift's Impact in Bulgaria

238

Filipina Filipova

12 From the Infantile to the Subversive: Swift's Romanian Adventures

248

Mihaela Mudure

13

Swiftian Material Culture

273

Sabine Baltes

Bibliography

284

Index

365

Series Editor's Preface

The reception of British authors in Britain has in good part been studied; indeed, it forms our literary history. By contrast, the reception of British authors in Europe has not been examined in any systematic, long-term or large-scale way. With this volume, we have altered the Series title to 'The Reception of British and Irish Authors in Europe', as a reminder that many writers previously travelling under the British flag may now be considered or claimed as belonging to the Republic of Ireland (1948), or Eire. Such figures in our Series as James Joyce and William Butler Yeats took up very different political attitudes towards Ireland in their lifetimes. In the case of Swift, we have a leading example of the Anglo-Irish connection, whose career in England was as illustrious as that in Ireland, and whose double allegiance gave him a scope and vision exceeding nationalism. The general point remains: whether British or Irish, their reception abroad has not been examined in any systematic, long-term or large-scale way. It is the aim of this Series to initiate and forward the study of the reception of British and Irish authors in Continental Europe, or, as we would now say, the rest of Europe as a whole, rather than as isolated national histories with a narrow national perspective. The perspectives of other nations greatly add to our understanding of individual contributors to that history. The history of the reception of British and Irish authors extends our knowledge of their capacity to stimulate and to call forth new responses, not only in their own disciplines but in wider fields and to diverse publics in a variety of historical circumstances. Often these responses provide quite unexpected and enriching insights into our own history, politics and culture. Individual works and personalities take on new dimensions and facets. They may also be subject to enlightening critiques. Our knowledge of the writers of the British Isles is simply incomplete and inadequate without these reception studies. By 'authors' we intend writers in any field whose works have been recognized as making a contribution to the intellectual and cultural history of our society. Thus the Series includes literary figures, such as Laurence Sterne, Virginia Woolf and James Joyce, philosophers such as Francis Bacon and David Hume, historians and political figures such as Edmund Burke, and scientists such as Charles Darwin and Isaac Newton, whose works have had a broad impact on thinking in every field. In some cases individual works of the same author have dealt with different subjects, each with virtually its own reception history; so Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution (1790) was instantaneously translated and moulded thinking on the power struggles in the Europe of his own day; his youthful 'Inquiry into the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime' exerted a powerful influence on aesthetic thought and the practice of writing and remains a seminal work for certain genres of fiction and of art. Similarly, each of Laurence Sterne's two major works of fiction, Tristram Shandy and A Sentimental Journey, has its own history of reception,

x

Series Editor's Preface

giving rise to a whole line of literary movements, innovative progeny and concomitant critical theory in most European countries. If Jonathan Swift's reception was overwhelmingly that of Gulliver's Travels, that work not only took on classical epic status and joined the great archetypal journeys of Odysseus and Don Quixote, it burgeoned into a variety of individual 'imaginary voyages' that responded to the historical circumstances of writers and translators down to today. While it is generally recognized that the receptions of Byron and Scott in Europe were amongst the most extensive of British authors, it may nevertheless be surprising to find that Ossian's was at least as great. But the sheer bulk of reception may not be a true index of its interest. Many and various were the writers of significance born under these stars. If the spirit of the age had spoken through Byron, as was widely accepted, it had spoken in as many forms and as many tones as his individual works could suggest to the writers of Europe, while Scott summoned the historical energies of nations and energized the most vital genre of the nineteenth century, the realist novel. Yet Swift was seen to query the nature of man itself. The research project examines the ways in which selected authors have been translated, published, distributed, read, reviewed and discussed on the continent of Europe. In doing so, it throws light not only on specific strands of intellectual and cultural history but also on the processes involved in the dissemination of ideas and texts. The project brings to bear the theoretical and critical approaches that have characterized the growing fields of reader response theory and reception studies in the last quarter of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century. These critical approaches have illuminated the activity of the reader in bringing the text to life and stressed the changing horizons of the reading public or community of which the reader is a part. The project also takes cognizance of the studies of the material history of the book that have begun to explore the production, publication and distribution of manuscripts and books. Increasingly, other media too are playing a role in these processes, and to the history of book illustration must be added lantern slides (as in the popular versions of both Scott's and Dickens's works), cinema (whose early impact forms an important part of our H. G. Wells volume), and more recently television (as recounted in the Jane Austen volume). Byron's writings, like Ossian's and Scott's, have almost as extensive a history in images and in sound as in prose and poetry. Performance history requires tracing, whether for works written for the stage or for adaptations; Swift's Gulliver had a vivid afterlife in the puppet shows commandeered for children's indoctrination in post-war Eastern Europe. The study of material history is also concerned with the objects that form durable traces of the vogue for a particular author, which may be parts of himself (as with the macabre story told in our Shelley volume of the wish to possess the poet's heart), or items of his wardrobe (as with Byronic shirtsleeves), or mementoes of his characters such as Wedgwood plates depicting scenes of Sterne's Maria. The Polish statesman Czartoryski had in his grand collections Ossianic mementoes such as a blade of dried grass from the hero Fingal's grave. The author's own image may achieve iconic status. In Swift's case, it is the infinite play with the philosophical and perceptual contrasts of point of view vividly expressed in the shifting disparities of size

Series Editor's Preface

xi

between the human Gulliver and the 'dwarf Lilliputians and the 'giant' Brobdingnagians which has taken root also in material culture, in cartoon and advertisement. The significance of such cults and cult objects requires further analysis as the examples multiply and diversify. The Series as published by Continuum Books is open-ended and multivolumed, each volume based on a particular author. The authors may be regarded according to their discipline, or looked at across disciplines within their period. Thus the reception of philosophers Bacon and Hume may be compared; or Hume may be considered as belonging to an eighteenth-century group that includes writers like Swift and Sterne, historians and political figures such as Gibbon and Burke. As the volumes accumulate they enrich each other and our awareness of the full context in which an individual author is received. The Swift and Sterne volumes taken together show that the two eighteenth-century humorists were viewed sometimes as a pair of witty ironists, and sometimes as opposites representing traditional satire on the one hand (Swift) and modern sentimentalism on the other (Sterne), and equally or diversely valued as a result. These chronological shifts, bringing different authors and different works into view together, are common to the reception process, so often displacing or delaying them into an entirely new historical scene or set of circumstances. The kaleidoscope of reception displays and discovers new pairings and couplings, new milieux, new matches and (as Sterne might say) mismatches; and, of course, new valuations. In period terms one may discern within the Series a Romantic group; a Victorian group; a fin-de-siede and an early Modernist group. Period designations differ from discipline to discipline, and are shifting even within a discipline: Blake, who was a 'Pre-Romantic' poet a generation ago, is now considered a fully-fledged Romantic, and Beckford is edging in that direction. Virginia Woolf may be regarded as a fin-de-siede aesthete and stylist whose affinities are with Pater or as an epoch-making Modernist like Joyce. Terms referring to period and style often vary from country to country. What happens to a 'Victorian' author transplanted to 'Wilhelmine' Germany? Are the English Metaphysical poets to be regarded as 'baroque' in continental terms, or will that term continue to be borrowed in English only for music, art and to an extent architecture? Is the 'Augustan' Swift a classicist in Italian terms, or an Enlightenment thinker in French terms? It is most straightforward to classify them simply according to century, for the calendar is for the most part shared. But the various possible groupings will provide a context for reception and enrich our knowledge of each author. Division of each volume by country or by linguistic region is dictated by the historical development of Europe; each volume necessarily adopts a different selection of countries and regions, depending on period and on the specific reception of any given author. Countries or regions are treated either substantially, in several chapters or sections where this is warranted, for example, the French reception of Byron, Woolf or Joyce (and nearly all English-language works until after the Second World War pass first through the medium of French language and the prism of French thought), or on a moderate scale, or simply as a brief section. Swift's Gulliver's Travels was not only translated into French in a more polite fashion suitable for French ears, it

xii

Series Editor's Preface

was accompanied by a 'Fifth Voyage' added by the translator, which was further transmitted across Europe in a variety of other languages; and when this addition was perceived, the idea of the 'Fifth Voyage' itself became a provocation to other writers. The great eighteenth-century Danish playwright, Ludvig Holberg, responded with a new work altogether, as well as incorporating Swiftian themes into his plays. In some cases, where a rich reception is located that has not been reported or of which the critical community is not aware, more detailed coverage may be justified, for example, the reception of Woolf in the different linguistic communities of the Iberian peninsula. In general, comparative studies have neglected Spain in favour of France, Germany and Italy, and this imbalance needs to be righted. Nor does brevity indicate lack of interest. Where separate coverage of any particular country or region is not justified by the extent of the reception, relevant material is incorporated into the bibliography and the Timeline. Thus an early translation may be noted, although there was subsequently a minimal response to the author or work, or a very long gap in the reception in that region. The Timeline enables a quick overview of the high points of European reception; but it is also capable of expansion into a comprehensive record of reception. This kind of material will be fully described in the database (see below). It is, of course, always possible, and indeed to be hoped and expected that further aspects of reception will later be uncovered, and the long-term research project forwarded, through this initial information. Reception studies often display an author's intellectual and political impact and reveal effects abroad that are unfamiliar to the author's compatriots. Thus, Byron, for example, had the power of carrying and incarnating liberal political thought to regimes and institutions to whom it was anathema; it is less well known that Sterne had the same effect, and that both were charged with erotically tinged subversion; and that Pater suggested a style of aesthetic sensibility in which sensation took precedence over moral values. Woolf came to be an icon for women writers in countries where there was little tradition of women's writing. By the same token, the study of censorship, or more broadly impediments to dissemination, and of modes of circumventing control, becomes an important aspect of reception studies. In Bacon studies, the process of dissemination of his ideas through the private correspondence of organized circles was vital. Certain presses and publishers also play a role, and the study of modes of secret distribution under severe penalty is a particularly fascinating subject, whether in Catholic Europe or Soviet Russia. Much translation was carried out in prisons. Irony and aesopian devices, and audience alertness to them, are highly developed under controlling regimes. Swift's Gulliver's Travels, like Utopias and dystopias, has been continuously adapted in Russia for the exploration of social issues; and his works still have the capacity to dive back into the scrum of political conflict that they were born into in Swift's own day, as in the Romania of the post-Second World War era The Voyage to the Land of Lies ended for dissident writer Ion Erimia with death in the gulag. A surprising number of authors live more dangerously abroad than at home. Translation itself may provide a mode of evading censure. There is probably no more complex and elaborated example in the annals of Europe of the use of translation to invent new movements, styles, and political departures than

Series Editor's Preface

xiii

that of Ossian, which became itself a form of 'pseudo-translation', that is works by writers masquerading under pseudonyms suggestive of 'dangerous' foreigners but providing safety for mere 'translators'. 'Ossian' became the cover name for new initiatives, as 'Byron' flew the flag of liberation and openly embodied the union of poetry and political action. Translators of Gulliver's Travels hid their intentions behind apparently innocuous 'children's versions', often actually aimed at 'young men' or adolescents, and often laden with political implications, whether on the left or on the right. The status of 'children's classic' enabled the lessons of the 'imaginary voyages' to enter deep into the consciousness of Europe. New electronic technology makes it possible to undertake reception studies on this scale. An extensive database stores information about editions, translations, accompanying critical prefaces or afterwords, illustrations, biographies and correspondence, early reviews, important essays and booklength studies of the authors, and comments, citations and imitations or reworkings, including satire and pastiche by other writers. Some, like Pater, live in the echoes of their style as understood in another language. Some authors achieve the status of fictional characters in other writers' works; in other cases, their characters do, like Sterne's uncle Toby, Trim and his own alter ego Yorick; or even their characters' family members, as in the memorable novel by a major Hungarian contemporary writer chronicling the early career of the (Hungarian) grandfather of Joyce's Leopold Bloom. No one was so often mistaken for a character in his own works than Byron, while Swift became interchangeable with Gulliver. The recording of full details of translations and translators is a particular concern, since often the names of translators are not supplied, or their identity is concealed behind pseudonyms or false attributions. The nature of the translation is often a determining factor in the reception of a work or an author; yet often it was translated from a language other than English. The database also records the character and location of rare works. Selected texts and passages are included, together with English translations. The database can be searched for a variety of further purposes, potentially yielding a more complete picture of the interactions of writers, translators, critics, publishers and public across Europe in different periods from the Renaissance to the present. Dr Elinor Shaffer, FBA Director, Research Project Reception of British and Irish Authors in Europe

Acknowledgements

The Research Project on the Reception of British and Irish Authors in Europe is happy to acknowledge the support of the British Academy, the Leverhulme Foundation, the Arts and Humanities Research Board, the Modern Humanities Research Association and other funding bodies. We are also greatly indebted to the School of Advanced Study, University of London, where the research project was based during the early preparation of this volume, and to the Institute of Germanic Studies, Institute of English Studies, Institute of Romance Studies, and Institute of Historical Studies, with whom we have held a series of seminars, colloquia and conferences on Reception Studies since 1998. In the case of this volume, we are grateful in particular to its Editor, Professor Hermann J. Real, Director of the Ehrenpreis Centre for Swift Studies in Minister, who organized the initial Colloquium, in March 2002, bringing the Series Editor, the Volume Editor and the collaborators together at the Institute to present preliminary versions of their papers and to discuss the contours of the Project; and to the Westfalische Wilhelms-Universitat, Minister, of which the Institute is a part; and to the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, which gave generous support to the occasion. Dr Sabine Baltes, Dr Mascha Gemmeke, Dr Melanie Just, Neil Key, MA, Erika Real-Choisi, Marlies Thole, and Dr Dietmar Wilske all had a share in making the Colloquium a success, and we gladly acknowledge their help and hospitality. We also gratefully acknowledge the advice and guidance of the Advisory Board of the Project, which has met regularly since the launch of the Project. We are also pleased to acknowledge the indispensable services of the staff of the Research Project during the preparation of this volume: the AHRB Research Fellow, Dr Wim Van Mierlo; the MHRA Research Associate, Dr Alessandra Tosi; and the Assistant to the Project, Lachlan Moyle. The contributors to this volume would like to express their thanks for various kinds of encouragement and support, financial, moral, and linguistic: Dr Michael During to Dr James Fanning and Dr Alessandra Tosi; Nils Hartmann to Charlotte Berry and Jennifer Jenkins; Dr Gabriella Hartvig to Paul Goring and Maria Kurdi as well as to Peter Kocsis, Eva Kovacs, Klara Somodi, Balint Takacs, and OTKA (FO 29203); Dr Mihaela Mudure to Professor Hermann J. Real and the staffs of Lucian Blaga University Library, and the libraries of the Romanian Academy in Cluj-Napoca and Bucharest; and Professor Hermann J. Real to Thomas Diillmann, Dr Astrid Krake, and Wolfgang Wutzler. The Project would also like to express its gratitude for invaluable advice and assistance on individual chapters to Professor Roderick Beaton (King's College London), Adelaida Martin Valverde (Royal Holloway College London), Professor Martin Prochaska (Charles University, Prague), and Dr Boika Sokolova (Birkbeck College London). We also thank Dr

Acknowledgements

xv

Joaquim Mallafre and Adelaida Martin Valverde for their invaluable contributions to the Spanish chapter. Finally, this volume is dedicated, with respect and gratitude, to that distinguished scholar of the history of the book in Europe on the occasion of his 75th birthday, Professor Bernhard Fabian, Minister.

List of Contributors

Sabine Baltes teaches English at Chemnitz University of Technology, Germany. Her special interests are Irish studies, eighteenth-century literature, the history of the book, and contemporary drama. Recent publications include The Controversy about Wood's Halfpence (1722—25) and the Tradition of Irish Constitutional Nationalism (2003) and the edited collection Jonathan Swift's Allies: The Wood's Halfpence Controversy in Ireland, 1724/5 (2004). Jorge Bastos da Silva teaches English Literature and Culture at the University of Oporto, Portugal. His fields of research also include Translation Studies and Utopian Studies. He has published books on symbolism in English Romantic poetry (O Veu do Templo: Contribute para uma Topologia Romdntica, 1999), on Utopian chapbooks of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (Utopias de Cordel e Textos Afins, 2004), and on the reception of Shakespeare in Portugal (Shakespeare no Romantismo Portugues, 2005). Jose Luis Chamosa Gonzalez, Professor of English at the University of Leon, Spain, is currently working as Education Attache for the Spanish Embassy in Canada. He has published widely on Beowulf and Mio Cid, Sir Gawain, and The Canterbury Tales. Another special interest of his is the reception of translated literature in England and Spain. Michael During, Reader in Slavonic Philology at the Ernst-Moritz-Arndt Universitat, Greifswald, is the author of numerous articles on twentiethcentury Polish and Russian literature, as well as a study of unofficial Russian satiric prose of the twentieth century (Sank, Voland, Tichomirov and Conkin im Land der 'Gdhnenden Hohen', 1994). His thesis for the habilitation on Swift in Russia (2001) is about to be published. Filipina Filipova, Assistant Professor of English at St Kliment Ohridski University of Sofia, Bulgaria, has published numerous essays on Jonathan Swift's impact on the Bulgarian literary and cultural context. She has also been involved in projects of intercultural communication for foreign-language teachers and translators. Wilhelm Graeber is currently teaching as Professor of Romance Literatures at the University of Erfurt, Germany. In addition to numerous articles on French and Italian literature, he is author of Der englische Roman in Frankreich, 1741—1763: Ubersetzungsgeschichte als Beitrag zur franzosischen Literaturgeschichte, 1995, and has co-authored, with Genevieve Roche, Englische Literatur des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts in franzosischer Ubersetzung und deutscher Weiterubersetzung: eine kommentierte Bibliographic, 1988.

List of Contributors

xvii

Flavio Gregori is Associate Professor of English at the University Ca' Foscari, Venice. He is the author of monographs on Sterne's Tristram Shandy (1987) and English neoclassical epic poetry (Rettorica dell'epica: la dissoluzione dell'epica neodassica e le traduzioni omeriche di Alexander Pope, 1998). In addition to numerous essays on Swift and Pope, he has written on twentieth-century aesthetics and on the relationship between literature and the cinema (A Clockwork Orange, 2004). He has also translated and annotated an anthology of Swift's poems (La musa e il decano, 1995). Nils Hartmann is a doctoral student in Scandinavian Studies at the Westfa'lische Wilhelms-Universitat, Miinster. He is currently engaged in research on Ludvig Holberg's prose satire Nicolai FClimii iter subterraneum (1741). Gabriella Hartvig is Assistant Professor of English at the University of Pecs, Hungary. She has published a monograph on the early Hungarian reception of Laurence Sterne (Laurence Sterne Magyarorszdgon, 1790-1860, 2000), and has also written for the Ossian and Sterne volumes in the present Series, as an aspect of her interest in eighteenth-century English literature in Hungarian translation. Astrid Krake took her doctorate from the Westfalische WilhelmsUniversitat, Miinster, with a thesis on Samuel Richardson, which was published under the title "How art produces art": Samuel Richardsons "Clarissa" im Spiegel ihrer deutschen Ubersetzungen (Frankfurt/M., 2000). She is currently Head of Modern Languages at the Miinchener Volkshochschule. Mihaela Mudure is Reader in English at Babes-Bolyai University, ClujNapoca, Romania. In addition to numerous articles in Romanian and international journals has published Ispitira, trecute vremei (Temptations, By-Gone Times, 2002), a collection of essays on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century British literature, and has edited These Women Who Want to be Authors: Female Authorship during the Enlightenment (2001). Hermann J. Real is Professor of English (em.) and Director of the Ehrenpreis Centre for Swift Studies at the Westfalische Wilhelms-Universitat, Miinster. He is editor of The Battle of the Books (1978) and co-editor of Swift and his Contexts as well as the four volumes of Miinster Symposium papers (Proceedings and Reading Swift, 1985, 1993, 1998, 2003). He has also coauthored a monograph on Gulliver's Travels (1984) and co-translated the Travels into German (1987). He is Editor of the annual Swift Studies. His latest publication is an anthology of edited essays on The Reception and Reputation of Jonathan Swift in Germany: Essays and Investigations (2002). Marie-Luise Spieckermann teaches English literature at the Westfalische Wilhelms-Universitat, Miinster. She has published numerous articles on the reception of English authors in eighteenth-century Germany.

Abbreviations

Prose Works

The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift, éd. Herbert Davis et al. (1939-68; varions reimpressions, sometimes corrected), 16 vols, Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Correspondent The Correspondence of Jonathan Swift, D.D., éd. David Woolley (1999-2005), 4 vols, Frankfurt/M.: Peter Lang. The Poems of Jonathan Swift, éd. Harold Williams (1958; Poems various réimpressions), 2nd edn, 3 vols, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Ehrenpreis Mr Swift Irvin Ehrenpreis (1962—83), Swift: The Man, his Works, and thé Age, 3 vols, London and Cambridge, MA: Methuen. Dr Swift Dean Swift Teerink-Scouten H. Teerink, A Bibliography ofthe Writings of Jonathan Swift, 2nd edn, revised Arthur H. Scouten, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Timeline: European Reception of Jonathan Swift Only important first editions of translations have been recorded. Under 'Other', only dates immediately relevant to Swift and his work are listed. Criticism focuses on major publications on the Continent. Year

Translations

1667 1673-89 1689-99

1699 1708

Predictions into German, anonymously: Wundersahmes Prognosticon, printed in Sweden and Germany

1709-14 1710-14

1713 1714

1721

1726

The Publick Spirit of the Whigs into German, anonymously: L'Esprit des Whigs oder Widerlegung der Crise des M. Steele A Tale of a Tub into French, by Rene Mace: Les Trois Justaucorps, and by Justus van Effen: Conte du Tonneau, together with translations of other early works

Criticism

Other Born on 30 November Educated in Ireland Stay at Moor Park, Sir William Temple's estate, with interruptions Return to Ireland The Bickerstaff Papers

Political and Miscellaneous Poems Stay in London; chef de propagande for the Harley administration Dean of St Patrick's, Dublin Return to Ireland

Publication of Gulliver's Travels in October

XX

Timeline

Year

Translations

1727

Criticism

Other Swift's last visit to England

Gulliver's Travels into

French, anonymously, at The Hague, in January: Voyages de Gulliver, and at

Paris, by Pierre-Francois Guyot, Abbe Desfontaines, in April: Voyages de Gulliver

Into German, anonymously, at

1728

Hamburg: Gullivers Reisen Gulliver's Travels into

German, byjohann Heinrich Liebers, at

1729

Leipzig: Gullivers Reisen A Tale of a Tub into

German, by Georg Christian Wolf: Mdhrgen von der Tonne, and other

early works Gulliver's Travels Into

Italian, by F. Zannino Marsecco [Francesco Manzoni]: Viaggi del Capitano Lemuel Gulliver

Review of Gulliver's

Travels published in Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen refers

to the Tale as a book 'well known in Germany' The Viaggi del Capitano Lemuel

Gulliver reviewed in Le Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria

Abbe Pierre-Francois Guyot Desfontaines:

1730

Le Nouveau Gulliver Verses on the Death of

1731

Dr Swift, published 1739 Publication of the 'Unprintables', the scatological poems

1732-34

1733

Swift praised by Voltaire: Letters Concerning the English Nation

1734

Christian Ludwig Liscow imitates The First of Mr. Bickerstaffs Predictions: Glaubwurdiger Bericht

1734-35

Faulkner's edition of Works in four volumes

Timeline Year

Translations

Criticism

A Modest Proposal into French, by the Piedmontese count Adalberto Radicati di Passerano: Projet facile

1739

Christian Ludwig Liscow: Sammlung Satyrischer und Ernsthafter Schriften Ludvig Holberg's imaginary travelogue Journey of Niels Klim to the World Underground

1741

1744-45

Gulliver's Travels adapted from Desfontaines's French in Swedish by Olof Bidenius Renhorn

1746

Gottlieb Wilhelm Rabener: Geheime Nachricht von D. Jonathan Swifts letztem Willen Zaccaria Sereiman: Viaggi di Enrico Wanton

1749-64

1752

1756-66

1760

1767

Other Christian Ludwig Liscow imitates Swift's Vindication of Isaac Bickerstaff: Bescheidene Beantwortung

1735

1736

xxi

Orrery's Remarks on the Life and Writings of Swift translated into German Into German, by (J.) In Freymiithige Heinrich Waser: Nachrichten, Christoph Satyrische und emsthafte Martin Wieland's Schriften von Dr. Jonathan review of Waser' s Swift translation The first article on Swift from The London Magazine translated into Swedish by Carl Nyren Letter to a Young Lady, on her Marriage, into Swedish, anonymously

XX11

Timeline

Year

Translations

1768

A Voyage to Lilliput into Danish, by Sejer Olrog A Discourse of the Contests and Dissensions into Swedish, anonymously

Criticism

1768 or 1769 1770

Christoph Martin Wieland condemns Swift's 'hatred of the human race' in his Betrachtungen uberj. J. Rousseaus ursprunglichen Zustand der Menschen

Other Hawkesworth's biography of Swift translated into Italian by Francesco Vanneschi: Vita del Dottore Gionata Swift; includes Thomas Barry's Ragionamento istorico sopra il Dottore Swift Georg Christoph Lichtenberg: Lorenz Eschenheimer's empfindsame Reise nach Laputa Abbe Pierre-Francois Guyot Desfontaines's Le Nouveau Gulliver translated into Russian

1772-73

First complete translation of Gulliver's Travels into Russian, by Erofey Karzhavin, from Desfontaines's version: Puteshestvii Gulliverovykh

1773

Georg Christoph Lichtenberg: Timorus, das ist, Vertheidigung zweyer Israeliten Christoph Martin Wieland: Geschichte der Abderiten, influenced by A Modest Proposal Johann Karl Wezel: Sermons into German, by Swift praised by the Friedrich Wilhelm Streit: French Journal Anglais Belphegor Swifts sammtliche Predigten for his wealth of ideas Johann Karl Wezel: Silvans Bibliothek Johann Paul Friedrich Richter (Jean Paul): Die Gronldndischen Prozesse

1774

1776 1777-78

1783

Timeline Year

Translations

1784

Gulliver's Travels adapted from Desfontaines's French in Polish, anonymously: Podroze kapitana Gulliwera

1785

1787

1788

A Tale of a Tub into German, byjohann Kaspar Riesbeck: Mahrchen von der Tonne

Criticism

Other

In his Geschichte der komischen Literatur, Carl Friedrich Flogel reiterates Orrery's criticism of Swift.

Johann Paul Friedrich Richter's (Jean Paul's) 'Von der Verarbeitung der Menschlichen Haut' modelled on A Modest Proposal Abbe Pierre-Francois Guyot Desfontaines's Le Nouveau Gulliver translated into Polish, anonymously

Polish study of Gulliver's Travels, by K. Dimarco: Uwagi filozoficzne

Gulliver's Travels into German, by Johann Kaspar Riesbeck: Lemuel Gullivers Reisen

1790-91

1793

17931800

Johann Paul Friedrich Richter (Jean Paul): Leben des vergnugten Schulmeisterlein Maria Wutz in Auenthal Gulliver's Travels into Portuguese, byj. B. G.: Viagens de Gulliver a Varies Paises Remotos Gulliver's Travels into Spanish, by Ramon Maximo Spartal: Viajes del Capitan Lemuel Gulliver

1796-97

1798-99

1801-04

xxiii

Johann Paul Friedrich Richter's (Jean Paul's): 'Rede des todten Christus' rewrites On the Day of Judgement Miscellaneous Works, into German, by Degenhard Pott: Swift's und Arbuthnot's vorzuglichste prosaische Schriften, in six volumes Johann Gottfried Herder's plea for Swift, in Adrastea

XXIV

Timeline

Year

Translations

1801-19

Proposal for Correcting . . . the English Tongue into Italian

1819

1833

Gulliver's Travels into Danish, by Carljansen: Gullivers Reiser Gulliver's Travels into 1839 German, by Franz Kottenkamp: Gullivers Reisen 1840-41 Gulliver's Travels for the first time from English into Swedish, by Julius Axel Kjellman Goranson First Spanish Gulliver for 1841 children: El Gulliver de los ninos Gulliver's Travels from 1842 English into Italian, by Gaetano Barbieri: Viaggi di Gulliver Into German, by Franz 1844 Kottenkamp: Surift's humoristische Werke in three volumes, among them, several political and occasional poems

1836

Other

Friedrich Bouterwek, Geschichte der Poesie und Beredsamkeit, endorses Herder's view of Swift Samuel Baur, Interessante Lebensgemalde der denkwiirdigsten Personen des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts

1803

1815

Criticism

Translation of Desfontaines's Le Nouveau Gulliver into Portuguese: O Novo Gulliver V. G. Belinskii publishes his first essays on Swift, thus becoming the founder of Russian Swift scholarship ('Sviftovedenie')

Timeline Year

1848

Translations

Criticism

xxv

Other

Gulliver's Travels, first

translation into Romanian, by loan D. Negulici, from a French version: Cdlatoriile lui Gulliver

A giant Gulliver figure presented at the Great Exhibition of London

1851 W. M. Thackeray's

1854

English Humorists of the Eighteenth Century

(1853) translated by K. von Muller as England's Humoristen

1865

First translation of Directions to Servants into

Russian, by V. S. Kurochkin

1865 1866

W. M. Thackeray's essay 'Swift' translated into Italian Journal to Stella into

German, by Claire von Gliimer: Tagebuch in Briefen an Stella

1875

The first two parts of Gulliver's Travels adapted

into Czech, by Josef Vojtech Houska: Gulliverovy cesty

1878

The first two parts of Gulliver's Travels into

Bokmal as first Norwegian version, by Kristian Anastas Winterhjelm: Gullivers Rejser

1879

W. E. H. Lecky's The Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland

(1861) translated by H. Jolowicz as Vier historische Essays

1884 1891

First translation of A Tale of a Tub into Russian, by V. V. Chuyko Pioneering monograph on Svift by V. I. Yakovenko

XXVI

Timeline

Year

Translations

1895

First complete Czech translation byj. Vana: Gulliverovy cesty Gulliver's Travels into Russian, by Konchalovski and Yakovenko

1899

Criticism

1901

Other

First Hungarian monograph on Swift's life and works by Geza Kacziany: Sunft Jonathan e's kora

1909

Into German, by Felix Paul Greve: Prosaschriften, in four volumes A Tale of a Tub into 1911 Czech, by V. Chenek: Pohddka o kadi 1912-14 Gulliver's Travels into Bulgarian, by Dimiter Podvurzachov: Putouvaniyata na Gulivera Gulliver's Travels into 1913 Italian, by Aldo Valori: / viaggi di Gulliver Gulliver's Travels into 1914 Hungarian, by Frigyes Karinthy: Gulliver utazdsai 1916

Yrjo Him, Sunft, a Swedish biography

1918 1921

1928 1929

Hungarian Gulliveriad by Frigyes Karinthy: Capilldria

A Modest Proposal and other pamphlets on Irish affairs into Hungarian, by Bela Laszlo: Pamfletek Sybil Goulding: Swift en France

1924 1928

A Hungarian Fifth Voyage by Frigyes Karinthy: Gulliver otodik uta

Complete translation of Gulliver's Travels into Russian, by A. A. Frankovskii: Puteshestviya Gullivera Directions to Servants into Italian, by Luigi Somazzi Kai Friis M011er's Danish essay on Gulliver's Travels first published

Timeline Year

Translations

1930

1932

A Tale of a Tub, translated into Russian, by Aleksandre Deych Gulliver's Travels second complete translation into Czech, by Aloys Skoumal: Gullivem cestovani A Modest Proposal into Czech, by Aloys Skoumal: Skromny navrh The first two parts of Gulliver's Travels into Slovak: Gulliverove cesty The first Soviet monograph on Svift, by Aleksandre Deych and Efim Zozulya Mario Manlio Rossi and J. S. Hone: Swift, or the Egotist Max Armin Korn: Die Weltanschauung Jonathan Swifts

1933

1934 1935 1936

M. Yu Kozyrev's Fifth Voyage written: Pyatoe puteshestvie Gullivera Edith Sitwell: / Live under a Black Sun

1937 1939

Mikhail Levidov's 'unorthodox' biography of Swift, frequently reprinted since then Donald M. Berwick: The Reputation of Jonathan Swift, 1781-1882 Johannes V. Jensen's Danish essay on Swift published

1941

1942

Other

Anatohi Lunacharsky's important essay on A Tale of a Tub

1930 1930

Criticism

xxvii

An anthology of Works into Italian, by Mario Manlio Rossi

Edmund Hoehne: Die Rache durch Gulliver Justus Franz Wittkop: Gullivers letzte Reise

xxviii

Timeline

Year

Translations

1943

Gulliver's Travels into Danish, by Hans Christian Huus: Gullivers Rejser The Battle of the Books into Catalan, by Lluis Deztany: La Batalla entre Llibres Antics i Moderns The Battle of the Books into Danish, by Niels Haislund

1946

1947 1948 1952

1955

1956

Criticism

Paul Hennings's play Bickerstaff staged and published in Hamburg Jan Kott's essay in Polish, 'Przeklady "Gulliwera"'

The definitive Hungarian rendering by Miklos Szentkuthy: Gulliver utazdsai Selected political and poetic works translated into Russian, by Yu. D. Levin: Pamflety The best translation of Gulliver's Travels into Romanian, by Leon Levi^chi, accompanied by remarkable preface: Cdldtoriile lui Gulliver Ion Eremia's allegorical satire Gulliver in the Country of the Lies: Gulliver in fara minciunilor

1956-58

Mihail Bogdan's important study of Romanian translations of Gulliver's Travels

1958

1958 1960 1961 1962

Other

A Tale of a Tub into Hungarian, by Laszlo Kery Verses on the Death of Dr Swift into Hungarian, by Laszlo Kalnoky Satires and Pamphlets into Hungarian, by Laszlo Kery

Bengt Jahnsson's Swedish novel Gullivers sjatte resa

Jerzy Broszkiewicz' Polish play Dwie przygody Lemuela Gulliwera

Timeline Year

Translations

1962-83

1963

1964

1966 1967

1968

A Tale of a Tub into Italian, by Gianni Celati Miscellaneous works into German, by Anselm Schlosser and others: Ausgewdhlte Werke, 3 vols

Criticism

1970 1970 1971

1971 1972

Other

Irvin Ehrenpreis: Swift: The Man, his Works, and the Age, 3 vols H. Teerink and Arthur H. Scouten: A Bibliography of the Writings of Jonathan Swift Stanislaw Lem and Milton Voigt: Swift Ijon Tichy's modern and the Twentieth Century Gulliver: Dzienniki gwiazdowe Hans Scherfig's Danish essay on Swift

Dzhonatan Svift, by V. S. Murav'ev, the most comprehensive Russian-language study of Gulliver's Travels

1968

1969-72

xxix

Gulliver, a Bulgarian poem by Radoi Ralin Felix Gasbarra's German Schule der Planeten I. A. Dubashinskii establishes himself as leading critic of Gulliver's Travels. Hans Ulrich Seeber: Wandlungen der Form in der literarischen Utopie Sophisticated critical account of Swift by loan Aurel Preda A Tale of a Tub, translated into Romanian, together with polished analysis, by Andrei Brezianu Polish anthology to Carlo Pagetti: La contain seven of Swift's fortuna di Swift in Italia poems Cassinus and Peter into Portuguese, by Jorge de Sena: 'Cassino e Pedro — Elegia Tragica'

XXX

Timeline

Year

Translations

1973

Gulliver's Travels, the only complete version in Bokmal, by Carl Fredrik Engelstad: Gullivers reiser First translation of Journal to Stella into Romanian, by Andrei Brezianu

1973 1974 1975

1976

1977

1978

1979

1980

1980

1982

Criticism

Other Bohumil Riha's Czech novel Novy Gulliver

Attilio Brilli, Swift o dell'anatomia Giuseppe Sertoli, 'Ragione e corpo nei viaggi di Gulliver, and 'L'anatomia swiftiana' A Tale of a Tub into Spanish, by M. Sol de Mora-Charles: Historia de una barrica Johannes N. Schmidt: Gulliver's Travels into Satire: Swift und Pope Bulgarian by T. & B. Atanassovi: Puteshestviyata na Gulliver A Modest Proposal into Spanish, by E. Gallo and R. Boero: Una modesta proposicion Dieter A. Berger: Die Hermann J. Real, ed.: The Battle of the Books: Konversationskunst in England, 1660-1740 eine historisch-kritische Ausgabe Gulliver's Travels complete Polish translation by Maciej Slomczynski: Podroze do wielu odlegtych narodow A Modest Proposal into Portuguese, by Anibal Fernandes: Proposta modesta L. Petrushevskaya's Novyi Gulliver, in which the 'new' Gulliver appears as the epitome of a deranged individual Arno Loffler: 'The Rebel Muse': Studien zu Swifts kritischer Dichtung

Timeline Year

Translations

Criticism

1983

1983

Miscellaneous works, into Italian, by Masolino d'Amico: Opere First Munster Symposium on Jonathan Swift Hermann J. Real and Ehrenpreis Centre for Heinz J. Vienken: Swift Studies founded Proceedings of The First at the University of Munster Munster Symposium Influential adaptation of Gulliver's Travels foi Romanian puppet theatres, by Joseph Pehr and Leo Spacil Swift Studies: The Annual of the Ehrenpreis Centre founded

1985

1986

1986

1987 1988

Selected works in Russian, by V. D. Rak and I. I. Chekalov: Izbrannoe Gulliver's Travels into German, by Real and Vienken: Gullivers Reisen Gulliver's Travels and Selected Works into Spanish, by Emilio Lorenzo: Ohms selectas

A 25-metre Gulliver figure found on Dublin beach

1989 1991 1992

1993

Other Grigorii I. Gorin's postmodernist play, The House that Swift Built: Dom, kotoryi postroil Svift

1984

1987

xxxi

Second Munster Symposium on Jonathan Swift Into German, by Michael Gassenmeier: A Description of the Morning Gulliver's Travels into Spanish, by Pollux Hernunez: Viajes de Gulliver Hermann J. Real, Richard H. Rodino and Helgard StoverLeidig: Reading Swift: Papers from The Second Munster Symposium

xxxii

Timeline

Year

Translations

1994

Gulliver's Travels anonymous Polish adaptation Podroze kapitana Gulliwera of 1784 revised by Jan Kott

Criticism

Third Miinster Symposium on Jonathan Swift Croatian nappy named 'Guliver Extra' Television series starring Ted Danson in Gulliver's adventures Robert Gernhardt's poem, 'Ein Erlebnis Swifts'

1995

1996 1997 1998

Into Italian, by Gianni Celati: / viaggi di Gulliver Hermann J. Real and Helgard StoverLeidig: Reading Swift: Papers from The Third Miinster Symposium

Political cabaret 'Pfeffermuhle', Leipzig, presents: 'Gullywarts Reisen Fourth Miinster Symposium on Jonathan Swift Heinz Kosok's play 'Gullivers Reisen mit seinem Schiffsjungen Pip' Shelter for the homeless named 'Gulliver' opened in Cologne

2000

2001

2002 2003

Other

Hermann J. Real and Helgard StoverLeidig: Reading Swift: Papers from The Fourth Miinster Symposium

Dirk F. Passmann and Heinz J. Vienken: The Library and Reading of Jonathan Swift

Introduction Hermann J. Real We take the plunge. Sylvia Plath, 'Tale of a Tub' (1956)

The history of Swift's reception on the Continent is essentially bipartite. In Northern and Eastern as well as South-Eastern and South-Western Europe, many readers know Lemuel Gulliver, but not all of them know Jonathan Swift. Not only is the author's name occasionally banned from the title-pages, the writer of the book is also taken to be Mr Gulliver at times (Chapters 3 and 4). When readers do happen to learn about the Dean of St Patrick's, Dublin, their knowledge, based as it is on introductions and afterwords, usually remains rudimentary. In Denmark and Sweden (Chapter 6), in Poland and Czechoslovakia (Chapters 7 and 9), in Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria (Chapters 10 to 12), in Spain and Portugal (Chapters 3 and 4), the voyages of the adventurous and polyglot Lemuel have been, and will continue to be, one of the most popular books for children of all time, printed in multiple editions in thousands of copies, in all formats and for all age groups, and, more often than not, reinforced by the modern advertising and entertainment industries with films and cartoons, theme parks and fun fairs as well as uncounted objects of material culture (Chapters 11 and 13). Consequently, knowledge of Swift has frequently been limited to an easy familiarity with only one book, Travels into Several Remote Nations of the World, better known as Gulliver's Travels. In Bulgaria and Hungary, Poland, Portugal, and most Scandinavian countries, Swift is Gulliver. But even this narrowly circumscribed knowledge is rooted in the familiarity with a book which is mutilated in many respects: Books Three and Four are usually removed, 'offensive7 sexual and scatological passages deleted, the satiric spirit all but excised, and, worse still, that mendacious soothsayer, Gulliver, metamorphosed into a reliable narrator with a lesson to teach and a point to drive home. Significantly, in fascist and totalitarian countries, both right and left, Gulliver's Travels has frequently fallen prey to government propaganda (Chapter 4). Such bowdlerization plays havoc with Swift's intentions which, by what is known of them, advocated the very opposite, always kicking against the pricks of some orthodoxy and challenging prevailing assumptions, conventions, and norms. However, this is not to say that in all these countries of Europe there are nothing but children's versions, or adaptations, of the Travels. In fact, fascination for Swift has had many facets. In all of these countries, reliable as well as readable renderings of the whole of Swift's masterpiece abound, but invariably these renderings were delayed, in some cases for up to a 160 years

2

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

after the editio princeps of October 1726, and sometimes based on French and German intermediaries. The reasons for this delay vary, being either political and economic as in Poland and Czechoslovakia (Chapters 7 and 9), or religious and philosophical as in Spain and Portugal (Chapters 3 and 4), or cultural and linguistic as in Bulgaria and Norway (Chapters 6 and 11), or even a combination of any of these as in Romania (Chapter 12). One side-effect of this development has been that other works by Swift, such as the hermeneutically exacting A Tale of a Tub and a perennial favourite like A Modest Proposal, not to mention the charming Journal to Stella and major poems like A Beautiful Young Nymph, On the Day of Judgement, and Verses on the Death of Dr Swift, have only been translated relatively recently (as in Hungary, Romania, and Spain). In some countries, such as Denmark, A Tale of a Tub, has never been translated at all. Another upshot has been that, in the field of academic criticism, Jonathan Swift very much remains a subject to be discovered, as in Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia, Portugal and Scandinavia. Even in countries like Poland and Romania, with a scholarly tradition of some standing behind them (Chapters 7 and 12), Swift studies were adversely affected by ruling ideological factors. Thus, in the Balkans, lip-service to Soviet Swift scholarship was compulsory for rather a long time (Chapters 10 to 12), and the same applies to countries like Poland, which were subjected to the rigours of socialist-realist aesthetics that pressed all forms of literature into the service of the ruling political ideology (Maren-Grisebach 1974, 49—89). However, it seems fair to say that since the early 1990s, after the final collapse of all fascist and totalitarian regimes in Europe, there are more hopeful signs everywhere. The Dean's footprint is perhaps best discernible in the literatures of France and Italy as well as those of Germany and Russia. Here, faithful, scrupulous, and idiomatic translations of the Travels, and their various reprints, reimpressions, and reissues, have proliferated ever since translators freed themselves, in the latter half of the eighteenth century, from the influence of the Abbe Desfontaines's 1727 belle injidele (Chapter 1), through whose prism many translations in many languages were to be refracted. Children's versions, too, are part of Swift's lasting legacy in all of these literatures. To be sure, doubts continue to exist whether some of these versions, amputated, pruned, and shorn as they are, still share a common heritage. Given their bibliographical record, however — in some countries, such as Germany (Chapter 5), almost two hundred different children's versions have been tracked down —, it is impossible to deny Swift's pervading presence in Continental life and letters. At the same time, this presence, sadly, remains anchored in a continuum of misinformation about all verifiable intents and purposes of Gulliver's Travels. Consequently, echoes of what Bulwer Lytton, in England, proclaimed as the triumph of childlike fantasy over the 'MasterMocker's, Swift's, 'grim Merriment of Hatred', Gulliver's Travels (1852-53, 3: 284), are likewise audible in the majority of national literatures on the Continent of Europe. On the other hand, the differences of France and Italy, Germany and Russia with Northern and Eastern as well as South-Eastern and South-Western European literatures are significant. For one thing, the reception of Swift was immediate, or at least more immediate here, than in the countries

Introduction

3

geographically further removed from the British Isles. Additionally, in Czechoslovakia and Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, the reception of Swift, as that of eighteenth-century English literature in general, was hampered by the unfavourable constellations of political and cultural history (Chapters 9 to 12). The exception to this rule was (geographically closer) Denmark, where knowledge of English has traditionally been excellent and, thus, the need for translation less acute (Chapter 6). By 1726, the year Gulliver was published, twenty-five years after his first major satirical allegory, Swift was already customarily referred to as the 'famous' Dean of St Patrick's (Chapter 5). The publication of Gulliver's Travels, in October of that year, however, became a European event, and turned him into a European star. Not only were French, Italian, and German translations rushed into print, with Russia and Sweden following somewhat later (Chapters 1 and 2, 5, 6 and 8), the success of the Travels also initiated new translations of other works by Swift, and encouraged reprints of already existing ones, such as van Effen's rendering of the Tale and several of Swift's early satires (Chapters 1, 5, and 8). Thus, the reception of Swift in France and Italy, Germany and Russia (and, to some extent, Sweden) was not limited to only one book, Gulliver's Travels, but was more duly 'representative' almost from the beginning. To be sure, completeness has not been achieved anywhere, nor has it ever been aimed at. Meanwhile, that early stroke of Swift's dazzling if profane genius, A Tale of a Tub, has been translated into many European languages (such as French, German, Hungarian, Italian, Russian, and Spanish), as has been, for example, The Battle of the Books, Predictions for the Year 1708, the Argument against Abolishing Christianity, the Proposal for Correcting, Improving and Ascertaining the English Tongue, A Letter to a Young Gentleman, Lately Enter'd into Holy Orders, A Letter to a Young Lady, on Her Marriage, the Irish tracts, among them, the Drapier's Letters and A Modest Proposal, as well as some of the major poems, such as 'A Description of the Morning', The Beasts' Confession, and Verses on the Death of Dr Swift. Preoccupation with Swift's poetry has been traditionally intense in Russia (Chapter 8), where an astonishing sixth — some fifty poems out of a canon of about three hundred — have appeared in translation. Another major difference between France and Italy, Germany and Russia, and the rest of Europe concerns the history of criticism, both essayistic and academic. While there was an abundance of biographical commentary, usually unbuttressed by evidence, in the eighteenth century, especially in Italy and Germany (Chapters 2 and 5), there is virtually none of either in Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Bulgaria, and only first attempts in Scandinavia and Portugal to this day. As an academic discipline, criticism began to flourish on the Continent during the latter half of the nineteenth century. However, the contribution this Continental scholarship, wherever it did exist, was able to make to the study of Swift appears as not in any way remarkable. Continental scholars were not yet in the habit of travelling to Britain to study the original documents in libraries and archives there. Their criticism is usually dependent on what they were offered in printed sources that made it to the Continent, and, as a result, being derivative and eclectic as it is, it generally pales when compared with British and American Swift studies, at least up to the 1960s (Chapters 2 and 5). It also rehearses the same contradictions and polarities.

4

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

Thus, the notion of Swift the defender of the faith is pitted against that of the religious apostate, the perfidious lover against the loyal friend, the upholder of established authority against the political anarchist, the self-confessed misanthropist against the lover of mankind, the literary genius against the human monster, the man of principle against the enigmatic Dean. In short, Swift critics in European countries, like their Anglo-American counterparts, tend to quote the Dean with approval alongside his dismissal, confirming a suspicion of Ricardo Quintana's originally voiced in 1936: 'It would seem that some are born to admire Swift, others to abhor him' (1953, 305). Indeed, no English writer of comparable stature seems to have provoked more impassioned debates among succeeding generations anywhere. In view of this picture, Swift aficionados will perhaps feel comforted by the thought that the Dean's many creative imitators in all European countries throughout the centuries — from Rene Mace's 'appropriation' of the Tale (Chapter 1) and Jean Paul's 'revisionist' 'Speech of the Dead Christ' (Chapter 5) to the legion of Gulliveriads and Fifth Voyages, of which Ludvig Holberg's Journey of Niels Klim to the World Underground is a particularly eminent specimen (Chapter 6), not to mention uncounted poems and plays on many Swiftian matters — are unlikely to have belonged to the 'enemy camp'. Rather, it seems safe to assume that they all were inspired and prompted into poetic action, because they admired Swift, and ostensibly for a variety of reasons, too — as an immortal storyteller and narrator, as the creator of the Hack, Bickerstaff, and Gulliver, as a master ironist and satirist, as a repository of ideas with universal appeal, as a propounder of principles intended to serve humankind in their faltering enlightenment about themselves. The history of his fame on the Continent suggests that the value of Swift, paradoxically, appears to have been his 'nuisance value'. The Dean always seems to stir his readers into thought, and into debate, and, at times, also into action. He ever surprises, confuses, and provokes, embarrassing the mind, as Bishop Berkeley thought, 'with endless Doubts and Difficulties' (1713, 130). He simply never lets his readers feel at ease. At no time, therefore, did Swift fall prey to cultural amnesia anywhere, nor is it probable that he ever will.

1

Swift's First Voyages to Europe: His Impact on Eighteenth-Century France Wilhelm Graeber

I In his Letters Conceming thé English Nation of 1733, which were published in France a year later under thé title of Lettres philosophiques, Voltaire passed a judgement on Jonathan Swift which was to leave its mark on thé Dean's French réception for a long time to corne: 'DEAN Swift is Rabelais in his Sensés, and frequenting thé politest Company' (Voltaire 1926, 158; Voltaire 1964, 143).' That this view of Swift as 'thé English Rabelais' is based on a misunderstanding, however, may be seen from Voltaire's endeavours to unveil thé very deceptiveness of thé authors' intellectual afFmity. As a neoclassicist, Voltaire condemns Rabelais as extravagant, as 'thé Prince of Buffoons', and as 'an intoxicated Philosopher' only to set off Swift's 'Delicacy, Justness, Choice, [and] good Taste' against this foil (Voltaire 1926, 158).2 To be sure, Voltaire's praise for Swift remains rather général, failing as it does to mention any thematic détails and focusing on thé Dean's 'good taste', a référence which was important to thé French: 'The poetical Numbers of Dean Swift are of a singular and almost inimitable Taste; true Humour whether in Prose or Verse, seems to be his peculiar Talent' (Voltaire 1926, 159; Voltaire 1964, 143).3 In this assessment, Voltaire was far ahead of his time since Swift's French réception, throughout thé eighteenth century, was marked by thé criticism of his allegedly (bad) taste, which did not meet thé requirements of Parisian, in fact Franco-centrist, aesthetics. Yet even Voltaire seems to hâve anticipated certain problems for Swift's réception in France. Only a voyage to thé British Isles, he argued, would provide readers with a more solid basis for a proper understanding of thé Dean's highly allusive works. In stating this, Voltaire makes it clear that his view of Swift, around 1730, after his own voyage to Britain, was not in any way guided by Desfontaines's Voyages de Gulliver, which by 1730 was enjoying a wide circulation in France (Teerink-Scouten 383-390), but by A Taie of a Tub (Gouldmg 1924, 46). In companng Swift i 2 3

'M. Swift est Rabelais dans son bon sens, et vivant en bonne compagnie'. 'le premier des bouffons'; 'philosophe ivre'; 'la finesse, la raison, le choix, le bon goût'. 'Ses vers sont d'un goût singulier et presque inimitable; la bonne plaisanterie est son partage en vers et en prose'.

6

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

with Rabelais, Voltaire moves a foreign author closer to somebody with whom his readership was already familiar and, at the same time, in referring to what was typically English about him, he emphasizes Swift's 'otherness'.4 It is between these two poles that the reception of Swift oscillates in eighteenthcentury France. The history of this reception is a chronicle of manipulation, more particularly, of 'free', naturalizing translations, defamatory biographical discourses, and iconologically telling anglophobe stereotypes, and it is for this reason that the reception of Swift's satirical works in France illuminates Anglo-French literary and cultural relations in an exemplary way. The most essential facts of Swift's reception in eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury France are well known, as regards both the early history of translation and the history of criticism (Goulding 1924). However, a new angle has been added to these by more recent developments in comparative criticism. If, as one no doubt must view it, any 'mediation' of a foreign author through criticism or translation is an interpretation by the receiving culture, the result usually is an evaluation of deviations, possibly even distortions, which is decidedly less emotional an issue than was once the case when the comparative study of literature was dominated by national institutions. They are now known as 'creative misreadings'. Besides, it is safe to focus any survey of the early reception of Swift in France on A Tale of a Tub and Gulliver's Travels. Although his bibliography records French renderings of Sir William Temple's Letters, Miscellanea, and Memoirs, edited by Swift in 1700 (Teerink-Scouten 469-476), as well as, somewhat later, Some Remarks on the Barrier Treaty (1712), The Conduct of the Allies (1712), and The Publick Spirit of the Whigs (1714) (Teerink-Scouten 563, 547-552, 601; Lautel 1991, 2), Swift's early fame in France almost exclusively rests on A Tale, and his later one, additionally, on that of Gulliver. His French reception, in other words, is essentially the history of two books.

II A Tale of a Tub was reviewed soon after publication by French-language journals such as the Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres, which was published in Amsterdam.5 Even so, it took almost another twenty years before it was first translated into French (Teerink-Scouten 262). This delay cannot sufficiently be accounted for (Goulding 1924, 16) through the criticism showered on the Tale since its appearance in England (Williams 1970, 31—46). Significantly, the reviewer proved eager to defend Swift against the charges of irreligion and atheism, justifying some rather 'free expressions' with A Tale's genre. This, the reviewer claimed, was apparently 'modelled on Rabelais' (September 1705, 4

5

The way was made for James Joyce in France by the comparison with Rabelais. See The Reception of James Joyce in Europe, eds Geert Lernout and Wim Van Mierlo (Continuum 2004), passim. It is important to bear in mind that, since the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, there were important Huguenot settlements in the Protestant Netherlands, where both French translations and review journals were printed and published (Jagtenberg 1989).

Swift's First Voyages to Europe

7

343).6 With this claim, however, he did Swift a disservice; Rabelais did not conform to contemporary French taste. Consequently, the comment, wellintended though it was, did not result in arousing the interest of potential French translators at the time. In 1721, two French translations of A Tale finally appeared, presumably by accident in the same year. They differ considerably from one another. The first, by Rene Mace, a French traveller to Ireland, is a free adaptation entitled Les Trois Justaucorps: Conte Bleu, Tire de I'Anglois du Reverend Mr. Jonathan Swift (Teerink-Scouten 262), which does not even mention The Battle of the Books, published together with A Tale in 1704. In the Preface, Mace admits to having been chiefly interested in the retelling of the adventurous parts. Using the generic label 'conte bleu', he classifies Les Trois Justaucorps as light fiction. Rather than argue for English otherness, Mace emphasizes the divergent customs of the capitals, London and Paris, which led him, he points out, to lay the scene in Paris, 'in order to adjust [himself] to the language and the genius of [his] nation' (Mace 1721, 'Avertissement').7 In this view, translation is not an art of transmitting foreign literature and culture but primarily an art of entertaining a French-speaking audience. Mace demonstrates his misunderstanding of Swift's satire by aligning A Tale thematically with Boccaccio's Story of the Three Rings (Guthkelch-Smith 1958, xxxvi—xxxviii), and reprinting it in his work. On the other hand, Mace was the first to point out that Swift's 'stylistic graces [and] beauties' were almost impossible to express in any language but English (Mace 1721, 'Avertissement');8 an assessment that was to recur again and again in Swift's French reception throughout the eighteenth century. In contrast, the second translator, Justus van Effen (1684—1735), was primarily motivated by a preoccupation with mediating a foreign culture. A Dutch journalist and multilingual man of letters, who in addition to Mandeville and Shaftesbury translated Steele's Guardian and parts of Robinson Crusoe (Pienaar 1929; Schorr 1982), van Effen published his version of A Tale, Le Conte du Tonneau with Henri Scheurleer at The Hague, in two volumes, supplemented by another eight of Swift's early satires (Teerink-Scouten 263). It is no exaggeration to say that, in so doing, he became the first to introduce Swift to a Continental readership on a larger scale. Van Effen's achievement as a translator of Swift rests on his national impartiality. Although his education was deeply rooted in the culture of French neoclassicism and although he fought in the camp of the Moderns in the Querelle des Andens et des Modernes, he recognized the innovative potential of British authors and their intellectual autonomy. In his translations, he shows himself aware of the probable prejudices of his French audience, trying to overcome the obstacles in the process of reception by a compromise which combines a plea for English alterity with the stylistic ideals of French aesthetics. Van Effen's role as an intermediary between the two cultures is

6 7 8

'II y a apparence, que le Tale of a Tub a etc fait sur le modele de Rabelais', 'pour s'accommoder au langage & au genie de sa Nation'. 'II faut convenir qu'il y a dans 1'Original des graces, des beautez, des tours & des finesses inexprimables en toute autre Langue'.

8

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

made explicit in the 'Preface du Traducteur', the translator's preface in which he praises Swift, who was almost unknown in France at the time, as both a typically English writer and 'one of Britain's greatest wits' (1721, 1: *sigs 7v8r).9 Enlarging on the English national character, van Effen deduces stylistic peculiarities from it. The English, he claims, boast an almost limitless liberty of thought, of conduct, and of manners. This liberty, he continues, results in a language characteristically rich in images and metaphors. Despite this assessment, van Effen refuses to side with either culture. Instead, he employs an argument of reader-response criticism (unusual in the early eighteenth century) which commits translators to a consideration of their readers' 'horizons': 'Although these passages strike and charm English readers whose intellectual horizon corresponds to that of the authors, they can only be displeasing to foreigners with a mind more exact and less volatile' (1721, 1: *sig. 9r-v).10 According to van Effen, any responsible translator utilizes this insight into the varying national tastes and reading habits to mitigate what may be stylistically alien in foreign writers, thus facilitating their reception in France. In this way, van Effen distances himself from the French tradition of belles infideles, implicitly refusing to regard French translations as superior to foreign originals. It is more than a mere topos of affected modesty when he emphasizes the almost insurmountable problems of translating Swift's texts (1721, 1: sig. *8r). These, he argues, have to be considered by anybody trying to explain why no translator has dared to tackle the Dean. In practice, van Effen's translation of the Tale is characterized by a tendency towards stylistic elevation and euphemism: numerous 'mots bas', low words, which lend Swift's satire its distinctive character, were eliminated or reproduced in a milder form, or in a paraphrase bordering on the prim and proper (Graeber 2002, 43—48). For example, Swift's 'Bawdy-Houses' (Prose Works, 1: 47) reappear in van Effen's rendering in elegant and graceful mythological guise as 'temples de Cythere', temples of Venus (1721, 1: 86); the 'Windows of a Whore' (Prose Works, 1: 104) are euphemistically rewritten as 'les vitres d'une Femme de mediocre vertu', the windows of a woman of modest virtue (1721, 1: 211); and a 'dirty' word like 'Dunghil' (Prose Works, 1: 102) disappears altogether. In his Preface, van Effen justified this kind of toning down with his endeavour to meet the expectations of his French readers, more particularly, with 'his hope' that his audience's 'sense of shame' will not be 'up in arms against my expressions' (1721, 1: *sig. 7v).n A second characteristic of van Effen's translation is its 'explicative' bias. This is noticeable as early as the Preface, in which van Effen tries hard to ensure that his readers understand Swift's allegory of the clothes correctly (1721, 1: sig. *5r-v). This tendency to 'explicate' is continued throughout the whole of Le Conte du Tonneau, and on aggregate results in a considerable amplification

9 10

11

'un des plus beaux Esprits de la Grande Bretagne'. 'Quoique ces endroits frapent & charment les Lecteurs Anglois, dont le tour d'Esprit est au niveau de celui des Auteurs, ils ne sauroient que deplaire a des etrangers d'un esprit plus exact, & moins fougueux'. 'J'ose esperer que la pudeur du Public Francois ne se gendarmera jamais centre mes expressions'.

Swift's First Voyages to Europe

9

of Swift's text. Van Effen clearly believed that he had to 'decode' the English original with its numerous allusions, topographical and biographical references, and mythological comparisons, more often concise and laconic than not, in order to put his French audience in a position to come to grips with a hermeneutically demanding work. A brief example must suffice. In Section IV, Swift ridicules the innovations of the Roman Catholic Church when describing the many and varied preservative qualities of Lord Peter's 'Universal Pickle , the practice, as a note added to the fifth edition of 1710 explains, of using 'Holy Water, which is reminiscent of a pagan magic ritual rather than a Christian ceremony: 'For Peter would put in a certain Quantity of his Powder Pimperlim pimp, after which it never failed of success. The Operation was performed by Sparge/action in a proper Time of the Moon' (Prose Works, 1: 67-68). Endeavouring to make Swift's meaning unmistakably clear, van Effen not only amplifies the passage but also introduces a new ingredient, transubstantiation: 'Des que Pierre y avoit mis une petite pincee de sa poudre prelimpimpitn, elle changeoit de nature, & produisoit des effets miraculeux. L'Operation etoit faite par aspersion & pour etre sur du succes il falloit la mettre en ceuvre dans un certain terns de la Lune' (1721, 1: 129—30). He removes the sexual innuendo unmistakable in the English 'pimp' with the sonorous and religiose chant of 'prelimpimpim'.This example is altogether typical of van Effen's method of translating: his desire for clarity makes him add to his text whenever he thinks that additions contribute to the elucidation of Swift's terse allusions and style, or even provide explanatory glosses of his own (for example, 1721, 1: 182; Graeber 2002, 48—57), all serving the purpose of facilitating Swift's reception in France. The hostile criticism that Le Conte du Tonneau met with among contemporary reviewers was rarely directed towards the charge of atheism and irreligion, and even more rarely towards van Effen's stylistic errors, which reveal him as a non-native speaker of French (Goulding 1924, 32—44). Rather, it was directed towards Swift's eccentric sense of humour, which to many seemed representative of the bizarre English humour in general and which at first reinforced French national stereotypes. When the translation was put on the Papal Index in 1734, the lure of forbidden fruits that it seemed to promise made it additionally attractive to specific groups of readers (Goulding 1924, 38). The tables were turned only as late as 1776 when, in the Journal Anglais, a reviewer praised Swift for his wealth of ideas, at the same time taking French critics to task for blaming an English work for its ostensible 'lack of good taste' (Goulding 1924, 44),12 of which they knew only in translation. In his letters, Voltaire, a chief intermediary of Swift in France, reverted again and again to A Tale of a Tub, which, with regret, he took to be untranslatable (Voltaire 1971, 400). Comparing Swift with Pascal who, Voltaire argued, was only amusing at the expense of the Jesuits, Voltaire described Swift as a satirist who 'entertained and instructed at the cost of humankind' (Voltaire 1971).u The reason for this, Voltaire continued, was 12 *a

'defaut de gout'. *--' 'Suift divertit et instruit au depends du genre humain'.

10

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

that Dean Swift enjoyed a liberty and audacity of thinking which was utterly unknown in France. Significantly, Voltaire turns the fact of Swift's limited reception in his country into a compliment to Swift and the English nation, which permitted them to make many concerns the object of his criticism and satire. On the other hand, the reservations of contemporary French critics are more than counterbalanced by some ten reissues of Le Conte du Tonneau, which was most avidly read particularly after the success of Gulliver's Travels in 1727, and which was even reprinted as late as 1962 (Lautel 1991, 26). Moreover, van Effen's translation not only made an impact in Frenchspeaking language areas but also in Germany, where it became a base for Georg Christian Wolfs Mahrgen von der Tonne, published at Altona in 1729 (Graeber 2002, 39-61). As a creative work, however, A Tale of a Tub does not seem to have left any traces, excepting Jean-Louis Fougeret de Montbrun's Le Cosmopolite of 1753, which was likewise uninfluential, though (Goulding 1924, 50). At any rate, there are unmistakable references to Swift's Tale in Fougeret de Montbrun's narrative framework, in which two quacks named Martin and Jean cheat an equally fraudulent charlatan-magician who specializes in vending healing charms and soul-purifying stones (Fougeret de Montbrun 1753, 50—51), no doubt echoing Lord Peter's machinations in Sections II and IV of the Tale. Ill

Swift's most famous work was translated almost simultaneously at The Hague and Paris. Although the Abbe Pierre-Francois Guyot Desfontaines brought out the Paris edition of Voyages de Gulliver only some six months after the editio princeps of late October 1726, he was even preceded by the anonymous Hague translator, whose own version had been published in late January 1727 (Teerink-Scouten 371—388). Clearly, both translations were rushed into print. In its success, the Paris translation outshines all later ones, its many deficiencies notwithstanding. Half a dozen reprints and reissues appeared in the same year, and at least another nine till the end of the century (TeerinkScouten 389—397A). All told, some 180 editions as well as adaptations of Desfontaines's version are on record (Goulding 1924, 92; Lautel 1991). The reader who was most eager to see Gulliver's Travels translated into French was Voltaire, who responded enthusiastically to the Dean's poignant wit and satire. In February 1727, from his exile in London, he had sent a copy of the first two parts to his protege Thieriot, urging him to translate Gulliver into French (Williams 1970, 73—74). Three months later, he blamed Thieriot for his sluggishness, at the same time praising Swift's imagination, style, and universal appeal and again pressing him to seize the opportunity. It is in this letter that Voltaire first compares Swift to Rabelais (Voltaire 1968, 314), suggesting that this comparison, in his view, would not in any way impede Swift's reception in France, either formally or thematically. Consequently, Voltaire omits to emphasize the work's English, and by implication, 'alien' character. But Thieriot recoiled from this task; in fact, he did not read more than the first three chapters. In response, Voltaire voiced his fears that somebody else might anticipate Thieriot and produce a translation faster than his protege finished

Swift's First Voyages to Europe

11

reading the Travels (Voltaire 1968, 314). As it turned out, these fears were justified. In April 1727, the Abbe Desfontaines's version came on the market and took Paris by storm (Real and Vienken 1984, 25). This 'shoddy but elegantly written' version of Gulliver's Travels (Bouce 2003, 379) is as contested as the personality of the Abbe (1685-1745) is controversial. Having been educated by Jesuits, Desfontaines became a professor of rhetoric at Bourges. In 1715, he entered upon a new career as a man of letters and as a critic, whose outspoken judgements made him notorious (Williams 1970, 77). To be sure, from a philological point of view, Desfontaines's translation of Gulliver (and other texts from English literature, for that matter)14 may be dubious, yet there is no disputing the fact that his Voyages de Gulliver was a European event, being absorbed as it was not only into French literature but also into the literatures of numerous European countries.l3 However, if one only relies on the evaluation of Desfontaines's version by his critics, there is little to argue for the Abbe's success; on the contrary, there are signs everywhere to suggest that Gulliver, on its course from England to the Continent, was as shipwrecked as its protagonist on the coast of Lilliput. The first such sign occurs in the 'Preface du Traducteur', in which the Abbe outlines his reasons for 'taking on' Gulliver's Travels. Having been alerted, immediately after publication, to the Dean's satire as 'an agreeable and witty work', Desfontaines reports, he decided to translate it, paradoxically, however, not because he found the book 'quite new and original in its kind' but 'for [his] own advantage, that is to say to perfect [his] knowledge of the English language, which [was] beginning to be fashionable in Paris' (Williams 1970, 78—79). Gulliver's Travels, the Abbe continued, had some redeeming qualities, it was true, yet having gone so far, he could not 'conceal the fact' that he 'found in this work of Mr. Swift some weak and even very bad parts; impenetrable allegories, insipid allusions, puerile details, low thoughts, boring repetitions, coarse jokes, pointless pleasantries'. The conclusion was only too obvious for a responsible translator like himself: 'Things which translated literally into French would have appeared indecent, paltry, impertinent, would have disgusted the good taste which reigns in France, would have covered me with confusion, and would certainly have drawn just reproaches on my head if I had been so weak and imprudent as to expose them to the eyes of the public' (Williams 1970, 79; Swift 1727b, xv-xvi).16 Even among the many self-confident assertions of contemporary French translators, who do not usually distinguish themselves by personal modesty or excessive respect for their originals, Desfontaines's 'Preface' occupies a special 14 15 16

For the bio-bibliographical record, see the data in Bouce 2003, 380n5. For the problem of 'indirect' translations, or translations once removed, see Graeber and Roche 1988, 54-56 and 123-26. 'Je ne puis neanmoins dissimuler ici que j'ai trouve dans 1'Ouvrage de M. Swift des endroits foibles & meme tres-mauvais, des allegories impenetrables, des allusions insipides, des details puerils, des reflexions triviales, des pensees basses, des redites ennui'euses, des poli^onneries grossieres, des plaisanteries fades; en un mot, des choses qui, rendues litteralement en Francois, auroient paru indecentes, pito'iables, impertinentes, auroient revoke le bon gout qui regne en France,

12

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

position. The Abbe does not hesitate to criticize Swift sharply, setting himself up as the aesthetic legislator of a nation, whose standards he deems to be canonical for all others. Of course, it is part of the Preface's strategy to compliment French readers on their good taste which, Desfontaines boasts, has its home in France. At the same time, this vaunted bon gout serves Desfontaines not only as a yardstick to measure the faults of Gulliver's Travels but also as a self-complimentary justification for his 'creative' interferences: 'For the rest, I thought myself capable of making good these deficiencies and replacing the losses by the help of my imagination, and by certain turns that I gave to things which displeased me' (Williams 1970, 80; Swift 1727b, xviii).17 A self-presentation like this is presumably less an expression of 'naivety' than an articulation, admittedly hyperbolic, of a collective French superiority complex. Desfontaines's Preface ended in an amusing little epilogue. When news broke of Swift's imminent visit to Paris, Desfontaines hastened to mitigate the tenor of his Preface for the second edition, simultaneously sending Swift, together with a complimentary copy of it, a letter of apology, in which he justified his liberties by reference to the differing French taste (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, 3: 97—98). In his polished if crushing reply, written in French (Morris 1961, 293), Swift countered that 'good taste' was not a national privilege but 'was the same everywhere among men of wit, judgement, and learning (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, 3: 111),18 embarrassing Desfontaines's condescendingly narrow-minded neoclassicism with an aesthetically openminded, cosmopolitan position. As is already well known, Desfontaines's rendering is marred by numerous infelicities, which may be attributable to his haste but which do not have a detrimental effect on the whole (Goulding 1924, 70). Yet this defence no longer holds when it conies to the Abbe's arbitrary interferences, alterations as a rule inserted into the text and justified in the awareness of French cultural superiority. Desfontaines's declaration, in the Preface, that he would feel free to 'suppress' certain passages or, alternatively, 'make good [any] deficiencies and replace the losses by the help of his imagination' turns out to have been his constant practice as a translator. Thus, he eliminates, for example, all of Swift's specific references to the topography of London as well as all allusions to contemporary politics, knowing such tampering with the English original to be in the interest of his French readers and in accord with the rules of French neoclassical aesthetics, which posited that literature had to reflect the universal and the timeless. Consequently, Desfontaines does not even see the charm of the foreign culture, which might have been conducive to

17

18

m'auroient moi-meme couvert de confusion, & m'auroient infailliblement attire de justes reproches, si j'avois etc asses foible & assez imprudent pour les exposer aux yeux du public'. 'Au reste, je me suis figure, que j'etois capable de suppleer a ces defauts, & de reparer ces pertes par le secours de mon imagination, & par de certains tours que je donnerois aux choses memes qui me deplaisoient'. 'Nous sommes fort portes a croire que le bon gout est le meme par tout ou il y a des Gens d'esprit, de jugement et de Scavoir'.

Swift's First Voyages to Europe

13

broadening the French horizon, after all (Bouce 2003, 381). Last but not least, also in the name of French bongout, he expunges all concrete, 'realistic' details evoking disease, dirt, and misery. Desfontaines's French Gulliver hardly dares eat a meal because, the Abbe argued, a meal was simply too low and trivial for a hero to bother with. Instead, he inserted eloquent moral reflexions which turn Swift's mordant and misanthropic satire upside down: 'Voila la satire aprement mordante . . . changee en agreable traite de morale', 'the bitterly mordant satire [is] transformed into an agreeable moral treatise' (Goulding 1924, 80). However, Desfontaines met his French readers' expectations to a nicety, as the praise of French critics for his version demonstrates. For example, the Journal des Savants, which some years earlier had shown a conspicuous lack of appreciation for A Tale of a Tub, now printed a representative review of some sixteen pages. In this, the reviewer having first speculated on the frustrated expectations of those readers who, on noting the title, had hoped for a travel account tried to cheer them with the argument that this 'study of the human heart' and its 'most judicious reflections on politics and morals as well as on virtue and everything that concerned society' (Journal des Savans, Juillet 1727, 409)19 was full of rather interesting subject-matter. At the end of his review, the critic mentioned in passing a few minor flaws, at the same time insisting that these in no way diminished the merit of a work which clearly intended to expose the 'folly of humankind' and 'the depravation of their manners' (Journal des Savans, Juillet 1727, 410).2" Desfontaines, then, is not an intermediary between cultures, being primarily preoccupied as he is with the expectations of his French readers. This observation has led scholars to characterize his Voyages de Gulliver as a belle infidele; some have even gone so far as to speak of'a translation that could not possibly be worse' (Goulding 1924, 72).21 But then, these critics have to grant, however grudgingly, that the Abbe's rendering was an extraordinary success, a success, clearly, which was largely due to his very methods of dealing with Swift's text. As late as 1862, the novelist Jules Janin submitted a 'revision' of it which turned out to be even more 'revised' (Morris 1961, 286), and almost throughout the whole of the nineteenth century, the Abbe was considered to be the French translator of the Travels most sympathetic to Swift. His popularity is still visible in a 1948 adaptation for children which is based on his version (Lautel 1991, 25). Desfontaines's success seems all the more remarkable since his rendering had to compete against a contemporary rival translation, published not only three months earlier than his own at The Hague (Jagtenberg 1989, 228—33) but also the first illustrated one of Gulliver's Travels (Halsband 1985, 85). From the second edition onwards, its anonymous author tried to distance himself from Desfontaines, taking pride in his greater 'faithfulness' to the original. The Abbe responded to this criticism by turning it against his rival. Positing the

19 20 21

T etude du coeur human'; 'les reflexions les plus judicieuses, sur la morale, sur la politique, sur la vertu, & sur tout ce qui a rapport a la societe civile'. 'la folie des hommes, & la depravation de leurs moeurs'. 'Comme traduction, on ne pourrait trouver pire que celle de Desfontaines'.

14

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

cultural hegemony of France, he declared that it was the very 'literalness' of The Hague translation which made it inferior to his own from the start: 'If it is literal, and if it is being made by some ordinary translator of that country, I pronounce judgement, without having seen it, that it is very bad' (Williams 1970, 80).22 Indeed, if the history of reception is anything to go by, the Abbe's judgement turned out to be right. However, it is also right to insist that The Hague translation is closer to the original by far. Yet this greater fidelity to Swift's text does not mean that the translator succeeded in liberating himself entirely from the prevailing French norms. To be sure, some of his deviations may be accounted for by his endeavour to make the reading of Gulliver's Travels easier for his Frenchspeaking audience.23 At the same time, he pays his respects to the rule of 'propriety' here and there. A case in point is the description of the Brobdingnagian nurse's 'monstrous Breast', particularized by Gulliver in all 'its Bulk, Shape and Colour' as well as its various 'Spots, Pimples and Freckles' (Prose Works, 11: 91 [II, i, 11]). Like many others after him, the Hague translator shied away from such itemized corporeality: 'J'avoue n'avoir jamais vu un objet plus monstrueusement degoutant, que celui qui s'ofrit a mes regards. J'en etois si pres que je pouvois le voir tres distinctement: Mais j'aime mieux epargner a mes Lecteurs une pareille Description, & leur faire part d'une reflexion que m'inspira la vue de ce laid & enorme sein', 'But I prefer to spare my Readers such a description, and rather share with them a reflection that the sight of this ugly and enormous breast inspired in me' (Swift 1727a, 121—22). Once again, a translator allowed accuracy to be sacrificed to prudery, the translation of sexual and/or scatalogical passages frequently proving a touchstone with which to test fidelity. As a result, the Hague version, which has usually been described as 'faithful' to Gulliver's Travels (Halsband 1985, 85; Bouce 2003, 380), is in fact not faithful according to modern standards. On the other hand, it does not distance itself from the English original either. The French-speaking public of the early eighteenth century, however, expected such distancing, and its implicit bowing to French cultural hegemony, before deigning to read foreign works. It is for this reason that Desfontaines's version, however controversial from a philological point of view, was economically more successful than the Hague translation even if this too was reprinted several times throughout the eighteenth century (Teerink-Scouten 378—381). While the first two German translations of the Travels followed the Hague version (Spieckermann 2002, 21—22), Desfontaines created a second afterlife of his own by providing the textual basis for several translations into other European languages. In doing so, he caused a new problem, that of indirect translation, or of translation once removed. The extent to which the Voyages de Gulliver provided a model for French creative imitators to pounce upon is difficult to gauge. Motifs from the Travels are to be found soon — in, say, Marivaux's comedy, L'He de la Raison (1727),

22

23

'Si elle est literale, & si elle est faite par quelque Traducteur ordinaire de ce pai's-la, je prononce, sans 1'avoir vue, qu'elle est fort mauvaise'. Thus, he deleted Swift's all-too-specific references to London topography, for example. See his translation of I, i, 2 in 1727a, 2—3.

Swift's First Voyages to Europe

15

and Voltaire's Micromegas (1752). Marivaux wrote his play under the immediate impact of Desfontaines's version of the Travels, focusing on the contrast between big and small. European travellers are marooned at a remote island where, on account of their prevailing unreason, they shrink to the size of dwarves. After having been cured of their errors and prejudices, they are retransformed into their former state, excepting a philosopher and a poet, who end in a lunatic asylum. Voltaire, too, in his philosophical tale Micromegas, adopts a motif from Gulliver's Travels. The protagonist, who is some 30 kilometres tall, is an enlightened traveller who assumes all creatures whom he meets on his voyages to be intelligent, irrespective of their physical size. However, he is sorely disappointed when arriving on earth, where he finds human dwarf absurdly quarrelling about epistemological principles and claiming their anthropocentric position in the universe. There is no craze for Gulliveriads that is in any way comparable to that of 'Robinsonades'. The only Gulliveriad to have had an impact is Le Nouveau Gulliver, ou Voyage de Jean Gulliver, Fils du Capitaine Gulliver (The New Gulliver, or Voyage of John Gulliver, Son of Captain Gulliver) of 1730 (Teerink-Scouten 1238), in which the business-minded Abbe Desfontaines, 'ever an opportunist, published . . . an insipid, if highly moral, sequel' (Bouce 2003, 383). In his Preface, Desfontaines claims to have considered the criticism of Gulliver's Travels as well as his readership's demand for an amorous tale. In his moral reflections, which permeate the volume, the Abbe merges elements of Swift's plot with the fashionable motif of the Noble Savage (sig. e2v). Although the work pretends to be 'translated from an English manuscript',24 it is easy to recognize as a 'pseudo-translation', in fact as Desfontaines's imitation of the original Travels, with which he tried to capitalize on Swift's fame — and his own. There are no further successors of note in France. IV

Swift's first translators in France seem to have recognized the Dean's exceptional stature almost at first sight. At the same time, they realized that their French readerships would not be up to him, his 'otherness' posing a special challenge. Even an Anglophile like Voltaire foresaw the reservations that Swift would be met with. Not surprisingly, his 'otherness' sparked off a variety of solutions. Van Effen, for example, did his very best to transmit what was foreign in his author, explaining Swift's alterity both within the text and annotatory glosses. His success was but moderate, not least because Swift's highly allusive satires are difficult to comprehend. Desfontaines, by contrast, simplified Gulliver's Travels by reducing it to the expectations of his addressees, an approach that proved immediately as well as lastingly successful. Finally, the Hague translator strove for a compromise between van Effen's 'moderating' and Desfontaines's 'naturalizing' tendencies; more than anything else, he aspired to be 'neutral'. Although his version is by no means as faithful as has commonly been assumed, it refrains from any criticism of the English text and, 24

'Traduit d'un Manuscrit Anglois'.

16

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

thus, neglects to flatter French national pride. The degree to which it was necessary, however, to prefer national taste to new, though foreign, ideas may be seen from Desfontaines's immense, if perhaps ill-deserved, fame.

2

The Italian Reception of Swift Flavio Gregori

I The eighteenth century The early reception of Swift in Italy was part of a growing veneration for the politics, the economy, the arts and literature of Great Britain, a new phenomenon unheard of in previous centuries that goes under the name of 'anglomania'. As the scholar Arturo Graf notices, the Italian anglomania started as a byproduct of the French interest for British culture and as a consequence of the Italian francophilia (Graf 1911, 33). It was Montesquieu and Voltaire who set off the fashion for matters English, and the latter's Lettres sur les Anglais (1733—34; later reprinted with the title Lettres philosophiques) exerted a remarkable influence on the Italian illuministi (Pellegrini 1958, 8—9).1 To the French mediation may be added the works of Italian men of letters who travelled to England and brought back a direct knowledge of its culture, such as Francesco Algarotti, Giuseppe Baretti, Antonio Conti, Scipione Maffei, Paolo Rolli, Alessandro Verri, and others (Graf 1911, 52-79). One of the first Italian anglophiles, Count Lorenzo Magalotti, poet, erudite polyglot, and member of the Royal Society, provides the first evidence of Swift's contact with Italy. Swift sent the Count his 1701 edition of Temple's Miscellany, in which he had inscribed this dedication: To His Excellency, Count Magalotti, Councillor of State to the Most Serene Highness the Great Duke of Tuscany. By His Excellency's Most Obedient and Most Humble Servant . . . Jonathan Swift.2 1

2

The Abbe Le Blanc's Lettres sur les Anglois et les Francois and Beat de Muralt's Lettres sur les Anglois should also be mentioned. They were well known in Venice, as witnessed by the reviews in local gazettes (Colombo 1966, 15-17). The copy is kept at the Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze. This piece of information is contained in the seminal book by Carlo Pagetti (1971, 12), who carried out an extensive and detailed investigation into Swift's Italian fortunes (until the late 1960s). I have followed Pagetti's tracks, after checking his sources, correcting a few (mostly minor) mistakes, adding new pieces of information where needed, updating his work, and condensing the wealth of data and comments contained in his book, to which I refer the reader for more detailed information. I want to thank Professor Pagetti for granting me permission to share his expertise and use his research. I would also like to thank Dr Catherine Witherby for her comments on a first draft of this essay.

18

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

Swift could not have personally known Magalotti, who had been in England in 1668 and 1669, nor does it seem likely that he met other Italian anglophiles who travelled to England, since they visited the country when the Dean had already left for Dublin. A letter by one of those travellers, the Venetian poet and translator Antonio Conti, who was in London between 1716 and 1717, represents the first documentary evidence of an Italian writer's acquaintance with the works of Swift. The letter is addressed to Madame de Caylus, Paris, and dated 13 December 1727; in it, Conti informs the lady that he has just finished reading Gulliver's Travels with pleasure, that he liked 'the invention of the little men' (the Lilliputians) and 'the reasonable horses', while he disliked what is said of Homer (in the Glubbdubdrib episode; III, viii). More importantly, Conti admits to having read it in French translation, although it is difficult to determine whether he read the anonymous one published at The Hague in January 1727 (Teerink-Scouten 371) or the Abbe Desfontaines's version of April 1727 (Teerink-Scouten 383-385). However, since Conti noticed that it was far from being faithful to the original, he seems to have known the English text and might therefore have seen the Abbe's version, which was notorious for its many interpolations.3 Conti lived in Venice, and Venice was the place from which Swift's fortunes spread to Italy. There are various reasons for this. For one thing, Venice had been one of the leading printing centres in Europe; for another, its prosperity had for a long time depended on the commercial, diplomatic, and cultural exchanges with the Mediterranean and the North; thirdly, it suffered less than other small kingdoms, princedoms, and dukedoms that composed the Italian mosaic from the yoke of ecclesiastical censorship, and, finally, its ruling classes turned a blind eye to politically compliant booksellers' and printers' activities. As Marino Berengo says, reading whatever they liked was one of the few liberties that Venetians still kept (Colombo 1966, 13). In the first half of the eighteenth century, the official censor of the Republic slackened his grip, so much so in fact that Venice became the Italian city into which most foreign books were imported, where most books were printed and translated, where journals and gazettes were best informed on what was being printed in and outside Italy (Benzoni 1998, 908—II). 4 As a result, Swift's works would have circulated rather early among the Venetian reading public in the French translations printed at The Hague and Paris, as is witnessed not only by Conti's letter but also by the catalogues of bookshops and the libraries of rich patricians.5 3

4 5

Tai devore tout le livre de Gulliver dans la meme jour. Mais la traduction n'est pas fidele. Tout ce qu'il dit d'Homere est sans fondament, j'aime mieux le chevaux raisonnables. C'est plus bel endroit, car j'admire plus 1'invention des petit hommes, que je le loue le detail de leur histoire, ou moins par rapport aux applications morales et politiques.' The holograph is kept at the Biblioteca Marciana, Venezia, and has been transcribed and published by Giovanna Gronda (1964, 165). Later, in 1756, Conti showed his knowledge of the Bickerstaff Papers in a note to his version of Pope's Rape of the Lock (Conti 1966, 74). See also Berengo 1962 and Infelise 1989. For instance, the bookseller Recanati had a copy of the 1727 The Hague translation of Gulliver's Travels; see Libri d'una particolar libreria [Recanati] di Venezia proposti in

The Italian Reception of Swift

19

In 1729, the Venetian printer Giuseppe Corona published the Viaggi del Capitano Lemuel Gulliver in diversi paesi lontani, in two books, the first translation of a work by Swift into the Italian language. As the title-page informs, the translator, F. Zannino Marsecco (a pseudonym of Francesco Manzoni), relied on a French translation, very likely as early as 1727, since the censor's approval printed at the end of the first book dates 5 January 1728 (1729, 1: 244). According to Pagetti (1971, 17) and Colombo (1965, 65), Marsecco followed Desfontaines's version, as successful as it was notorious. A comparison with The Hague version, Voyages du Capitain Lemuel Gulliver en Divers Pays Eloignez, however, shows that Marsecco used this version for his Viaggi. To start with, Marsecco's title copies verbatim that of The Hague translator, while Desfontaines's title is shorter (Voyages de Gulliver). Moreover, some telling passages show Marsecco's affinity with The Hague text.6 For instance, in the episode of the maids of honour in Brobdingnag (II, v, 6—7), Marsecco condenses and summarizes the scatological elements, in which the maids 'strip themselves to the Skin' showing their huge bodies to a disgusted and ill-at-ease Gulliver and discharging enormous quantities of 'what they had drunk', with the same chaste and bowdlerizing words used by The Hague translator: Non vi ha foggia di liberta, che non la prendessero me presente: e ben mi sarebbe cosa impossibile 1'esprimere il disgusto che la maggior parte di quelle liberta mi cagionava. II n'y a sorte de liberte qu'elles ne prissent en ma presence: & il me seroit impossible d'exprimer le degout que la plupart de ces libertez me causoient (1729, 1: 186; 1727, 1: 163).7 The same summarizing and expurgating attitude may be found in the treatment of colics at the Academy of Lagado (III, v, 11): the Swiftian 'large

vendita [Venezia, 1735], 72. The bookseller and collector Amadeo Svajer, whose collection was sold in 1794, possessed two copies of the Conte du Tonneau (the 1732 and 1741 reprints); see Catalogo di libreria [Amadeo Svajer] posta in vendita in Venezia nell'anno 1794 [Venezia, 1794]. The library of the British consul and book collector, Joseph Smith, which was much frequented by the members of the patriciate and by men of letters, contained several of Swift's works in English, including the 1711 Miscellanies in Prose and Verse (Teerink-Scouten 2), Motte's Miscellanies in 12 vols (Teerink-Scouten 28-32), the 1710 Tale of a Tub (TeerinkScouten 222), the 1720 Miscellaneous Works (Teerink-Scouten 17), the Drapier's Letters (Teerink-Scouten 22), Cadenus and Vanessa (Teerink-Scouten 66la), the Verses on His Own Death (Teerink-Scouten 771), the Collection of Genteel and Ingenious Polite Conversations (Teerink-Scouten 761); see Bibliotheca Smithiana sen Catalogus Librorum D.Josephi Smithii Angli, Venezia: Pasquali, 1755. 6 Here and elsewhere, I follow Paul-Gabriel Bouce's analysis of Desfontaines's and The Hague's translations (Bouce 2003, 379-86). 7 'There was no kind of liberty which they would not take in my presence: and it would be impossible to me to express the disgust that most of those insolences caused me.' Desfontaines devotes more lines to the translation of the passage, but his version is even more 'garbled and asepticized' (Bouce 2003, 385), and as disappointing as ever.

20

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

Pair of Bellows' becomes 'una sciringa di misura enorme' (The Hague's 'une Seringue d'une enorme Taille'; Desfontaines translates, more appropriately, 'un grand soufflet'); the physician's insertion of the bellows 'eight Inches up the Anus' disappears from Marsecco's text as it did in The Hague version (Desfontaines has 'en insinuant plusieurs fois ce tuyau dans 1'anus'); the final comment on the physician's attempt to resuscitate the dead dog follows closely the Hague translator's interpolation: 'ma dubito del riuscimento dell'operazione' ('mais je doute qu'il ait reussi dans cette Operation').8 Other passages, too, show verbatim correspondences (and the same omissions). Thus Marsecco's stands out as one of the few European translations taken from the 'relatively obscure' The Hague text, which, its shortcomings notwithstanding, is more respectful towards Swift's book than the more successful, 'shoddy but elegantly written' belle infidele produced by Desfontaines, 'a sorry caricature of the real Swift' (Bouce 2003, 379, 381). Marsecco's translation seems to have been successful (Pagetti 1971,15), since, as Giuseppe Ortolani says, it was reprinted two years later by Sebastiano Coleti (Ortolani 1926, 123), one of the most important and dynamic Venetian printers, whose link with the literary circle of Apostolo Zeno and his followers, especially Father Angelo Calogera, scientist, man of letters, editor of various journals, and organizer of manifold cultural projects, proved fundamental to the Venetian fortunes of Swift. The Viaggi del Capitano Lemuel Gulliver was reviewed by Le Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria, a weekly periodical collecting reviews and abstracts of books printed in Italy and throughout Europe, which, following the example of the Journal des savants, widened the literary horizon of the reading public and helped the already rich Venetian book market prosper (Berengo 1958, XV). The issue for 4 June 1729 announced: The press of the printer Giuseppe Corona has released the following book, Viaggi del Capitano Lemuel Gulliver in diversi paesi lontani . . . . The first book is divided in two parts: the first narrates the author's voyage to Lilliput; the second his voyage to Brobdingnag . . . . The printer is presently working on the second book which will be soon released. These travels, though they are purely fictional, are very useful and pleasant at the same time, as they are full of rules of conduct and political reflections . . . . The translation of the book has been made from the French version printed in Holland, -without the slightest alteration.9

8

9

'I doubt that his operation would be successful' (1729, 2: 51; 1727a, 2: 44). Desfontaines provides a different comment: 'ce que deconcerta fort notre Docteur, et ne me fit pas naitre 1'envie d'avoir recours a son remede' (Desfontaines 1727, 2: 62). 'Da' torchi di Giuseppe Corona e uscito il seguente libro: Viaggi del Capitano Lemuel Gulliver in diversi paesi lontani ... Questo primo tomo e diviso in due parti; la prima delle quali contiene il viaggio di Lilliput; e la seconda quello di Brobdingnag . . . . Lo Stampatore lavora attualmente il secondo Tomo, che uscira quanto prima alia luce. Questi viaggi, benche non siano in realta che una mera finzione, hanno ancora la sua grande utilita, essendo ripieni di massime e riflessioni politiche prudenziali . . . .La Traduzione di questi viaggi e fatta sopra 1'edizione Francese d'Olanda, alia quale non si e levata alcuna cosa.' Novelle della Repubblica Lettemria dell'anno 1729 (1730), Venezia: Giovambattista Albrizzi, 1.23.

The Italian Reception of Swift

21

The second volume, containing the travels to Laputa, Balnibarbi, Glubbdubdrib, Luggnag, and to Houyhnhnmland, was announced in the 16 July 1729 issue of the Novelle, which praised the adventures in the country of the rational horses as 'by far the best in the book, as it shows the aim and spirit of the author in writing these travels'.10 From the reviews, it seems clear that Gulliver's Travels was considered a didactic work, something between fiction and a repertoire of moral maxims and political sententiae; besides, both the publisher and the reviewer engendered some confusion over the authorship of the novel, swallowing the Swiftian bait that mixes up narrator and author. The index of names at the end of the Novelle lists Lemuel Gulliver among the reviewed authors, and it is probable that the Venetian booksellers sold the book as the work of a genuine Mr Lemuel Gulliver, as did the bookseller Recanati in 1735.11 When, in 1731, Sebastiano Coleti, after reissuing Marsecco's Viaggi del Capitano Lemuel Gulliver, also published Desfontaines's sequel to Gulliver's Travels, Le Nouveau Gulliver (Teerink-Scouten 1238), in the Italian translation by Angelo Calogera (// Nuovo Gulliver, o sia Viaggio di Giovanni Gulliver, Figliolo del Capitano Gulliver), the confusion increased. Even though the 'Editor's Preface' to the sequel claimed that the adventures of Gulliver's 'son' are entirely different from those of'his father', and altogether independent of them, and though there is but a superficial resemblance, aimed at appeasing the readership that had already become familiarized with 'the philosophical and bold ideas of Capt. Lemuel Gulliver (Desfontaines 1731b, 1: 2—3),12 the Preface as well as the various paratextual paraphernalia to the 'new' Gulliver (the 'Translator's Continuation' and the 'Letter of Dr Ferruginer to the Author')13 took advantage of the fictional chicanery that attributed the work to its narrator. The 22 April 1730 issue of the Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria might have helped the reader to solve the ambiguity: in it, the Paris correspondent of the journal, reviewing the Nouveau Gulliver, resolutely attributed the work to Desfontaines, stated that the author of the 'first' Gulliver's Travels was unknown but that he was not the eponymous hero of the novel, and claimed the adventures of the young Gulliver to be more agreeable than those of Gulliver 'father'.14 However, whether the readership

10 'Quest'ultima parte e la piu bella di tutto il restante, e in essa vi si vede piu lo

11 12 13

14

spirito dell'Autore, e il fine avuto nello scrivere questi Viaggj;' Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria dell'anno 1729 (1730), Venezia: Giovambattista Albrizzi, 1.29: 231-32. Libri d'unaparticolar libreria [Recanati] di Venezia proposti in vendita [Venezia, 1735], 72. '[I]l Pubblico, famigliarizzato con le idee filosofiche ad ardite del prinio Gulliver (Desfontaines 173 la). 'Prefazione dell'Editore', 'Continuazione del Traduttore', 'Lettera del Dottor Ferruginer all'Autore' ('Preface de 1'Editeur', 'Continuation du Traducteur', 'Lettre du Docteur Ferruginer a 1'Auteur'); Calogera's 'Continuazione del Traduttore', however, clearly identifies Swift as the author of the 'first' Gulliver (Desfontaines 173la, sig. A4). Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria per I'anno 1730 (1731), Venezia: Giovambattista Albrizzi, 2.16: 124-26.

22

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

was able to separate the narrators from the authors of the two Gullivers or not, the publication of // Nuovo Gulliver 'complicated the problem of Swift's fortune in Italy' (Pagetti 1971, 19). Not only did Desfontaines meet the expectations of the French and Venetian reading publics, whose penchant for sentimental romance and bon gout did not find Swift's satire and scatology particularly palatable, providing in their stead romantic and erotic adventures, exotic settings and sermonizing comments, but he also offered readers' imaginations a more verisimilar subject-matter and thus deceived their judgements with the utile duld of a philosophical morale. The Novelle reviewer had to admit that the 'second' Gulliver was bound to be more successful because it was 'more moral and pleasurable' fpiu morale e dilettevole') than the first. Moreover, Swift's name was neither mentioned by Desfontaines nor by the Italian commentators, and Gulliver's Travels was often passed off as the work of Lemuel Gulliver, not Jonathan Swift.15 The first Italian critical comment on Swift fell into the trap of this climate of reception that Desfontaines, and the Italian reviewers and booksellers, contributed to create.16 In 1738, Father Elia D'Amato, a Calabrese theologian and member of the Accademia degli Inculti, produced a Parere intorno a' Viaggi de' due Gulliver Inglesi, per alcune isole per Vaddietro non conosdute dalla Geografia del Nuovo Mondo (Judgement on the Travels of the two English Gullivers to Some Islands Unknown beforehand in the Geography of the New World). The essay was printed again in Venice, as a contribution to the Raccolte d'Opusculi Stientifid e Filologid, edited by Angelo Calogera, the translator of Desfontaines's sequel. The Raccolte was a collection of pamphlets and essays on scientific and historical topics which promoted the epistemology of the experimental sciences within the backward cultural environment of Italy. Thus, ironically enough, the first Italian critical study of a work by Swift was the result of the combined interests of a philo-modern scientist and a Catholic divine with a penchant for erudite and empirical historiography. In a baroque style, full of learned, often fastidious, embellishments, D'Amato confutes the strictures raised by the sceptical Philadelphus, his fictional opponent, on the implausibility of the two Gullivers. His defence of the truthful quality of Gulliver's Travels is mostly based on the analogy between Swift's and

15 16

This is an intentional narrative strategy in Desfontaines (as it was in Swift); yet, as we have seen (note 13), Calogera attributed the work to Swift. The Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria reviewer, for instance, takes the Letter from Dr Ferruginer, at the end of the Nouveau Gulliver, as genuine, without recognizing Desfontaines's hoax: 'Dr Ferruginer's letter, which ends the work, is full of scholarly erudition, and makes the reader understand that all that was imagined in the book is based on facts claimed by very respectable authors' ('La lettera del Dottor Ferruginer che termina 1'opera una vasta erudizione contiene; e serve a far vedere che tutto quello ch'e stato immaginato nel corpo di essa e fondato sopra fatti asseriti da autori per ogni conto degni di tutto rispetto'; Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria per I'anno 1730 [1731], Venezia: Giovambattista Albrizzi, 2.16: 126). Calogera was a friend of Zaccaria Seriman, whose novel Viaggi di Enrico Wanton al Regni delle Scimie e dei Cinocefali (1749-64) is clearly influenced by Gulliver's Travels and the Nouveau Gulliver (Ortolani 1926, Pizzamiglio 1977, Quaglia 1983).

The Italian Reception of Swift

23

Desfontaines's works (their names are never mentioned) and the reports and tales of geographers and travellers (Marco Polo, Gemelli, Vespucci, and many others), on the authority of ancient and modern writers, such as Homer, Photius, Ctesias, Orosius, Pliny, Ptolemy, and a long train of now forgotten scholars. D'Amato begins by defending the authenticity of the giants, which is corroborated both by Holy Scripture ('which in Genesis persuades us that before the Flood Giants inhabited the world'; D'Amato 1738, 417) and the 'authority of those writers, who in all ages and places confirms [their] existence':17 If those [pieces of evidence] were not sufficient, how could [Philadelphus] possibly take the old Gulliver's Island of the Giants, Probdingnac [sic], for a cock-and-bull story? When, even in the New World, their existence is confirmed not only by the authority but also by the testimonial evidence of Amerigo Vespucci in his Second Voyage to the West Indies; by Pigaletto [Pigafetta], who was the Acates of Magellan, in his voyage to the Antarctic, and by the travellers to the regions beyond the equatorial line, such as Herrera, Garcia, Acosta, and many others whom I do not mention for brevity's sake.18 D'Amato follows a like line of reasoning to assert the truthfulness of the Lilliputians ('the Pygmies'), producing, along with his usual list of scholars, also the opinion of Doctor Ferruginer,19 the fictional commentator of Desfontaines's sequel, whose 'Letter to the Author [Gulliver's son] of these Travels' wanted to allay the suspicion that the travels of both Gullivers were too extraordinary to be true and to show his appreciation of the 'exactness' of Gulliver fils's geographic accuracy. To some extent, the whole of D'Amato's essay may be considered an expansion of Ferruginer's letter, which, buttressed by ancient scholars and modern travellers, disproved the scepticism of those 'who look upon every thing as fictitious that happens to vary from their

17

'[L]a Storia di Dio, che nella Genesi, prima del Diluvio universale con queste parole lo persuade (c.6) Gigantes autem erant super terram in diebus illis'; '[L']autorita degli Scrittori, che de' Giganti per ogni eta, e in ogni luogo, ce ne presenta la sicuranza' (D'Amato 1738, 418-20). 18 'Quando altro non vi fosse, non dovra mai convicergli come fole il vecchio Gulliver colla sua Isola di Giganti nel Probdingnac [sic], se nello stesso nuovo Mondo pur lo confermano, non che per fama, ma pur di veduta Americo Vespucci nella seconda navigazione dell'Indie Occidental!: nel Polo Antartico il Pigaletto, che fu 1'Acate di Magellano, ed in altre Regioni di la dalla Linea palesateci dall'Errera, dal Garcia, dall'Acosta, e d'altri, che di annoverar per la brevita qui non brigo' (D'Amato 1738, 423). 19 'Recently Ferruginer, in his letter to Gulliver, pledged, upon his reading a very faithful description of America, that a young girl, brought from the land of the Esquimos to the coast of Labrador in 1717, affirmed that to the north of her country were whole nations of dwarfs hardly three feet high' ('Nettampoco il Ferruginer nella sua Pistola al Gulliver, assicurando con una realzione [sic] fidelissima deW America, che portata nel 1717 una Fanciulla della nazione d'Esquimai alia costa del Labrador, confesso ritrovarsi nazioni intere di nani nel Nord del suo paese, non ascendenti tre piedi d'altezza'; D'Amato 1738, 428); the passage is an almost verbatim paraphrase of the 'Lettera del Dottor Ferruginer'.

24

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

manners, or clash with their prejudices' (Desfontaines 1731b, 2: 175). A fundamental difference between Ferruginer's letter and D'Arnato's essay lies in the fact that Ferruginer is a whopper written by a fictional character to entrap the reader in the play between reality and pretence, while D'Amato takes for granted the existence of Ferruginer, Gulliver father and Gulliver son, reading their adventures literally, and never questioning the narrative strategies and the identities of their real authors. According to Pagetti (1971, 27—28), the fact that D'Amato never mentions Swift signals that 'the Italian reception of the Dean began, paradoxically, after that of his most famous character, Lemuel Gulliver'. About the immortal Struldbruggs, D'Amato says that 'Gulliver put those Islands under our noses not with the aim of making us believe that those people were immortal, but that they boasted about their immortality', and refers to those physicians and alchemists who convinced whole populations and even their princes (especially in China, D'Amato claims, 1738, 433-34) that their concoctions could procure immortality. In his analysis of the flying island of Laputa, D'Amato abandons his literal interpretation for once; he compares the episode to Plato's Republic and More's Utopia, and plays with the meaning of 'aereo' (flying, but also ethereal, airy, vain, inconsistent).20 He interprets the Houyhnhnms ('beasts having a je ne sais quoi of rationality'), who, in his view, evoke those undeveloped regions of the world where human beings used to work literally as packhorses before the arrival of the Europeans and their quadrupeds; eventually they were 'freed from having to carry abroad the heavy loads on their own shoulders and realized that they were no longer horses but human beings resting from such a beastly trade'.21 Gulliver's horses are rational, D'Amato explains, having recourse to satyrs and centaurs, which for him were not mythological and allegorical creatures, but were observed by ancient and modern witnesses, such as Pliny ('who saw them in Rome, where they had been transported from Egypt, in the age of Tiberius'; D'Amato 1738, 443), Pomponius Mela, and Petrarch.22 Thus, the early reception of Swift, at least until the late 1740s, is in fact the reception of Gulliver. The Venetian novelist Pietro Chiari, for instance, in his fictitious letters on various subjects (Lettere scelte di varie materie, piacevoli, critiche, ed erudite], touches on Gulliver (which he misspells 'Gulivert'), but never on Swift.23 Apart from a fleeting allusion in the 1730 issue of the Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria, but only as 'publisher' of the Nouveaux Memoires du Chevalier Guillaume Temple that had been published in Paris (Teerink-Scouten

20 21

22

23

'non sussistenti, aerei' (D'Amato 1738, 437). 'alia fine liberi di far loro i Somieri carchi di tante some per trasportarle a forestieri terreni, si conoscessero dopo tanto tempo, non piu giumenti, ma Domini nel riposo di tal bestiale mestiere' (D'Amato 1738, 439). 'Plinio, che li vide in Roma, trasportati dall'Egitto nell'eta di Tiberio'; the next thirty pages of D'Arnato's essay are devoted to the scrutiny of the Nouveau Gulliver. The letters are dated 1746, 1748, and 1751 (Chiari 1752, 1: 9, 45, 3: 20). Chiari is especially interested in the discussions on the giants and the pygmies and might have read D'Amato (Pagetti 1971, 35).

The Italian Reception of Swift

25

476),24 the first mention of Swift's name occurs again in the Novelle, in the 14 April 1736 issue, which offers a long abstract of A Short View of the Present State of Ireland, stating that 'the author of this memorial is said to be Mr Swift, who shows an intimate knowledge of the affairs of his country along with a lively and peculiar way of presenting them'.25 According to Pagetti, Swift's penetration into Italian culture was slow and gradual, and no single writer played a key role in spreading knowledge of him (Pagetti 1971, 29). Nonetheless, it is safe to say that one group, or kind, of literati took on that role more than others: those devoted to the enlightenment project of modernizing the culture, science, and political institutions of the country, of shaking off the fetters of philistine traditionalism, and of fostering a dialogue with European men of letters, in a word, the illuministi. It is significant to see Swift's work quoted by Italian supporters of the Enlightenment who were not, strictly speaking, literary men. For instance, the Neapolitan economist Antonio Genovesi (who was friendly with Ludovico Antonio Muratori, the literary reformer and author of the monumental Rerum italicarum scriptores) refers to Swift in his 'Lessons on Trade' (delivered in 1757, Venturi 1962, 241); another economist and intellettuale, Abbot Ferdinando Galiani, author of an important treatise on money (Delia moneta, 1751), in a letter to the Baron d'Holbach (7 April 1770) alludes to Gulliver's Voyage to Houyhnhnmland (which he misspells 'Hoymliyms') (Galiani 1975, 1009—10); and, as Boswell noted in his journey to Corsica, the Corsican patriot Pasquale Paoli had copies of Swift's works in his library. Although Gulliver's Travels was almost immediately translated and variously reprinted (a third edition was published, again in Venice, by Tevernin; Ortolani 1926, 123), nobody ever dared translate, neither from English nor from the French version published at The Hague in 1721 (Teerink-Scouten 263), the other great work that circulated among European anglophiles and philosopher, A Tale of a Tub.26 It is possible that the Italian publishers did not want to fall foul of the censors, who would probably have stopped a work that would be regarded as blasphemous (for its onslaught on Catholic religion). 24 Novelle della Repubblica Lettemria per I'anno 1129 (1730), Venezia: Giovambattista Albrizzi, 1.53: 428.

25 'L'Autore di queste memorie si dice il signer Swift, il quale certamente mostra di

26

avere un'intima cognizione delle cose della sua Patria ugualmente, che una maniera viva e singolare di esporcele;' Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria per I'anno 1735 (1736), Venezia: Giovambattista Albrizzi, 6.16. The bookseller and collector Amadeo Savjer possessed two copies of the Conte du Tonneau (see note 5 above); the 1797 catalogue of the (now) Marciana Library lists the 1721 edition of the Conte among its holdings (Index Bibliothecae Publicae Venetianorum, 1797, 8: 230); Gaspare Gozzi's journal // sognatore italiano mentions the Conte among its sources of inspiration (see note 35 below). The Neapolitan Raimondo di Sangro also mentions the Conte (Pagetti 1971, 55 n.). The Conte du Tonneau was sold in three books, containing also The Battle of the Books, the Meditations upon a Broomstick, the Tritical Essay, the Argument against Abolishing Christianity, the Bickerstaff Papers, the Discourse of the Contests and Dissentions between the Nobles and Commons in Athens and Rome, Maxims, and, attributed to Swift, The Art of Political Lying.

26

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

When the staunch supporter of radical enlightenment, the Piedmontese count Adalberto Radicati di Passerano, dared translate another challenging and troublesome pamphlet of Swift's, A Modest Proposal (not in Teerink-Scouten), he decided to use the French rather than the Italian language (Projet facile, equitable et modeste, pour rendre utile a notre nation un tres grande nombre de pauvres enfans qui lui sont maintenant fort a charge. Recueil de pieces curieuses sur les materies les plus interessantes par Albert Radicati, comte de Passeran (Rotterdam [probably The Hague], 1736).27 Angelo Calogera, we remember, was aware of the developments of European science. Another contributor to his Raccolte, the Venetian Eusebio Sguario, alludes to Swift in his work on electricity, Dell'elettricismo: o sia delle forze elettriche de' corpi svelate dallajisica sperimentale, the first Italian work to be devoted to that branch of the experimental sciences in a Newtonian approach (Altieri Biagi 1983, 843).28 The first illuminista who tried his hand at the translation of a (recognizably) Swiftian work was another Venetian scientist, the devoted Newtonian, Francesco Algarotti, author of the popular Neutonianesimo per le dame (Newtonianism for the Ladies, 1737). Algarotti, who must have read the works of Swift in English during his visit to England in 1736 (Viglione 1922), translated the Tritical Essay upon the Faculties of the Mind under the title Saggio tritico intorno allafacolta della tnente umana, which was published in Venice by Tevernin in 1745. No copy of the volume seems to be extant, as Giovanni da Pozzo informs us (Algarotti 1963, 548); yet Algarotti copied part of his translation in a letter to Alessandro Fabbri, dated 8 May 1745. In this letter, Algarotti says that Swift was called 'the English Lucian' ('il Luciano d'Inghilterra') and stresses his satiric and parodic sides ('with this mockery, Dr Swift makes the scribblers of his country much more ridiculous than he could have done through a straight and sensible reasoning against them'; Algarotti 1791—94, 9: 68); he does the same in another letter, addressed to the German Baron N.N., at Hertzogenbriick, Berlin, in which he praises Swift's 'salty wit' ('umor salato'; Algarotti 1791-94, 9: 211; also Bonora 1969, 555).29 At the turn of the mid-century, after the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748), the Italian scene saw a dramatic growth in the circulation of the ideas and themes which were being debated in Europe, and which brought, among other things, the rise of a public opinion (at least, at a cultural and literary level) as well as an increasing number of journals and periodicals modelled on the Tatler and the Spectator. It is no surprise, therefore, that Swift is often mentioned in connection with Addison and Steele as a master of journalism 27

See F. Venturi, 'Nota introduttiva', Politici ed economists del primo Settecento, La Letteratura Italiana: Storia e Testi, Napoli e Milano, Ricciardi, 44: 20. In the tenth of his Discorsi, Radicati mentions the Struldbrugg-episode of Gulliver's Travels (see T. Cavallo [2003] 'Introduzione', Dissertazione filosojica sulla morte, Pisa: ETS, pp. 27, 57n76). 28 The work was attributed to Sguario by the Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria of 1747; Sguario speaks only of the 'author of the travels of Captain Gulliver'. 29 In another letter addressed to his friend, the poet Agostino Paradisi (Algarotti 1791—94, 10: 11), Algarotti acknowledges Swift as the 'author' of Gulliver's Travels, at last.

The Italian Reception of Swift

27

and prose style. Algarotti, in his Saggio sopra la lingua francese (Essay upon the French Language, 1750) commends the proposal of the 'celebrated' Swift for erecting an academy for the preservation of the English tongue (A Proposal for Correcting, Improving, and Ascertaining the English Tongue, 1712). Similarly, Carlo Denina, in his Discorso sopra le vicende della letteratura (Discourse on Literary Matters, 1760), claims that Swift has been 'master to the English people' for the elegance of his style for more than fifty years (Denina 1788, 2: 229), and that he even exerted a beneficial influence on Voltaire, 'who polished his critical prose style on the example of Swift's work'.30 In his combative journal La Frusta Letteraria (The Literary Whip), Giuseppe Baretti, who spent nine years in England between 1751 and 1760 and befriended Johnson, Boswell, and the Thrales (finally taking up residence there in 1766) praises Swift, along with Clarendon, Temple, Addison, Pope, Tillotson, and Locke, as a master of the English language (Baretti 1932, 1: 89, 2: 258; Baretti 1912, 227). Baretti had a fiery, rancorous temper and a satirical inclination, which make some scholars think of him as an Italian Swift; notably, Ugo Foscolo maintained that 'the model whom Baretti took for his style and manner was Swift' (Foscolo 1958, 2: 351). Yet, despite all his admiration for Swift's style, Baretti was scornful of the Dean's imagination, which is often, he claims, 'besmeared with dung' (Baretti 1932, 1: 248).31 However, Father Appiano Buonafede, a fierce adversary of Baretti, whom he derided in his collection of short stories // hue pedagogo (The Pedagogical Ox; with a twist on the pseudonym of Scannabue that Baretti adopted in the Frusta], charged Baretti precisely with that frenzied side of Swift that his opponent had rejected: among the objects that the 'Ox' brings back from his journey there is, in fact, also 'a bundle of Swift's frenzies' ('un involto delle frenesie di Swift'; Pagetti 1971, 48).32 On a less polemical level, Swift is conjured up as a gallant satirist, cognate to Rabelais, and as a master of the moral bagatelle, by Saverio Bettinelli, who calls him affectionately 'il mio Swift' ('my Swift') in his Lettere inglesi (English Letters, 1766) (Bonora 1969, 712, 726, 755).33

30 'Che egli [Voltaire] limasse il suo stile critico in prosa sulle opere di Swift [non occorre diffondersi]' (Denina 1768, 2: 232). Denina names Swift, together with Tillotson, Shaftesbury, Temple, and Addison, as a master of prose style (2: 215). It is possible that Denina read Johnson's Life of Swift (Denina 1768, 2: 206). 31 The context of this critique is a passage in which Baretti scolds the literary historian for not possessing a first-hand knowledge of English literature, instructing him not to trust the biased opinion of Englishmen on their own literature: 'Few Englishmen would confess that Milton's blank verse annoys much . . . that Spenser's metre is very boring, that Pope is excessively elegant and epigrammatic . . . and that Swift had always a part of his imagination besmeared with dung' ('Pochi inglesi vogliono confessare che i versi sciolti di Milton seccano alquanto . . . che il metro di Spenser e nojosissimo; pochi che Pope e troppo ricercato e troppo epigrammatico; e pochi che Swift aveva un lato della fantasia imbrattato sempre di stereo'). 32 Il hue pedagogico was printed in Lucca in 1764; see also Baretti 1732, 2: 375. 33 Bettinelli's poem Le Raccolte (1757) takes its inspiration from Pope's Dunciad, Boileau's Le Lutrin and The Battle of the Books, of which sometimes he reproduces

28

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

Significantly, Swift was discussed by Pietro Verri in the first issue of the Milanese journal H Gaffe (issued between 1764 and 1766), possibly the most important periodical of the Italian illuminismo. Verri described the objective of the Caffe as 'doing our country as much good as we can, providing our fellow countrymen with useful instructions and amusing them at the same time, as elsewhere did Steele, Swift, Addison, Pope and others' (K Caffe 1998, 11). Swift, then, became an example of the new journalism that helped create the premise of a new republic of letters and a rational, democratic public opinion.34 Nevertheless, the Caffe never provided a discussion, not even a short one, of Swift's works, apart from marginal remarks on the island of Laputa, on Lilliput, and on the writing of almanacs (// Caffe 1998, 174, 317, 297). In their correspondence, the Verri brothers make similar allusions to Swift: in a letter of 9 October 1773, Pietro wrote to Alessandro about the project of the Caffe, with words reminiscent of the 'Introduction': 'I remember when Biffi thought it wrong we declared that we meant to imitate Pope, Swift, Adgson [sic] etc., almost as if that aim of ours was too daring.'35 Before H Caffe, the Venetian Gaspare Gozzi, in his Gazzetta Veneta (Venetian Gazette, 1760—61), had already referred to Swift as an exemplary gazetteer; later, in the 'Introduction' to his // Sognatore Italiano (The Italian Dreamer, 1768), he praised Swift and Steele for spreading knowledge and culture in England ('a philosophical country') through their periodicals (Berengo 1962, 317).36 Gozzi was a fierce adversary of philosophical abstraction, erudite discourses, and scholastic niggles: his idea of a true philosophy based on the observation of everyday life, an easy-going morality, and benevolent satire owes much to Addison and Steele's philosophy in the coffee-house. Asking his readers for their own contributions to his gazette, Gozzi says 'the readership must spontaneously supply me with the fodder [for the gazette], as in past times the readership supplied Addison, Swift, Steele and

34

35

36

entire passages almost verbatim ('some of those ideas are taken from Swift', Bettinelli admits); Pagetti provides an analysis of the poem (1971, 100—11). A short excerpt from the Battle was translated by Melchiorre Cesarotti in his Ragionamento preliminare storico-critico (Preliminary Historical and Critical Essay to his Translation of Homer's Iliad, 1794); Cesarotti 1802, 6: 200-01. In an essay on the 'Defects of Literature and their Causes' ('Dei difetti della letteratura e di alcune loro cagioni'), in the second book, paper 13, Alessandro Verri proposes to consider Addison, Swift, Hume and Montesquieu their models: 'They may be for us what the Greeks were for the Romans' ('Possono essere per noi quegli autori illustri cio ch'erano pe' Romani i Greci'; // Caffe 1998, 543). 'Io mi ricordo quando BifFi trovava male che avessimo detto che il fine nostro era d'imitare Pope, Swift, Adgson [sic] ecc. quasi che fosse il fine troppo ardimento in noi' (Verri 1910—42, 6:126). Giambattista BifFi was a friend of the Verris and contributor to the Caffe; he composed a work entitled Sentenze e memorie cavate dai classici Gred-Latini-Italiani-Francesi-Inglesi per sua istruzione (Maxims and Memoirs Taken from the Greek, Latin, Italian, French and English Classics for his Own Instruction) which never went to press. It contains a comparison between Swift and Horace that, according to Pagetti, was copied from Orrery (Pagetti 1971, 52). The authorship of II Sognatore has been attributed to Gozzi (Berengo 1962). Another article associates the Comte [sic] du Tonneau with the Spectator as the source of the gazetteer's articles (Berengo 1962, 327).

The Italian Reception of Swift

29

the other gazette writers, in whose tracks . . . I want to follow'.37 Together with Steele and Addison, Swift formed a pedigree of English authors who had produced the archetype and masterpiece to which Italian journalists constantly referred. Gozzi inaugurated this choice of foreign masters as he was convinced that it was useless to refer to Italian writers, who had never cared for disseminating knowledge among their fellow citizens (Romagnoli 1998, xvi).38 Other Venetian journals published during the last three decades of the century took an interest in Swift, as, for instance, Domenico Caminer's L'Europa Letteraria (Literary Europe, 1768—73), whose articles were mostly translated from the Mercure de France, and which, in the hands of his daughter Elisabetta and the Abbe Alberto Fortis, became one of the more radically Voltairian papers of the time (Berengo 1962, LII—LIII). Swift is mentioned in the September 1768 issue, where the Dean is recommended to the reading public, in the October 1768 issue, where the Abbe Coyen's work on the Patagonians is compared to Gulliver's Travels, and in a later review of Pelli's Nuovi dialoghi italiani de' morti (New Italian Dialogues of the Dead), whose tenth imaginary dialogue has Swift and Paolo Sarpi confute one another (Pagetti 1971, 58—59). Also Antonio Piazza, the editor of the Gazzetta Urbana Veneta, had a fundamental role in shaping Swift's fortunes in Venice (Pagetti 1971, 60). He names Swift cursorily in his miscellany L'ozio ingannato tra legare del diletto e dell'utile (Leisure Killed in the Contests between Pleasure and Duty), but devotes a few issues of his Gazzetta to refer to episodes in the life of the Dean which he might have taken from other (French) journals (Pagetti 1971, 60), or from Hawkesworth's biography (Colombo 1965, 64). In the 16 February 1788 issue, Piazza explains why the 'famous Dr Jonathan Swift . . . despite the cheerfulness of most of his works, has always been considered a melancholy, odd, and bizarre character'; according to Piazza, Swift was the son of Temple, and he married Stella, without knowing that she was his sister: 'born of the same father, they realized it too late'. Swift's 'oddities', Piazza continues, did not grow from the Hanoverian Succession that marred his career: 'the need to part with his beloved Stella 'was to him a pain a thousand times more excruciating than giving up his career expectations'.39 Other

37

38

39

~ Q

'II pubblico dee spontaneamente somministrarmi di che impinguarla, come somministrava un tempo materia all'Addisson [sic], allo Swift, allo Steel [sic], e agli altri gazzettieri, dietro alle cui tracce . . . intendo andare'; Gozzi 1957, 317. On Gozzi and the Spectator see Colombo 1966, 123—62. Other references to Swift (to Gulliver's Travels) are in the Gazzetta Veneta of 15 October 1760, and in another of Gozzi's periodicals, L'Osservatore Veneto, of 18 August 1762 (Pagetti 1971, 57— 58). In the 15 October 1760 issue of the Gazzetta Veneta, Gozzi proposes a comparison between Marivaux's play and Gulliver's Travels (Gozzi 1957, 305); according to Pagetti, he does not seem to understand the real relationship between the two works (Pagetti 1971, 57). 'II famoso Dottore Jonathan Swift ... malgrado 1'estrema giocondita diffusa nella maggior parte delle sue Opere, passo sempre per un carattere melanconico, singolar e bizzarre'; 'Nati 1'uno e 1'altra da un medesimo Padre lo seppero troppo tardi'; 'la necessita di rinunziare alia diletta sua Stella, fu per esso lui rnille volte piu

30

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

anecdotes of Swift's life are narrated in subsequent issues: on 13 February 1793, Piazza alludes to Swift's friendship with Harley and his staunch support of the Tories, his helping Congreve to maintain a position at Court, and his benevolence towards the Irish poor. In order to let his readership better know Swift's 'mind', Piazza provides them with a prose translation of the Description of a City Shower and the Description of the Morning, in which he notices a witty tone of drollery that redeems the grotesque triviality of the images. This leads him to call Swift the 'Callot of English poetry'.40 Elsewhere, Piazza repeats Voltaire's famous dictum on Swift as a more polite and sober-minded Rabelais ('Rabelais dans son bon sens, et vivant en bonne compagnie'),41 thus reinforcing the interpretation both of his 'noble' personality and of his 'graceful' style ('the graceful and witty Englishman', as the anonymous reviewer of the Europa Letteraria called him).42 Piazza is likely to have been familiar with Hawkesworth's biography of Swift either directly or in the Italian translation issued in 1768 by the Florentine Francesco Vanneschi, and printed with the title Vita del Dottore Gionata Swift Decano di San Patrizio in Dublino, celebre poeta e politico (The Life of Dr Jonathan Swift, Dean of St Patrick's, Dublin, Celebrated Poet and Politician; Teerink-Scouten 1359). The translation follows Hawkesworth's Life rather faithfully, with only the first two paragraphs being omitted, up to the narration of Swift's burial; the remainder of Hawkesworth's text (Hawkesworth 1766, 1: 56—71), a portrayal of some aspects of Swift's character, Vanneschi omits, to make room for the articulate essay that follows, Ragionamento istorico sopra il Dottore Swift da T.B. Irlandese per servire di supplemento alia sua vita (Historical Dissertation on Dr Swift by T.B., Irishman, Added to His Life). This long dissertation (more than 100 pages) may be considered the first 'Italian' critical essay on the Dean. The translation from Hawkesworth was important for the reception of Swift, because it plays down the antagonistic image spread by Orrery, especially in France ('le barbare Swift', Tinsensible Docteur'),43 but cannot be considered, strictly speaking, an Italian text. By contrast, the Ragionamento can. It is the translation of an English text by T.B., Thomas Barry, an Irish priest who had moved to Italy

40

41

42 43

amara del dolore di non poter isperare piu avanzamento;' Antonio Piazza, Gazzetta Urbana Veneta (1788), 16 February 1: 111. According to Graf (1911, 265) a translation of Cadenus and Vanessa appeared in Venice in 1767. 'In mezzo alle triviali irnmagini sparse in questa descrizione si trova un certo tono di facezia, una maniera di vedere gli oggetti e di dire cio che non s'avea ancora detto, che devono iscusare la grottesca del quadro;' Antonio Piazza, Gazzetta Urbana Veneta (1790), 14 August; 6: 518-30. 'II Dottore Swift e incontrastabilmente il Rabelais dell'Inghilterra: ma un Rabelais considerate nel suo buon senso.' Antonio Piazza, Gazzetta Urbana Veneta (1791), 19 November; 7: 741. 'II grazioso e arguto inglese' (Colombo 1965, 64). As noted above, BifFi knew and quoted from Orrery (note 31); also Bettinelli quotes Orrery in one of his Lettere inglesi (Bonora 1969, 726). The partiality of Orrery's letters is exposed by Vanneschi in his 'Foreword to the Reader' (Vanneschi 1768, 16).

The Italian Reception of Swift

31

and taken residence in a friary near Florence;44 its original manuscript had never been, and would never be, printed, and it is likely that Barry wrote it expressly to have it translated into Italian, having an Italian readership in mind. Barry clearly aims at promoting an Anglican author in a Catholic country,45 presenting him as a Catholic in his heart of hearts, a Protestant 'almost by accident rather than out of malice', 'leaning towards Catholicism rather than Calvinism'.46 Barry devotes some space to defending Swift from the accusations of impiety ensuing from the 'venom' contained in A Tale of a Tub, which, 'after it had been translated into French, was read by many in Italy too'; and offers an antidote to the Tales irreligious acrimony, thus vindicating the writer's good character, the ill repute of the book notwithstanding.47 According to Barry, 'if the Tale of a Tub trenchantly mock[ed] the Catholic Church and the whole of Christianity at the same time', Swift's satire backfired, so that he did not persist in his error, never wanted to be put on a par with the freethinkers, and 'never wanted to be acknowledged as the author of the Tale'.48 While Barry admits that Swift was 'one of the most biting satirists of his age', who preferred 'being harsh and useful (as physicians are) to being elegant and pleasing', and that a vein of 'ironic humour' ran through his works, he also insists that there was not a 'tinge of envy in his heart', and that 'he was a sincere and loving friend to those whom he believed worthy of his respect and affection'.49 In a paragraph dedicated to Swift's political character, Barry defends him from the allegations of Jacobitism ('he belonged to no party ... he was neither Whig, nor Tory, nor Jacobite, nor Republican'): Swift 'was 44

'Sig. Tommaso Barry Irlandese Sacerdote della Missione dimorante in Firenze nel Convento di S. lacopo sopr'Arno'. This piece of information is contained in the 45 Novelle Letterarie Pubblicate in Firenze (1770), 30: 326. On the Italian difficulty in accepting the Anglican religion, see Graf 1911, 39—45. 46 'uno di quei Protestanti, che sono tali per disgrazia, piu che per malizia'; 'quei Protestanti, il quali pendono piu verso il Cattolichismo, che verso il Calvinismo' (Vanneschi 1768, 98-99). 47 'E giacche questo libro, per essere stato tradotto in Lingua Francese, e letto da molti, anche in Italia, conviene awertirli brevemente del veleno ivi convenuto, somministrargli qualche antidote, e salvare cio non ostante il carattere dell'Autore' (Vanneschi 1768, 89-90). This is another piece of evidence that the Tale was widely read in Italy and was considered to be grossly irreligious. This opinion is expressed, for instance, in Giuseppe Pelli's Dialoghi dei morti, in which Sarpi accuses Swift of saying: 'Is your Tale of a Tub any better [than Sarpi's History of the Council of Trent which Swift had criticized in the preceding lines]? Your Warburton was of the opinion that, for what I know, with that work you mocked the essence of religion itself ('E la Favola della Botte vale qualcosa di piu? II vostro stesso Warburton e stato di parere, per quanto sento, che con tale Opera metteste in ridicolo 1'Essenza medesima della Religione'; Pagetti 1971, 319). 48 'Se dunque la Favola della Botte efficacemente mette in canzone la Religione Romana, e nell'istesso tempo il Cristianesimo tutto . . . egli non persevere lungo tempo nell'inganno . . . non voile mai essere riconosciuto per Autore della Favola della Botte' (Vanneschi 1768, 93-94). 49 'II Dottore Swift era uno dei satirici piu pungenti del suo tempo'; 'egli amava di essere piuttosto crudelmente giovevole, che elegantemente aggradevole (come un

32

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

able to sail in such a rough sea, like an experienced helmsman, without crashing into the rocks, falling into the whirlpools, or being drifted by the streams', although he was carried away by his zeal to exaggerate the misery and oppression of Ireland.50 In a long paragraph detailing 'Swift's excellence among English writers', Barry warns readers that 'several treatises of our author are based on a sustained irony which may be misinterpreted if read literally' and mentions the letter Swift wrote to Pope on 17 November 1726 (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, 3: 56) about an Irish bishop who declared he did not believe Gulliver's story to be true (this is the only instance in which Gulliver's Travels is mentioned; Vanneschi 1768, 138). As examples of Swift's irony, Barry quotes the Directions to Servants ('we laugh so amiably that the offenders are prompted to laugh at themselves, and blush'; Vanneschi 1768, 138), the two Description pieces published in the Taller, the Verses on his Own Death, the John Bull pamphlets ('written together with Dr Arbuthnot'; Vanneschi 1768, 144), and the too many 'scribbles' (here Barry quotes Warburton) on 'trivial' subjects which were not dignified enough for his pen ('tante cose di niun momento'; Vanneschi 1768, 140), but which his penchant for ' Vive la bagatelle made him enjoy nonetheless. Barry also examines three poems in which Swift violated the rules of propriety (The Lady's Dressing Room, A Beautiful Young Nymph, and Strephon and Chloe), and which he reads as caveats to disenchant young men about the excessive idealization of their beloved and of the condition of marriage.51 Swift's poetry Barry considers to be correct, elegant, and harmonious: 'If Swift had lived in the age of Augustus, no other poet would have better compared to Horace, for his genius, his talents, his witty and ironic humour, though he was less detached in his taste.'52 Barry proceeds to commend Swift's prose style, which he calls laconic, terse, and clear, and lists him, together with Addison and Steele, among the masters of English prose, as was commonplace in the Italian reception. After a long digression on the English constitutional and political system, Barry

50

51

52

medico)'; 'egli non aveva un sol carato d'invidia nel suo cuore, ed era un sincissimo e tenero arnico con chi egli credeva che meritasse la sua stima ed affetto' (Vanneschi 1768, 85-86, 78). 'Swift si, sapeva navigare da esperto Piloto in questo Oceano burrascoso, senza dare negli scogli, cadere nelle vortici, o lasciarsi trasportare dalle correnti'; 'il suo zelo lo trasportava ad esagerare alquanto le miserie e le oppressioni di quel Regno [Ireland]' (Vanneschi 1768, 125, 130). Barry mentions the Drapier's Letters and the Modest Proposal; the latter, he says, 'stirs up in human hearts horror for the oppression of the needy, tenderness for mankind, and the urge to find them the means that allows them to honestly procure their own sustenance' ('risveglia in cuori umani Forrore contro gli oppressor! dei bisognosi, la tenerezza verso la propria specie, e la premura di trovargli i mezzi di guadagnarsi onestamente il vitto'; Vanneschi 1768, 137). Barry, however, claims that Swift was not misogynist, though he sometimes used gross language or teasing expressions to portray women (Vanneschi 1768, 147). 'Se vissuto fosse Swift nel secolo di Augusto, niun altro si accosterebbe piu di lui ad Orazio, per il genio, e 1'estro, e 1'umore lepido, ed ironico, benche non era di gusto tanto riservato' (Vanneschi 1768, 150). However, Swift is not perfectly Horatian; according to Barry, he stands midway between Horace and Butler (154).

The Italian Reception of Swift

33

concludes Swift's life to have been exemplary of a pious and commendable Christian. It is difficult to judge how influential Vanneschi's translation was for the reception of Swift; Barry repeats some of the opinions that had become commonplace, such as Swift's mastery of English prose as well as the gross and acrid aspects of his satire that few Italians had previously discussed, yet adds a deep analysis of the Dean's irony. Till then, Italian critics had mostly reiterated their admiration for Swift's style, as did the Jesuit scholar and rhetorician Giovanni Andres, who, in his substantial, erudite, and successful history of world literature, Dell'origine, progress! e stato attuale d'ogni letteratura (Of the Origin, Developments, and Present State of All Literatures, 1782), drew on Hume's view that 'the first [English] polished prose . . . was written by ... the celebrated Swift' (Andres 1782, 3: 86).53 Andres calls Swift a 'pleasant and graceful writer', who 'dealt with political, ecclesiastical, and literary subjects, some seriously, the most part pleasantly, and all with great command': The plain and concrete way in which he expresses himself makes his serious works somewhat dry and austere, yet in his humorous and pleasant works this same plainness refines his elegant thoughts; his style flows freely, with no effort, no affectation, no redundancy, with spontaneous ease and fluency.''4 In his discussion of Swift's letters and sermons, Andres focuses on the Dean's wit and subtlety, his acumen and judiciousness, all 'combined with an amiable artlessness and straightforwardness';55 he praises the poems, too, for the 'pleasing images that nobody would expect in those subject matters', but censures the low images and coarse diction that blemish the decorum of his compositions.56 The eighteenth-century fortune of Swift in Italy is appropriately summarized in the remarks of Matteo Borsa's Del gusto presente in letteratura italiana (Of the Present Taste in Italian Literature, 1784), a study of the decline of literary taste in Italy and its reasons. Although Borsa denies that there is room for satire in the Republic of Letters, he maintains that the false sublime affected by modern literature may be counterbalanced and fought by the 'ridicolo' ('ridicule', 'mockery') of those writers who, without offending any person or decency, criticize literary bathos. Borsa has the Scriblerus Club in mind, whose works he commends, including the Memoirs ofMartinus Scriblerus,

53

54

55 56

'La prima polita prosa .. . e stata scritta . . . dal celebre Swift'. Andres's work went into several reprints, was translated into Spanish between 1784 and 1806 and (the first volume) into French in 1805 (Battlori 1961). 'La semplice e positiva maniera, con cui s'esprime, rende i serj suoi scritti un poco aridi e duri; ma ne' giocosj e piacevoli la semplicita stessa da maggiore finezza a' graziosi de' suoi pensieri; senza studio, senza afFettazione, senza superfluita scorre liberamente il suo stile con ispontanea agevolezza e fluidita' (Andres 1782, 3: 140— 41). 'che lepidezza, che acume, che sottigliezza, che scherzi, che filosofia, tutto colla piu amabile naturalezza e semplicita!' (Andres 1782, 3: 192). 'piacevoli immagini che nessuno si sarebbe aspettate da tali materie' (Andres 1782, 2: 79, 214).

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The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

Pope's True Account of the revenge on Curll, the Narrative of Dr Norris, the Dunciad, and Gulliver's Travels. Borsa insists on Swift's polite and delicate style, attributing the Scriblerian Peri Bathous to him, whose spirit he invokes to correct the degeneracy of Italian letters. As Pagetti suggests, an author comparable to Swift to some extent may be found in Giuseppe Parini, whose poem 'II giorno' (The Day) and the hotch-potch Discorso sopra le caricature (Essay on Caricatures) partake of Swift's social satire, even though only indirectly since Parini is likely to have known the Italian translations of Gulliver's Travels along with Desfontaines's sequel (Pagetti 1971, 92—98). There were other works taking inspiration from Swift, such as Zaccaria Seriman's Viaggi di Enrico Wanton al Kegno delle Scimie e dei Cinocefali (Enrico Wanton's Travels to the Land of the Apes and the Dogsheads, 1749-64; Ortolani 1926, Pizzamiglio 1977, Quaglia 1983), Pier Jacopo Martello's Lo starnuto d'Ercole (Hercules' Sneeze; Natali 1929, 863), Pietro Chiari's L'uomo di un altro mondo (The Man from Another World; Pagetti 1971, 78—82), Carlo Gozzi's mock epic La Marfisa bizzarra (Weird Marfisa, 1772; Natali 1929, 1056), and Saverio Bettinelli's Le raccolte (The Collections, 1750; Pagetti 1971, 100-11), it is true, yet none of them achieved the type of reproductive reception characteristic of Desfontaines.57 The eighteenth-century reception of Swift shows that he had become a name in Italy. This did not necessarily mean direct knowledge of his works: writers and literati, especially those who simply mention his name and works in passing, may often have relied upon second-hand knowledge, through gazettes and reviews, and through French (and Italian, in the case of Gulliver's Travels) translations. However, many knew the Dean's works in English, too, and were able to produce a sensible, albeit limited, criticism of them, or even find inspiration in them. Whatever the case, Swift's was a lively and stimulating presence in the Italian literary panorama of the age. This cannot be said of the following century, though.58 II

The nineteenth century The nineteenth century saw the almost complete eclipse of Swift, especially in its first half. After Melchiorre Cesarotti's discussion and partial translation of the Battle of the Books (a two-page excerpt), which he looks upon as 'a bizarre and fanciful composition taking inspiration from Aristophanes and in a deliberately satirical and mock-Homeric style',59 in the 'Ragionamento 57

58 59

The only Italian instance of Gulliveriana is the Lezione su d'un vitello a due teste dell'Accademico delle Sdenze colle note di Lemuel Gulliver, which was printed in Naples in 1745, a mock-reply to a scientific essay by M. A. Ruberti on the monstrous head of a calf, and a satire on science, which imitates the description of the Academy of Lagado, and, as Jeanne K. Welcher and George E. Bush, Jr notice, 'shows a precise understanding of Swift's ideas and a clear reading of his satiric techniques' (1976, Ixi). The end of the century saw the translation of another short work, the Sermon on the Martyrdom of K. Charles I, nicely printed with parallel text (1793). 'un componimento bizzarramente fantastico sul gusto d'Aristofane e nello stile d'Omero reso ad arte satiricamente burlesco' (Cesarotti 1802, 200).

The Italian Reception of Swift

35

preliminare istorico-critico' (Preliminary Historical and Critical Essay, 1794) to his translation of the Iliad, discussions of Swift decrease dramatically. There are various reasons for this decline in the Italian interest in Swift. According to Pagetti (1971, 114), there was less room for satire in general, and for prose satire especially, in the literary taste of the early nineteenth century (which found its vehicle mainly in dialect poetry). The Romantic rejection of Neoclassicism, and of eighteenth-century aesthetics and standards of taste, implied the refusal of those authors not held as 'universal', and Swift was perhaps too topical not to be included in the demise of those standards (Pagetti 1971, 113). However, Swift was still prized by late Neoclassicists such as Michele Colombo (Pagetti 1971, 125-26), and Ottavio Alessandro Faletti, who, in his Delia Romanticomachia (Of the Fight with the Romantics, 1818), a disputation against the Romantics, upheld Swift as one of the few champions of 'the healthy classical doctrines' against 'the Romantic armies'.60 Yet the Romantic armies prevailed in the end, and Swift fell into oblivion. On a different level, the Jacobin Girolamo Boccalosi, in Dell'educazione democratica da darsi al popolo italiano (Of the Democratic Education with which the Italian People must be Provided, 1798) cherished Swift, Milton, Pope, Locke, and Addison, 'who used their own language, and who by their example exhort the Italians to write in their own national idiom'.61 Moreover, the conservative Accademia della Crusca also paid attention to Swift and translated his Proposal for Correcting, Improving and Ascertaining the English Tongue, publishing the Lettera di Gionata Swift al Milord Gran-Tesoriere dTnghilterra, Roberto Conte di Oxford e Mortimer, ossia Progetto per emendare, promuovere e perfezionare la lingua inglese (1815) together with the translation of Johnson's Preface to his Dictionary. The 'Awertenza' (Preface) speaks of Swift as a 'much celebrated' author, who is still 'considered to be the finest prose writer in England'.62 Another reason for the nineteenth-century decline of Swift's fortune is the ever-increasing success of Sterne's sentimental humour. The Sentimental Journey was translated by Ugo Foscolo, who provided Italy with a masterpiece of prose and set the tone for the long-standing preference for Sterne's amiable humorism over Swift's 'salty wit', as Algarotti had called it. Throughout his works, Foscolo only occasionally alludes to Swift, especially in his Atti dell'Accademia de' Pitagorici (Acts of the Pythagorean Academy), which was partly inspired by the Peri Bathous that Borsa had attributed to Swift, in Dydymi Chierici Prophetae Minimi Hypercalypseos Liber Singularis in the letters written from England, where he lived for a long time; and in the Essay on the Present Literature of Italy (written in 1818), in which he compares Parini's II Giorno with Swift's Directions to Servants (Foscolo 1981, 1433). Nevertheless, Sterne remains his pole star, as later he will be the pole star of the Scapigliati writers Carlo Bini, Ugo Tarchetti, and Carlo Dossi.

6t

61 62

'la sana dottrina classica' (Bellorini 1943, 366). 'i buoni scrittori in lingua propria, col cui esempio va esortando gli Italian! a scrivere nel proprio idioma nazionale' (Cantimori and De Felice 1964, 158). 'risguardato tuttora dall'Inghilterra come il piu fmo tra' suoi Scrittori di prosa', Lettera di Gionata Swift (1815, IV).

36

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

Apart from a fleeting reference in an essay on Manzoni by Paride Zajotti (Zajotti 1827),63 and two short remarks in the journal // Condliatore (no 60, 6 June 1819, and no 112, 26 September 1818), Swift disappeared from the Italian scene.64 He only reappeared in the 1840s, when Gulliver's Travels was translated twice, both translations being printed in Milan. The first, Viaggi di Gulliver: Narrati da G. Swift (1840) is the work of an unidentified D. (probably Dr) L.M., and is presented, in the rather odd short preface (where the book is put on a par with gothic novels), as the first translation of Swift's masterpiece. The Preface fails to mention the Venetian version, whether out of ignorance or calculation is impossible to say, and also avoids acknowledging Desfontaines as its own source. A comparative analysis of the 1840 Viaggi and Desfontaines's Voyages shows that the Milanese translator used the French text throughout. For instance, the passage in the first book in which Gulliver puts out the fire in the Lilliputian imperial palace (I, v, 9) is taken verbatim from Desfontaines: as in Desfontaines, the word Burglum becomes Burgum; the maid of honour fell asleep not 'reading a Romance' but reading a Blefuscudian poem ('un poema blefuscudese', 'une Poeme Blefuscudien); likewise, Gulliver's regret for having only his leather jerkin rather than his coat with him is omitted; and in the fact that the Blefuscudians call the Glimigrim wine Flunec is misinterpreted as a wine from a province of Blefuscu ('glimigrim, vino bianco che proviene da una provincia di Blefuscu , 'un vin-blanc appelle Glimigrim, qui vient d'une Province de Blefuscu1). Finally, the fact that the palace 'had cost so many Ages in erecting' becomes 'had cost enormous sums of money' ('aveva costate somme immense'; 'avoit coute des sommes immenses'). Eventually, Italy too had its version of (an unacknowledged) Desfontaines. At least, the 1840 translation acknowledges Swift as the author of the Travels and does not further the confusion between the author and the narrator. What Italy had been lacking up to that point was a direct translation of Gulliver's Travels from English. Gaetano Barbieri put it right with his Viaggi di Gulliver nelle lontane Regioni, per Gionatan Swift, published in Milan by Stella in 1842 (with Grandville's plates). Barbieri knew English well and was aware of the bowdlerizations of Desfontaines's version, which had been so widely read and used by so many foreign translators. From Sir Walter Scott's biography, prefixed to his 1814 edition of Swift's works, which Barbieri translated and abridged as 'Nota biografica' to the Viaggi, he learned of Desfontaines's detestation of those aspects of the Travels that contravened the rules of ban gout as well as his omissions of 'trivialities' and alterations of the original text. If Scott still found Desfontaines's translation acceptable ('tollerabile'), Barbieri takes care to inform the reader that Swift did not like the Frenchman's 'solicitude' and was loath to accept his apologies (1842, xxx). In a note on

63

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'Del romanzo in generale ed anche del Promessi Sposi, romanzo di Alessandro Manzoni' (Of Novels in General and of The Betrothed, a Novel by Alessandro Manzoni); Swift's works are quoted as classics of the humorous novel (Zajotti 1982, 196-97). No 112 of H Condliatore mentions Swift as an admirer and imitator of Andrew Marvell's prose.

The Italian Reception of Swift

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Nouveau Gulliver, Barbieri informs the reader that a French critic compared it to the Telemaque and adds: '[He] was too generous towards his countryman . . . I would rather find its forerunner in the Vita di Guerino detto il Meschino' (a prolix fifteenth-century chivalric romance).65 This is tantamount to a dismissal of Desfontaines's and his followers' translational strategies: Barbieri wanted to be as faithful as possible to his original and respectful towards the equivalence of the two languages. In his notes, he shows his command of English, and though his version presents some periphrastic renderings and bowdlerizes words which he must have taken to be offensive (Barbieri is compelled to agree with Desfontaines's recoiling at Swift's impropriety: 'I think that politeness would forbid a modest modern author from going with his readers into sordid details'), it is generally very accurate as far as it goes.66 Its most glaring flaw is the omission of Book Four, without any explanation on the translator's or the publisher's parts. Even so, Barbieri's translation, along with its notes (often taken from Hawkesworth; 1842, 143, 285, 318, 323), and Scott's biographical introduction, partly redeemed the dearth of interest in Swift shown by nineteenth-century literary critics. Other editions oflviaggi di Gulliver appeared (eleven between 1864 and 1899), it is true, but all of them were abridged (most editions contained the first two voyages, one only the Voyage to Brobdingnag: 1864; see Pagetti 1971, 152). All these abridged translations catered for a new readership, of course: children. Thus Gulliver's Travels became a classic of children's literature in Italy, too. The title of Treves's edition of Viaggi di Gulliver reads: 'translated from English and abridged for children' ('ad uso dei fanciulli'; 1876); the Paravia edition (the first voyage only) was explicitly designed for young students of English, and was provided with explanatory notes by its editor, C. Allario, who bowdlerizes heavy-handedly and, as Pagetti notices, 'produces an inversion of literary values: Gulliver's Travels is no longer a book also for children, it is a book also for adults' (Pagetti 1971, 154). The shortened edition (the first two voyages) published by Sonzogno (1883), and especially the translation by Luigi De Marchi, published by Hoepli (a very fortunate one, running various reprints until 1946; 1892), 'also' tried to address an adult readership, yet the majority of these abridgements confirm that Gulliver's Travels was downgraded to mere children's literature, 'along with the Fairy Tales and the Robinsons' (1892, xii),67 and deserved the tirade that Aldo Valori would launch against these 'thin booklets' ('smilzi libretti'; 1913, ix). Needless to say, Swift's other works were totally neglected, both by translators and critics.

65

66

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'Quello scrittore e stato troppo generoso verso il suo concittadino ... io lo avrei piu volentieri cercato [il suo tipo] nella Vita di Guerino detto il Meschino' (1842, xxx). 'Credo che la buona creanza non permetterebbe ad un dilicato autore moderno 1'entrare co' suoi leggitori in certi nauseosi particolari' (1842, xxx). Sometimes, Barbieri changes Swift's indirect into direct speeches (see Pagetti 1971, 135). De Marchi 'manipulates rather nonchalantly the original text . . . and even inserts a new character, entirely invents a character, Dr Aquilino, who has the function of summing up the moral of Gulliver's adventures' (Pagetti 1971, 156).

38

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

While the critics were mostly absorbed in Sternean humour, late nineteenth-century criticism, besides, fell under the influence of Thackeray's disparaging reading of Swift as 'a monster gibbering shrieks, and gnashing imprecations against mankind' and of his works as 'filthy in words, filthy in thought, furious, raging, obscene', paving the way to what Pagetti acutely calls the 'Lombrosian' interpretation. Thackeray's essay was translated into Italian and printed in a series of essays on humorists, edited by one of the first Italian scholars of English literature, Eugenic Camerini (Thackeray 1865). Thackeray also had an impact on the angliciste Enrico Nencioni, who in his essay 'L'umorismo e gli umoristi' ('On Humour and Humorists') repeated the commonplace preference for Sternean benevolence over the Swiftian 'cold sneer' (Nencioni 1884), although he grants Swift's satire a sentiment of 'indulgence' that is typical of humorism. Elsewhere, reviewing the Irish Tracts, Nencioni seems to appreciate the social reasons for this 'cold and cruel sarcasm', this 'gloomy laughter and frantic quiver' (Nencioni 1888). Giorgio Arcoleo has more room for Swift in his study on 'L'umorismo nell'arte moderna' ('Humorism in Modern Art', 1885), where in five pages he goes over several writings and judges them rather severely, again from a Thackerayan standpoint, as the work of a solitary giant striking against the great men of the world (Arcoleo 1929, 2:150). Swift's humour, according to Arcoleo 'as peculiar as his character and as turbid as his life', is powerful in so far as it is kept within an allegorical and fantastic form, but his 'hatred against everybody gradually became contempt and indifference. In this last stage, humour took the form of poetry, but of an emotionless, cold, harsh poetry, as fate is, and as his soul was'.68 Characteristically, for Arcoleo, the Swiftian 'tempest' was followed by the tranquillity of moonlight, Laurence Sterne (Arcoleo 1929, 154). The hermeneutical lenses, then, through which Swift was judged at the end of the century, were his corrosive satire (the 'satiric vinegar' of which the German writer and critic Jean Paul Richter talks, who, as a Sternean humourist, probably influenced the Italian critics),69 and his 'turbid' personality, seen through the darkening glasses of Thackeray. The Scapigliati writers adopted the former view, particularly Carlo Dossi, who in his Note azzurre (Blue Notes) shows his admiration for Swift, especially for the Tale of a Tub and the Tritical Essay, but also his resolute preference for Sterne (Pagetti 1971, 148—50). The latter interpretation, the biographical-'Lombrosian', found its champion in Andrea LoForte-Randi, who in a long essay on Swift, contained in his / Pessimisti (The Pessimists, 1902), discards the humour-vssatire framework in favour of a more 'philosophical' approach, seeing Swift as 68

69

'La forma umoristica di Swift e singolare come il suo temperamento, ha del torbido come la sua vita'; 'L'umore si rivela potente in Swift, fmche persiste nella forma allegorica e fantastica' . . . . L'odio contro tutti si trasformo poco a poco in disprezzo, divenne indifferenza: in quest'ultimo stadio 1'umore prese aspetto di poesia, ma senza emozioni, fredda, rigida, come il destine, come 1'anima sua' (Arcoleo 1929, 150-52). Jean Paul influenced Nencioni, as well as the playwright Luigi Pirandello. In his essay L'umorismo (1908), Pirandello disagreed with Arcoleo and Nencioni, upholding Swift as a master of melancholy humorism. Also to him, though, Sterne was the greatest humorist of all. (Nencioni 1909, 185—86).

The Italian Reception of Swift

39

a modern pessimist in a tradition inaugurated by La Rochefoucauld, and as a precursor of Schopenhauer. LoForte-Randi combines positivist with decadent readings of Swift's personality and sees his work as the product of an abnormal and unsound mind that looked for satirical retaliation ('rappresaglia') against humankind: 'Swift was a greatly unhappy person because he lacked any ideals and, consequently, was devoid of any enthusiasm.'70 In LoForte-Randi's view, Swift's misery was due to his not being 'a whole man' ('un uomo intero'), to his impotence, that is, which moved his basest instincts and hatred for humankind ('a herd of children and idiots'), because he himself felt excluded from the society of man ('fuori 1'umanita'). Swift's impotent and retaliatory drive explains, according to LoForte-Randi, the 'cannibalism' of A Modest Proposal (no normal man who one day will be a father, he held, would ever conceive such butchery). Gulliver's Travels is the supreme result of that mixture of unhappy sarcasm and impotence, and as its satiric sting was directed against specific people, after their death, the satire died away leaving an inoffensive subject-matter that could easily be taken for children's literature. LoForte-Randi is far from considering Gulliver's Travels a work for children; to him, Swift's masterpiece is a sort of topsy-turvy Divine Comedy. In fact, while in Dante the allegory of man's pilgrimage ends with his being close to God (Tuomo s'indta'), in Swift the allegory ends with the ugly portrait of the Yahoo in which man becomes a beast (Tuomo simbestia'; LoForte-Randi 1902, 118). The Yahoos, LoForte-Randi concludes, are Swift's ultimate retaliation against humankind, man's pretensions of humanity appearing to him as a 'monstrous pack of lies', a mask under which a monster is hidden, the Yahoo. Despite this extreme, naive determinism that looks for a quasi-medical explanation when he should have dealt with aesthetics, LoForteRandi showed a genuine interest in Swift's personality and work (he also translated A Modest Proposal, and appended it to his book; 153—57), which rescued the Dean from his nineteenth-century confinement to the 'realm of fairy tales' and projected him towards the new century that had just begun.

Ill The twentieth century The beginning of the twentieth-century Italian reception was marked by the gradual dismissal of psychological and phrenological explanations to make room for a more comprehensive interpretation of Swift and his works. Furthermore, the renewed interest of Italian literature in satiric forms paved the way for the study and the translation of a wider variety of works. Gulliver's Travels continued and continues to receive most of the attention from both critics and publishers. The industry of transforming Gulliver's Travels into a classic for children carried on well into the century, in some instances producing poor quality, in others with good or at least satisfactory results as, for example, Fanciulli's version, published in 1914, which was regularly reprinted until very recently, or Ugolini's and Giussani's adaptations (1937a 70

'Swift fu un grande infelice perche senza ideali e percio senza entusiasmi' (LoForte-Randi 1902, 19).

40

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

and b; 1953). Most versions are abridgements, in which the text is 'dismembered', almost always deprived of the fourth book with its misanthropic message hardly palatable to the Catholic educational viewpoint (Pagetti 1971, 232). In this process, Gulliver's Travels was literally split into two works, one playful and fabulous, and therefore fit for children, and the other satiric, and therefore to be expunged (Bitelli 1946; Battistelli 1947, 10-11), although some pedagogues did not fail to notice that the 'allegorical approach' of the book does not produce an 'eudemonist moral' and does not necessarily commend itself as children's literature (Santucci 1942; Lugli 1960, 104; Valeri and Monaci 1961, 234-35; also Pagetti 1971, 230-39). Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, we remember, there was no complete translation of Gulliver's Travels into Italian: Barbieri's version was limited to the first three books, and the other versions were derivative. In 1913, however, a new translation of the full text by Aldo Valori appeared (I viaggi di Gulliver. Prima versione integrate italiand). In a long introduction, Valori inveighs against the 'asininity' of publishers and readers who (mis)took the Travels as a work for children, 'an extravagant, imaginative, innocuous novel based on a funny plan devoid of any profundity', and mutilated and maimed (Valori says 'castrate', literally 'gelded') it into a thin booklet, whereas in fact it deserves to be placed 'in the library of all intelligent people, next to the Homeric poems, the Divine Comedy, Shakespeare's dramas, between Don Quixote and The Betrothed1 ^ Valori repeats the nineteenth-century cliche of Swift as the 'cyclopic genius and pathologically emotional man, a monstrous being, in whom, little by little, the heart and the brain grew excessively at the expense of each other, without ever agreeing': 'Swift was always an unhappy man.'72 Valori deserves credit for separating the author from the narrator (1913, xxii) and for attempting a structural analysis of the novel that aims at measuring the progressively satiric import of the four voyages. Having destroyed the claims of science (the pride of the Age of Reason) in the third voyage, Valori observes, Swift could have finished his pessimistic work; instead, in the fourth book, Swift launches an attack against the ultimate myth of the eighteenth century, that of the natural man (ante litteram: Valori explicitly means Rousseau's apology of the instinctive man who is a law unto himself): 'Swift seems to have foreseen the last attempt made by [eighteenth-century] optimism to get its own back, and fights his last battle against the man of nature . . . . The "primitive man", unrefined and unspoilt by civilization,

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'L'asinita degli editor! e del pubblico e stata fin ad oggi tale, che il Gulliver ha potato passare per un libro da bambini, per un romanzetto fantasiosi ed innocuo fondato sopra una simpatica trovata priva di profondita . . . venne sempre sconciamente castrato e dimezzato, tanto che . . . si trasformava in uno smilzo libretto ... [lo] spero che ... prendera il posto che gli spetta nella biblioteca di tutte le persone intelligent!, vicino ai poemi omerici, alia Commedia, ai drammi di Shakespeare, fra il Don Chisciotte e i Promessi Sposi' (1913, ix-x). 'Un genio ciclopico insieme e morbidamente sensibile . . . un essere mostruoso in cui volta a volta, il cervello ed il cuore si accresc[o]no smisuratamente a spese 1'uno dell'altro, senza mai accordarsi ... il Swift resta un infelice' (1913, xi—xii).

The Italian Reception of Swift

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becomes, in his tale, the most sordid and filthiest creature.'73 Eventually, Valori adds, Gulliver and Swift coincide 'in the utmost truth of the fiction' ('in una suprema realta di finzione'): Gulliver's return to, and rejection of, human society rises to the tragic dimension of 'a great autobiographical confession not by the fictional hero, but the real author' (1913, xxxiii). Like Gulliver, Swift underwent complex vicissitudes . . . he fought against giants and was beaten by dwarfs; he witnessed all sorts of oddities and mistakes in the British Laputa, and tried to warn, in vain; he received, for a short while, the revelation of wisdom, which he then lost . . . he grew old as his hero, far from a society he abhorred . . . then he published his cautionary book, without kidding himself, as his protagonist does, that mankind would grow better thanks to it . . . his last words are as bitter as ever came from the bottom of man's heart: they mean renunciation, for ever.74 Unfortunately, Valori's translation is not entirely up to this intelligent understanding of the work: he twists the syntax of his original, uses unnecessary paraphrases, and inserts words that are not in the text. According to Giovanni Papini, who praises the publisher's decision to print the whole text (all other publishers kept shortening it, as Vallardi did in 1912; 1912), the translation is not so elegant as it claims to be (nor is it 'repugnant', he adds), far from being perfect, and 'apparently, not made from the English text' (Papini 1916, 297); Pagetti (1971, 176) even suspects that it is based on a French translation (wrongly attributing this suspicion to Papini). Valori did work with at least Desfontaines's version before him: some passages reveal affinities between his and the Frenchman's texts, even if in many other cases Desfontaines's presence is not visible. For instance, in the fire episode in Book One, Valori claims that the Palace 'had cost an enormous fortune' ('era costato enormi fortune') following Desfontaines's misreading ('avoit coute des sommes immenses'), that the maid of honour was reading a 'Blefuscudian romance' ('romanzo blefuscudiano'), mixing the original ('un romanzo') with Desfontaines's 'Poeme Blefuscudien', and that he had drunk the Glimigrim wine that 'comes from the province of Blefuscu' ('proveniente da una provincia di Blefuscu'}, Desfontaines's interpolation ('qui vient d'une Province de Blefuscu'), but adding that there it was called Flunec, which Desfontaines omitted (still Valori erases the original's 'but ours is esteemed the better Sort') (1913, 57—

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"II Swift sembra presagire quest'ultimo tentative di rivincita dell'ottimismo e combatte contro I'uomo della natura la sua ultima battaglia . . . . L' "uomo primitive" non rafHnato e non guastato dalla civilta diventa nel suo racconto la piu sozza e indecente fra tutte le creature' (1913, xxx—xxxi). 'Anch'egli e passato attraverso awenture complicate . . . ha combattuto dei giganti ed e stato sconfitto dai nani; ha assistito, ammonendo invano, ad ogni sorta di stranezze e d'errori nella Laputa britannica; ha avuto, per un momento, la rivelazione della saggezza che poi gli e sfuggita . . . egli invecchia come il suo eroe, lontano dalla societa che aborre . . . . E allora egli pubblica il suo libro ammonitore, ma senza illudersi, come il suo protagonista, che 1'umanita se ne serva per migliorarsi: le sue ultirne parole fra le piu arnare che siano sgorgate dal cuore d'un uomo, significance rinuncia, per sempre (1913, xxxvii).

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The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

58). Elsewhere, however, Desfontaines is fortunately far from sight; the Brobdingnagian episode involving the maids of honour is translated in full, as are the long parts of that and the previous chapters that Desfontaines so wretchedly cut out. By contrast, the clyster scene in Lagado (III, v, 11) again demonstrates that Valori used Desfontaines to fortify his translation, inasmuch as he calls the 'Bellows' used by the physician 'clistere a vento', Desfontaines's (for once) felicitous invention ('clystere de vent'), and explains that Gulliver's 'Conductor' (which Valori embellishes with 'cicerone', while Desfontaines has a simple equivalent, 'Conducteur') ushers him into the physician's room 'con molta opportunita', a clumsy rendering effort a propos' (which is not in the original). Otherwise, Valori sticks to the original much more closely than Desfontaines, reintegrating some unwelcome details the latter omitted (for instance, the Bellows are inserted 'eight Inches', 'otto pollici', up the patient's anus, where the French had simply 'dans') (1913, 237—38; see also Bouce 2003, 385). To sum up, it is likely that Valori had his eyes on both the English text and Desfontaines's (and possibly other versions), that he used the French to render some difficult passages and to embellish his own version, and that he followed the French hypotactic syntax and punctuation instead of the more paratactic English. Other works of Swift's were eventually translated, too. After LoForteRandi's translation of A Modest Proposal (1902, 153-57) in 1909, Giuseppe Prezzolini, the influential literary critic and editor of La Voce, translated some of Swift's shorter prose under the title Libelli (Pamphlets), a collection including A Modest Proposal, An Argument against Abolishing Christianity in England, A Meditation upon a Broomstick, The Art of Political Lying, some excerpts from A Tale of a Tub (the history of the three brothers), and A Full and True Account. This last work Prezzolini entitles 'Una vera fedel narrazione di quel che awenne in Firenze' (A True and Faithful Account of what Happened in Florence), and in his foreword, 'Sul modo di tradurre Swift' ('On the Way of Translating Swift'), admits that his translation is deliberately 'inaccurate' ('infedele') in the sense that all topicalities were adapted to a new cultural environment (Florence instead of London, etc.): 'Why should one say in a note that Loisters was a renowned London tavern, that Newgate was a famous prison, when well-known names of fashionable restaurants, and of prisons as illustrious as those restaurants, exist in Italy too?'75In his Preface, which according to Pagetti is the starting point of twentieth-century criticism of Swift in Italy (1971, 172), Prezzolini shows himself less interested in psychological interpretation ('not because we still know little [of him], but because perhaps we know too much'),76 concentrating on Swift's ideas (that man was mad, or 'worse than mad, he was still a beast, an irrational beast'; that 'geniuses [are] lucky madcaps'; that true happiness, as in A Tale of a Tub, lies in the 'Serene Peaceful State of being a Fool among Knaves'; 1909, 9-11), as

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'Perche mai dire in nota che Loister era una celebre osteria di Londra, e Newgate una famosa carcere, quando nomi conosciutissimi di restaurants alia moda e di carceri non meno illustri dei restaurants esistono anche in Italia?' (1909, 19). 'Non perche si sappia ancora troppo poco; anzi, forse perche si sa troppo' (1909, 3).

The Italian Reception of Swift

43

well as narrative strategies, such as the ability to relate his stories in a 'realistic', 'accurate', and 'dignified' style, consisting of'irony and precision, ruthless and icy calm, unperturbed rage'. Prezzolini's oxymoronic observations abandon the romantic-decadent image of Swift as a mad, impotent titan in order to favour the appreciation of 'a practical Englishman, suffering from philosophical spleen'.77 Some years later, Papini (co-editor, with Prezzolini, of La Voce), in his review of Valori's translation, followed suit, finding in Gulliver's Travels the ability to build a marvellous allegory without resorting to an 'absurd mythology', without the least 'trace of unlikelihood'. A propitious year for Swift's reception was 1913. It saw the publication of Adolfo Faggi's essay on the relationship between Gulliver's Travels and Mandeville's Fable of the Bees, which, despite some reservations on Swift's 'excessive' satire, deserves credit for contextualizing the 'novel' within English cultural and political history (Faggi was to carry on his work in two further articles, in 1924 and 1931). The year after, Giovanni Rabizzani, the outstanding student of Sterne, devoted an article to Swift that reversed the favourable views of Prezzolini, Valori, and Papini. To Rabizzani, Swift lacks imagination and morality, and Gulliver's Travels is nothing but an extravagant affectation of pessimism (of which children are to stay clear; Rabizzani 1914). A less propitious year for Italian history, 1922, was still auspicious for Swift's fortune: Piero Rebora published the first Italian monograph entirely dedicated to the Dean (the publisher, Angelo Formiggini, being the same who issued Valori's translation).78 Rebora starts his monograph with an axiom: 'The man Swift pales in front of the universal vitality of his hero ... . He had the bad luck of giving birth to the immortal figure of Captain Gulliver ... the highly humane Gulliver eventually replacing], in the memory and opinion of posterity, the inhuman Dean of St Patrick's (Rebora 1922, 7). Rebora follows LoForte-Randi's and other critics' interpretation of Swift's personality as the utmost pessimist, a stern, severe, terrible ('il terribile Decano'), practical man who was plagued by the demon of radical doubt, by the tragedy of philosophical and religious relativism. Unlike his nineteenth-century predecessors, however, Rebora does not pass a critical, sermonizing judgement on Swift, trying to contextualize his pessimism within his age, 'a faithless age, but labouring to find its faith; burning with an uneasy desire for logic, for precision, and clarity that became most acute in Swift'.79 While 77 78

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'Ironia ed esattezza; clama feroce e ghiacciata, impassibile ira'; 'pratico inglese ammalato di spleen filosofico' (1909, 16—17). Valori's translation appeared in the important series 'Classici del Ridere' (Classics of Humorism); the Jewish Formiggini committed suicide in 1938, when Mussolini passed the 'racial bill' against the Jews. On the day of his death, he left this note: 'Ne ferro ne piombo ne fuoco possono salvare la liberta, ma la parola soltanto. Questa il tiranno spegne per prima. Ma il silenzio dei morti rimbomba nel cuore dei vivi' ('Neither iron nor lead nor fire can protect freedom, only man's word can. This the tyrant banishes first. But the silence of the dead resounds in the hearts of the living'). 'Eta senza fede, ma in travaglio per conquistarne una; arsa da un inquieto bisogno di logica, di precisione, di chiarezza; bisogno che raggiunge la massima intensita in Swift' (Rebora 1922, 10).

44

The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

Rebora pays lip-service to the usual depreciation of Swift's satire in favour of Sterne's 'refined humour' (Rebora 1922, 12), his critical biography, which is based on Orrery, Delany, Sheridan, Scott, Forster, Craik and other nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century scholars, is more balanced than those initial propositions suggest, and often offers a historical and cultural context to refine the evaluation of Swift's life and writings. Among Swift's works, Rebora selects the Drapier's Letters as his 'political and polemical masterpiece', which gave him glory and reputation, the Battle of the Books, a juvenile work showing the 'wild independence of his original mind', and partially the Tale of a Tub, on which he endorses Edmund Gosse's opinion that it is the most perfect prose work in the English language (Rebora 1922, 40). At times, especially in the narration of Swift's relationship with women, LoForte-Randi's presence looms large, even though Rebora rejects his alluring determinism: 'Shall we turn to pathology to explain his behaviour [towards Stella]?' Rebora asks, 'Must we jump to the conclusion that Swift was a man manque, and explain his resentment with sexual deficiency? I do not think so.'80 He then proceeds to ascribe Swift's 'cold temper and boundless humour' to his being an Englishman, as the English had 'an admirable instinct for repressing the feelings and controlling the emotions that would bear fruit so admirably in the social and political fields'.81 In discussing Gulliver's Travels, Rebora contextualizes the 'novel' in both the travel tradition and Swift's Scriblerian activities, and proceeds to analyse each book. Like LoForte-Randi (and Macaulay before), he compares the Travels to Dante's Divine Comedy and divides it into two parts: the first two voyages, which are more dignified and serious, thanks to the 'almost banal nonchalance' with which the most absurd events are narrated, and the last two voyages, which form 'a hellish crescendo of misanthropic rage and satiric fierceness', so full of obscene language that 'Baretti was right when he said that Swift's imagination always showed a side besmeared with dung'.82 As Pagetti noticed (1971, 189), Rebora's Swift is eventually triumphant in spite of himself: in the transformation of his masterpiece into a work for children, the children's innocent laughter redeems the book's gloom and tames the 'ogre' that wanted to devour them — which for Rebora is another (if clumsy) way of affirming the superiority of art over pessimism, negation, and personal tragedy (Rebora 1922, 108—09). Rebora's merit lies in his knitting together the various biographical, cultural, and contextual trends of early Italian studies of Swift, showing also a better knowledge of the English critical tradition. As a result, the history of Swift's Italian fortune in the first twenty years of the century, Pagetti points out, is odd indeed: 'Presented as an impotent psychopath who writes to seek revenge, the 80

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'E' necessario ricorrere alia patologia per spiegare un tale atteggiamento? Dobbiamo concludere che Swift fosse un uomo mancato e spiegare certo suo livore con tale insufFicienza sessuale? Crediamo di no' (Rebora 1922, 34). 'quel mirabile istinto di repressione dei sentimenti e di controllo delle emozioni che doveva dare cosi mirabili risultati nel campo sociale e politico' (Rebora 1922, 34). 'Le ultime due parti costituiscono un crescendo infernale di furore misantropico, di ferocia satirica'; 'Aveva ragione il nostro Baretti quando diceva che la fantasia di Swift aveva sempre un lato imbrattato di stereo' (Rebora 1922, 89, 94—96).

The Italian Reception of Swift

45

Irish Dean eventually becomes an ogre who is tamed in spite of himself, and the harbinger of an almost Christian message' (Pagetti 1971, 190). During the twenty years of Fascist autarchy, the interest in foreign literatures waned, also affecting Swift studies, which, after the Dean's revaluation at the beginning of the century, seemed ready to bloom. Nonetheless, new translations were issued, a new monograph went to press, articles appeared in literary journals, not to mention the intense publication of new versions of Gulliver's Travels for children, as well as abridgements and annotated texts for school-pupils: an Apoteosi di Gulliver in 1920; then, the abridgements by Edoardo Mottini (1934a), by Cina Sacchi-Perego (1934b, 1934c, 1934d), by Maria Parisi (1934e), by Gherardo Ugolini (1937), by Verano Magni (1940). Likewise, the earlier abridgements by Fanciulli and De Marchi were reprinted several times. In 1928, Luigi Somazzi published his translation of the Directions to Servants (L'arte di derubare i padroni, Consigli ai domestici d'ambo i sesst), which he, in his introduction, equated with A Modest Proposal, finding that Swift got too much into the swing of his quip (1928a, 33). A far greater impact was achieved by Carlo Formichi's translation of Gulliver's Travels, first published by Mondadori in 1933(a), and subsequently reprinted over twenty times. Formichi's text is more accurate than any published before and may well be said to be the first Italian version of Gulliver's Travels based exclusively on the English original. Formichi shows an excellent command of the language, although he tends to mitigate the harshest passages and to soften the diction in order to strip the text of its satiric sting. Masolino d'Amico's revision of Formichi's translation later 'updated' the diction, but still preserved its overall gentle tone (1983, 21). Augusta Grosso Guidetti's version of Gulliver's Travels, on the other hand, is very disappointing: she butchers the last two books in an unacceptable way, all the more so since her text is not addressed to children, and since her decision to cut and condense whole chapters is based on the questionable assumption that these books are of inferior literary quality (1938). By contrast, L. Taroni's translation, published in 1934, though flat, is complete and annotated, and it reprints an abbreviated version of Scott's biographical introduction (1934f). Simultaneously, various presses published annotated English editions of Gulliver's Travels for schools, most of them abridged and adapted for children. Noteworthy is Georgina Vivanti's Voyage to Lilliput (1935; other versions are 1927,1928b, 1933b). This publishing strategy, which was carried on into the second half of the century, assumes that Swift's 'novel', when pruned of its immodest and unruly aspects, makes fit reading for pupils, and that its plain language represents a good starting point for learning English. Of course, more difficult passages, such as the nautical description at the beginning of Book Two, usually disappear; and the ironies and other complex rhetorical strategies are played down. Surprisingly, critics showed less interest in Swift than publishing houses. Esther Martini (Martini 1933) produced an unimpressive monograph, advocating a moralistic, almost prudish, interpretation. Tarquinio Vallese's more academic study of the English humorists (L'umorismo nella letteratura inglese, 1933) repeats the routine opinion of Swift's lack of humour, rejecting Nencioni's tentative appreciation of Swift's humorous sides. Fascist critics, likewise, detected an interest in Swift as an author who could be utilized for his criticism of England, the 'perfidious Albion' of the regime's propaganda (De

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The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

Lorenzo 1934 interestingly compares Gulliver's Travels to Huxley's Brave New World, but 'pressgangs' Swift into the Fascist party; see also Ferrau 1934 and Fazio 1938). Apart from Adolfo Faggi, and from Giuseppe Raimondi, author of an insipid article on the Directions to Servants (which he compares to Flaubert's Bouvard et Pecuchet; Raimonoli 1942), the scholars who wrote about Swift did so mainly in literary histories, especially the leading Italian angliciste, Mario Praz, in his Storia della letteratura inglese (Praz 1937a), and in his article for the Encidopedia Italiana (Praz 1937b). Praz combines, in his characteristic and unparalleled way, a psycho-critical appreciation of the man Swift, which 'he cleanses of the late Romantic exaggerations' (Pagetti 1971,199), with a graphic description of his style (Gulliver's Travels is a 'gloomy and powerful work, with a sharp, geometric profile, not suffused with any poetic halo', 1937a, 190). To Praz, Swift's work mirrors his troubled soul locked within the hard shell of his egotism. Egotism is the key word of the anthology, edited with a long introductory essay by the philosopher Mario Manlio Rossi and published during World War Two (1942). In 1934, Rossi had written, together with J. S. Hone, a monograph in English, entitled Swift, or the Egotist, which, as Rossi himself admits, provoked a heated debate. According to Rossi, his idea of Swift was innovative because it focused on a concept hitherto neglected: egotism (1942, xxxvii). For Rossi, egotism is not only exaggerated selfishness, 'the fundamental asset of a bad character', but also, and especially in the case of Swift, 'the psychological incapacity of seeing anything from a point of view radically different from that of oneself. The egotist is a man in his hide, who cannot go outside of himself (Rossi 1934, 15). Shifting the emphasis from a moral to an epistemological level, Rossi (who was a student of Berkeley) was able to divest the idee re$ue of an isolated, titanic Swift from its negative (because priggish) connotations (Rossi utterly distances himself from Thackeray). Swift's contempt of humanity, in fact, derived from his impossibility of regarding the whole of humanity as part of himself: 'He disliked humanity because it was a number of extraneous selves; the egotist cannot identify himself with a mass' (Rossi 1934, 18). Thus, Swift's egotism is the ultimate expression of the individual's love of independence, struggle for liberty, obstinacy of opinion, 'in a sense the deeper root of humanity' (Rossi 1934, 16). In the long introduction to his anthology, Rossi reiterated the ideas of his book, perhaps with a stronger stress on Swift's titanic biography, never, however, in the pathological sense of LoForte-Randi and the Victorians. Swift's misanthropy was his own defence against the world's and man's lack of logic: in politics, according to Rossi, Swift was essentially a political writer, in religion, in human relationships. In Gulliver's Travels, Rossi continued, Swift extended his criticism to the whole of mankind, those 'little, dirty monkeys, incapable of living according to reason'. Through Gulliver, Swift disclosed his soul: 'a solitary man, the only normal person in a world of weak and wimpish pygmies who had the best of him and made him flee from England only by means of a vile conspiracy'.83 Rossi here repeats what others had said before

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'piccole, luride scimmie incapaci di vivere ragionevolmente'; 'solitario, unica persona normale in un mondo di pigmei deboli e incapaci che son riusciti a vincerlo ed a farlo fuggire dall'Inghilterra soltanto con una codarda congiura' (1942, XXXII).

The Italian Reception of Swift

47

him, perhaps in a more melodramatic way. What is new is the religious overtone: in the moment of his utmost egotism, his final hour, says Rossi, Swift 'met his stern and awesome God . . . destiny struck him in the dark, in his solitude, in his nakedness; the last words did not comfort him; he did not hold a dear hand; he did not hear the promise of Resurrection.'84 The anthology follows Rossi's idiosyncratic reading: it is divided into four sections ('Religious Controversies', 'Political Strifes', 'Love', 'Man'), in which the excerpts (from A Tale of a Tub, The Examiner, The Conduct of the Allies, A Modest Proposal, some Letters, the Journal to Stella, the Verses on his own Death, Gulliver's Travels) are patched thematically to one another. The translation of Verses on the Death of Dr Swift is important as the first poetic version of a poem by Swift (the eighteenth-century versions were all in prose): in order to render the 'singing' of Swift's tetrameter (as Rossi interprets it, a 'canzonetta' rhythm that is fluent but never facile) he uses a decasyllabic (1942, XLIV). The end of the war saw the appearance of two important translations of Gulliver's Travels: Ugo Dettore's version, originally for the Milanese publisher Bianchi-Giovini (1945a), which was then reprinted by Rizzoli first in 1952 and several times until 2001 (also by Fabbri, Milan, and Newton Compton, Rome); and Lidia Storoni-Mazzolani's for Einaudi's prestigious series 'Narratori stranieri tradotti' ('Foreign Novelists in Translation'; more recently reissued in Einaudi's series 'Writers Translated by Writers') (1945b). Storoni-Mazzolani's translation was commissioned by the writer and Einaudi editor Cesare Pavese, who advised her to use an eighteenth-century dictionary in order to avoid neologisms, and to write in a 'light' and dry language that would render the eighteenth-century style. 'Light' and dry her translation is, as well as accurate, even though StoroniMazzolani sometimes tones down Swift's satiric roughness and immodest corporeality, using diminutives, more generic superordinates, and short paraphrases. In the fire episode, for instance, Gulliver's offensive action is never made explicit (he is said to have 'gotten rid' of the 'light' wine, 'vinetto'), conveyed as it is by a gentle diction that seems to dematerialize the scene (1945b, 37). The maid of honour falls asleep reading 'un romanzo blefuscudiano', which was Valori's original cocktail of Swift and Desfontaines. In the episode in Brobdingnag, when Gulliver sees the lice-ridden beggars (II, iv, 4), Storoni-Mazzolani does not skip the catalogue of offensive views; still, the lice do not 'crawl' on the beggars but 'cover' them ('li coprivano'), and their ugly 'Snouts with which they rooted like Swine' become more abstract and endearing through alliteration, 'il grifo quasi porcine con cui grufolavano' (1945b, 84). The maids of honour discharging what they had drunk (II, v, 7) are made a little less impolite by the interpolation that they 'took it easy', a less offensive 'relieved themselves' ('i loro bisogni'), buffering it with a 'for example' (which means that they 'also'

84 'egli incontro il suo Dio austero e terribile . . . .11 destine lo ha colpito nel buio, solo, nudo - e non lo consolarono le ultirne parole, e non tenne una mano cara nella sua, e non udi la promessa della Risurrezione' (1942, XXXV).

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The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

did 'that') and putting the phrase in brackets.85 In the female Yahoo's assault on Gulliver (IV, viii, 6), the scabrous scene is softened by the usual method: a bank becomes a 'poggetto', the she-Yahoo's lewdly 'embracing' Gulliver becomes 'mi salto al collo' ('fastened her hands around my neck', less sexually connoted), the fact that she stood 'gazing and howling' is rendered by 'rimase a guardarmi e lamentarsi' (hyponymic verbs, especially the latter that does not convey the animal denotation of 'howling'); and when Gulliver notices that 'this Brute' was as black as a Sloe, the 'Brute' altogether disappears (1945b, 213-14). Yet all this is a far cry from bowdlerization. Storoni-Mazzolani is so light-handed and so exquisite in her approach, so accurate and self-consistent in her translational strategies, that her translation commends itself as one of the best ever. Readers simply have to know that hers is the 'light rhythm of abstraction of the escape from reality' that she also finds in Kafka and Bontempelli, hers is 'the rarefied atmosphere' typical of De Chirico, of which she talks in the (also rarefied) Introduction (1945b, ix). The 1950s saw the publication of a monograph by Gherardo Ugolini, who twenty years earlier had abridged and adapted Gulliver's Travels for children. The book (Ugolini 1954) aims at demonstrating the suitability of Swift's work for children, while admitting that it was not written for them, but his observations are vague and overloaded with moralistic, self-explanatory truisms. More solid are the essays provided by some anglicistes, particularly the article on Gulliver in Brobdingnag by Nemi D'Agostino, who to some extent anticipated the Anglo-American debate on Swiftian personae with his analysis of the linguistic and rhetorical strategies that fragment the narrator's identity in Gulliver's Travels. D'Agostino considers the 'novel' as a work of art that releases a shock precluding the reader from further inquiring into the deeper causes of the reality surrounding him (D'Agostino 1957, 129). An important collection of works appeared in 1959, the most extensive up to that time. Its editor, Pino Bava, produced a 650-page anthology that included the whole of Gulliver's Travels (with the Letter to Cousin Sympson), A Tale of a Tub, A Letter to a Young Gentleman, Lately Enter'd into Holy Orders, A Letter of Advice to a Young Poet, Thoughts on Various Subjects, the Drapier's Letters, A Short View of the State of Ireland, A Modest Proposal, A Compleat Collection of Genteel and Ingenious Conversation, Directions to Servants, Character of Stella, and a selection from the Journal to Stella. In his dense introduction, Bava accepts Dryden's untimely and peremptory judgement on Swift's lack of poetic talent to justify the exclusion of the poems from his anthology (1959, 28). Bava's reading moves away from the biographical approach of previous editors and critics (he explicitly refuses any sexual-psychological explanations; 1959, 12) as well as from the misinterpretation of Swift's humour. The rhetorical and philosophical nucleus of Swift's humour, Bava says, lies in paradox: paradox is a weapon that 'he uses with great skill, moving at ease among the most unlikely

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'ne la mia presenza le tratteneva dal fare in tutto i propri comodi (come, ad esempio, i loro bisogni: il contenuto di almeno due botti in un recipiente di capacita adeguata)' (1945b, 89).

The Italian Reception of Swift

49

objects and the most diverse concepts'.86 In his translation of Gulliver's Travels, Bava does not recoil from these 'most unlikely objects and the most diverse concepts' (in the Introduction, he stresses his insistence on the most loathsome aspects of the body), and resorts to an almost colloquial, down-to-earth diction, which is typical of the man in the street (Glumdalclitch, for one, becomes, in the typical Milanese way of putting it, 'la' Glumdalclitch), and is always close to the original, sometimes to the point of risking a loantranslation. His versions of A Tale of a Tub and A Modest Proposal demonstrate Bava's ability to follow the most abstruse, complex, and extravagant twists and turns of the hack's thought. Bava proposes a singular interpretation of Gulliver's last voyage: Houyhnhnmland is a true paradise, shedding a lyrical tranquillity on the soul of the traveller and the reader; this is the 'Paradise lost' of every man who has known the disproportion between man's great sorrows and his short life, and who, in order to overcome that disproportion, 'sets sail towards his happy island . . . . He finds that happiness we are looking for in the country of the wise horses, where his dream has taken shape and place. From Gulliver the traveller, as in a sort of magical Tod und Verklarung, Swift is born again, whole, as the Phoenix'.87 After Bava's collection, more of Swift's works appeared in an anthology of eighteenth-century English essays, edited by Elio Chinol (including the Bickerstaff Papers; 1963), and in another selection of Swift's prose satires, edited by Carlo Izzo and translated by Paola Righini (1969a). In the late 1960s, Swift increasingly found himself at the centre of Italian cultural debate and scholarly interest. The tercentenary of his birth, in 1967, marked the beginning of what may be called the Italian 'Swift renaissance': influential writers such as Giorgio Manganelli (1967 and 1968) talked about Swift in journals, magazines, and newspapers, Gulliver's Travels was made into a television programme for children in 1969, and into the LP of a well-known chansonnier, Fabrizio de Andre; in 1971, Swift's Italian fortune was studied by Carlo Pagetti in his wide-ranging monograph, and in 1974, Swift's life became the subject of a fictional biography by Maria Luisa Astaldi (Astaldi 1974). Among the contributors to the early stage of this renaissance, the scholar and writer Gianni Celati stands out, who in 1966 produced an important translation of A Tale of a Tub (1966), to which he added, in the following two years, two fundamental essays published in the militant journal of the literary avant-garde Gaffe (Celati 1968 and 1969), in 1975, a book on the Finzioni ocddentali (Western Fictions), and most recently a new translation of Gulliver's Travels (1997). Celati's aim was to update critical approaches to Swift, and make him 'our contemporary', with the critical tools provided by the social sciences, psychoanalysis, and structuralism. While the modernization of Swift's conservatism had already been the main concern of early twentieth-century

86 'II nocciolo del suo umorismo consiste essenzialmente nel paradosso. Questa e un'arma che egli adopera magistralmente, muovendosi con perfetto agio fra le cose piu inverosimili e i concetti piu difformi' (1959, 9). 87 'egli trova la felicita che cerchiamo nel Paese dei cavalli sapienti, dove il suo sogno ha preso forma e sede. Dal viaggiatore Gulliver, come per una specie di magico Tod und Verklarung, rinasce intero Swift come la fenice' (1959, 29).

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The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

(conservative-anarchic) critics, of Prezzolini and Papini, in the revolutionary 1960s, Celati saw Swift as a 'revolutionary' conservative, as the analyst of the demise of Western civilization, of its (false and fictional) chains-of-being, as well as the subversive satirist that opens Pandora's box and unveils society's discontents. Swift's satire, in particular, discovers the 'depravation of the ideal models of sublimation of Western man, through demoting them to the rank of repressed or suppressed cultural formations'.88 Thus, according to Celati, Swift is the originator of the subversive tradition of Western literature, of Sade, Lautreamont, Joyce, and Beckett, in a word, of the avant-garde movements (1966, 26—27). Celati's translation-rewriting of the Tale follows such premises and is based on an avant-garde combination of baroque style and ultra- (as well as anti-) modern intuitions. As he writes in Finzioni occidental!, Celati wanted to define 'an anthropological framework explaining the rise of the modern novel'. Against this foil, Gulliver's Travels shows that the opposition between fiction and history was and is 'a dazzling mistake of the language': letting a mariner speak the same 'empirical' language used by Robinson Crusoe about voyages to unknown and improbable lands, Swift arrives at the opposite extreme of a true history, the fable. Swift deconstructs the modern demystifying strategies as arbitrary criticism of society's foundations, and, from a conservative point of view, stigmatizes modernity as the voluntary oblivion of civilization's own origins (Celati 1975, 47). Celati's insights into Swift's analysis of modern civilization as sublimation and displacement (Verschiebung) of biological impulses was taken over by Attilio Brilli, the leading Swift scholar of the last third of the century, in a monograph on the Dean, Swift o deli'anatomia (Swift, Of Anatomy, 1974), and a study of the Scriblerus Club, Retorica della satira (Rhetoric of Satire, 1973), not to mention his several essays (Brilli 1977, 1978, 1985, and 1996), introductions and editions (Gulliver's Travels, 1975; A Modest Proposal and other satires, 1977b; a selection of annotated poems, 1977a; Directions to Servants, To a Young Lady and other prose writings, 1987, 199la; The Dean and Vanessa and a selection of letters to Esther Vanhomrigh, 1991b). Brilli takes up Voltaire's interpretation of Swift as the English Rabelais and combines it with the notion of anatomy, both in the sense of surgical dissection ('It fulfils the duty of disciplining the world, of laying bare its errors and deviations') and, as in Robert Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, of'surrogate for the symposium, the "battle of the books", the variety of cultures, the plurality of values'.89 Brilli conflates the Bakhtinian notion of the carnivalesque, of a topsy-turvy world that foregrounds the lower strata ('the hyperbolic melting-pot of society'; Brilli 1974, 52), with the post-Freudian unmasking of the individual's sublimation of bodily drives (Freud's anal-sadistic stage as it was reinterpreted

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'una depravazione di modelli ideali di sublimazione dell'uomo occidentale, per mezzo della loro degradazione al rango di formazioni rimosse o represse della nostra cultura' (1966, 21). 'A livello paradigmatico 1'anatomia e, in senso burtoniano, analisi, dissezione, surrogate) del simposio o della battaglia del libri, delle culture diverse, della pluraUta dei valori' (Brilli 1974, 10). Brilli adds that such a Burtonian paradigm allows the critic to avoid the traditional criticism of Swift as a misanthrope.

The Italian Reception of Swift

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by Norman O. Brown). The central figure of Brilli's study is the skatophagos of ancient comedies and farces that witnesses man's belonging to the 'lower strata of the great chain of being' and 'that tracks down all meanings to the individual's excremental dimension'. According to Brilli, Swift's anatomical metaphor possesses upsetting potentials that allowed him to build some of the most subversive texts in the Western canon (Brilli 1974, 129). Brilli clearly agrees with Celati's interpretation of a revolutionary-conservative Swift, insisting on the Menippean, open-form structure of Swift's satire, which demystifies modern mimetic languages (the professional jargons) and, along with them, the alienating mechanisms of Western civilization. Brilli's translations all follow his critical insights. The poems he selected for his 1977 anthology are those in which Swift 'demystifies the Platonic idea of woman with which culture sublimates the repression and the negation of the sexual sphere' (1977a, v): 'The Lady's Dressing Room', 'Strephon and Chloe', 'Cassinus and Peter', and 'A Beautiful Young Nymph'. Brilli's diction is deliberately overloaded with physical connotations (see also Brilli 1977). In his version of Gulliver's Travels, Brilli looks for an objectified language, since 'the coincidence of "things" and "words" remains the Utopian aim of Swift's discourse, despite his satire of the Lagado linguists . . . . Swiftian definitions appear as the attempt to rediscover the world by investigating the disastrous relationship of words and things, and the pride, arrogance, hypocrisy that words betray'.90 Thus Brilli prefers the detail to the abstraction, concrete adjectives and verbs to periphrases and lightness of touch (though he keeps an eye on Storoni-Mazzolani's version), and strives to recover that 'little language' with which Swift tried to overcome the alienating drift of modern technological jargon. Giuseppe Sertoli, too, adopted a Freudian approach in his three seminal essays on Swift. He took Brilli's notion of anatomy as his starting point (Sertoli 1975): the overturning of the body/mind hierarchy produced by Swift's 'anatomical' satire functions as a criticism of the repressive ideology that produced this hierarchy and obliterated the gesture (the origin) of that act of disavowal (Verleugnung}. In the two long essays devoted to Gulliver's Travels (Sertoli 1977 and 1985), which together form a coherent and complete analysis of the four books, following the opposition between body and reason, Sertoli presents a topical reading of Swift's novel through the critical tools offered by psychoanalysis and socio-criticism (Sertoli 1985, 113—14). In his view, Gulliver is the ultimate Utopian traveller (in the sense that he looks for a Utopia of reason and virtue, not in the sense that he goes to a never-never land) desperately seeking to sublimate his body despite the utter corporeality of his own self (which he feels as 'opaque', heavy, excessive, in the first book) and the bodies of the 'others' he meets, which he either loathes (as in his close encounters with the giants) or does not recognize (as the 'logic' regulating the

90 'La collimazione delle "cose" con le "parole" rimane, malgrado la satira del linguist! di Lagado, il fine utopistico del discorso swiftiano . . . . Le defmizioni swiftiane appaiono dunque come il tentative di n'-scoprire il mondo indagando il rapporto fallimentare delle cose con le parole, Forgoglio, la presunzione, 1'ipocrisia che queste ultime tradiscono' (1975, xvii).

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The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

relationship between 'abstract' Laputa and 'bodily' Lagado). In the last voyage (Sertoli 1977), Gulliver suppresses his body completely, when he tries to identify himself with the horses' pure rationality; however, since Gulliver is not a rational horse, he can only be expelled from Houyhnhnmland. This ejection is an act of repression, the same that reason performs on the body, the same that Gulliver would want to do to himself. The point is, Sertoli claims, that Gulliver feels his body as a 'guilt' and aspires to an ideal that does not exist, to a Utopia in the literal meaning of the word: something that cannot be found in any place, because it has been shattered by 'modern' civilization. However, such an Utopia cannot exist in a projected future, either: The only real place and real future . . . are those of the bourgeois ethos, of science, of rationality, of its own repression. At this point, man can only struggle within his own rupture . . . unity and totality won't ever come back. Humanism is over, for ever.91 The late 1970s and early 1980s saw a proliferation of critical works on Swift, which followed three different, albeit often intersecting, lines of interpretation, each already laid out by Celati, Brilli, and Sertoli: the rhetoricallinguistic, the socio-cultural, the Utopian (and fantastic). Rhetorical analysis was favoured by Alba Graziano, who studied the stylistic features and the rhetoric of irony at work in the narrative strategies of Gulliver's Travels. Graziano confronts Swift's linguistic ideas with early eightenth-century theories, then proceeds to discussing what she takes to be the main stylistic features of the novel: first, the catalogues ('the syntagmatic ordering of series', Graziano 1982, 54), which she subdivides into 'formally ironic catalogues', 'catalogues with ironic subject-matters' and 'metaphysical catalogues', and, second, ambiguous words, especially the interplay between literal meaning, metaphor, and catachresis. Giuseppe Brunetti carried on Graziano's work on Swift's ambiguities: his essay concentrates on the 'fundamental device of Swiftian writing ... the relationship between irony and parody, that is ... the inversion, and also ambivalence, of laus and vituperatio, [that Swift obtains through] taking up other people's words (cliches, jargon, genres) and filling them with [his] notions'.92 Within such a Bakhtinian perspective, Brunetti offers not only a close reading of various minor texts that waver between satire and parody, but also of the Tale of a Tub, whose main rhetorical strategy is metaphorical surfeit ('the true Leviathan of the Tale is the most unbridled linguistic imagination that divorces itself from judgement and . . . unsaddles 91

92

'un'utopia, allora, nel senso letterale della parola: qualcosa che non si trova ne si trovera (piu) in alcun luogo, perche, distrutto dalla cultura (dalla societa) "moderna" non ha (piu) ne luogo ne future. L'unico luogo e Funico future reali ... sono quelli dell'ethos borghese: della scienza, della sua razionalita, della sua repressione. L'uomo potra solo, ormai, dibattersi nella sua lacerazione . . . . Unita e totalita non si daranno mai piu. L'umanesimo e fmito, per sempre' (Sertoli 1985, 134). 'II dispositive fondamentale della scrittura swiftiana e nel nesso fra ironia e parodia, e cioe nell'inversione, che e anche ambivalenza, di laus e vituperatio, realizzata assumendo la parola altrui (cliche, gergo, genere) e ripopolandola di intenzioni proprie' (Brunetti 1984, 1).

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reason'),93 and of Gulliver's Travels, which is metonymic, analogic, and eventually oxymoronic (authenticating the non-existent), and which creates a 'mundus alter et idem', historical and meta-historical at the same time (Brunetti 1984, 99). Likewise, Mario Manca (Manca 1980), Carla Locatelli (Locatelli 1980), Rosa Maria Colombo, Alessandra Cafaro, Donatella Montini (1983), Elio Di Piazza (Di Piazza 1995), and Prospero Trigona (Trigona 1974, 1979 and 1994), offered stylistic, semiotic and rhetorical readings of Swift's works. Trigona, in particular, devotes his two-volume monograph to a critical analysis of Swift's literary life (the first volume) and to a close reading of Gulliver's Travels (the second volume of Trigona 1979; see also Trigona 1974). He focuses on the conflation of imagination and realism in Gulliver's Travels and compares Swift's linguistic strategies with the bodily issues raised by the hero's encounters. He reads the interplay between res and verba in terms of the empiricist dialogue/conflict between the senses and reason: 'The timehonoured truth that nomina sunt consequentia rerum has become a relative matter . . . Swift seems to follow the philosophical paradox of his friend George Berkeley, who maintained that experience and true knowledge come from the senses, not from reason.'94 The Utopian and imaginative dimensions of Gulliver's Travels have become among the most investigated areas of Swift studies in recent Italian criticism. Daniela Guardamagna's monograph delves into the history of Western dystopias, affirming that if Swift may be the 'father' of modern dystopias, Gulliver's Travels cannot be taken as a complete dystopia, since its complexity and ambiguity allow the reader to interpret the worlds visited by the hero both as Utopias and as anti-utopias (Guardamagna 1980, 37). The novel's ambivalence 'vexes the readers', explodes the boundaries of common sense, and compels them to find the only alternative to its extreme relativism in a sort of Cartesian 'as if that saves man from the unbearable anguish of his condition: there are no absolute rules, yet rules are useful to survive (Guardamagna 1980, 54). Various essays on Swift's Utopian aspects followed Guardamagna's study, all of them articles in scholarly journals and collections, and mostly devoted to contextualize Swift's work in the Utopian tradition (Di Luca 1992, Bignami 1996), or to the analysis of the fantastic and, to some extent, science-fictional characteristics of Gulliver's Travels (Volta 1980, Colombo 1984, Panizza 1988, Fortunati 2002). Other scholars have focused their attention on the social, economic, and cultural implications of Swift's works, their subjects and perspectives ranging from a psychoanalytic examination of the relationship between A Modest Proposal, the Bible, and market economy (Villari 1977)95 to an early 93 'II vero leviatano della Tale e la fantasia linguistica piu sbrigliata, che ha divorziato dal judgment ... che ha disracionato la ragione' (Brunetti 1984, 70). 'La vecchia verita secondo cui nomina sunt consequentiae rerum ha valore relative . . . Swift sembra seguire il paradosso filosofico del suo vecchio amico G. Berkeley che affidava all'esperienza dei cinque sensi e non all'uso della ragione la possibilita di pervenire alia vera conoscenza' (Trigona 1979, 2: 26). 95 Enrica Villari's study has been taken up by Francesco Orlando, an influential literary theorist, in his psychoanalytic study of the Enlightenment, which devotes some pages to the analysis of A Modest Proposal and Gulliver's Travels (Orlando 94

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The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe

postcolonial analysis of Gulliver as a 'wild settler' (Mariani 1983; Bava had raised the issue as early as 1959), and a feminist evaluation of Gulliver's idea of woman (Agorni 1993). In the late 1990s, however, the intense scholarly activity of the previous decades seems to have slackened, leaving room for the unceasing outpouring of editions and translations. The translation industry of Gulliver's Travels has never stopped. In fact, since 1960 twenty new versions have been printed, of which nine are for an adult readership. The versions by Renato Ferrari (1964), Laura Corbi (1969b), Luca Trevisani (1988), Gianni Celati (1997), and Vincenzo Gueglio (1999) are distinguished by their good overall results, and the last two stand out as among the best ever, Celati's for reasons that will be explained below, Gueglio for its unusual and witty title, Viaggi di Grulliver (a pun on 'grullo', 'gullible', similar to what Swift implied of his hero), its fluent prose, as well as the extensive and detailed explanatory notes appended to the text. In addition to Gulliver's Travels, other works were translated: the poems by Attilio Brilli (1977a), 'The Dean and Vanessa' by Paolo Ba (1991b, with a selection of letters from Swift and Esther Vanhomrigh), and the anthology entitled La musa e il decano (The Muse and the Dean, 1995a); the shorter prose satires translated by Bruno Armellin (1967), Paola Righini (1969a), Franco Marucci and Salvatore Rosati (1977b), Antonio Meo and Alberto Rossatti (in Scritti satirid e polemici, an ample collection of Swift's 'satirical and polemical writings', 1982); the Directions to Servants translated by Attilio Brilli (1987), Lodovico Terzi (1978), and, in an abridged form, by Francesca Melli (1995b). Particularly noteworthy is the large anthology edited by Masolino d'Amico, and published by Mondadori in the prestigious series 'I Meridiani' in 1983, an opus magnum which may be said to have crowned the Italian 'Swift-Renaissance'. This 1,550-page book assembles all the major works, most of the minor prose satires, a good selection of poems and letters, of the Journal to Stella, and of articles from The Examiner, and the Memoirs of Martinus Scriblerus, providing 100 pages of explanatory notes and short introductions to each work. D'Amico used extant or revised translations (Formichi for Gulliver's Travels, Brilli for the poems, Mario Manlio Rossi for some prose works, Terzi for the Directions to Servants), and new ones (Elisa Bulgarelli's Battle of the Books and A Tale of a Tub, Marina Emo Capodilista's Journal to Stella, Carlo Bigazzi's Drapier's Letters, Viola Papetti's A Modest Proposal, and d'Amico's own rendering of Verses on the Death ofDr Swift, into oddly hopping and rhyming decasyllabics that were criticized by some reviewers (for example, by Terzi 1984). One of the best translations of Swift by far, a work of art in itself, is Gianni Celati's version of Gulliver's Travels, which may be said to be a worthy completion of its translator's long acquaintance with Swift. In this translation, Celati puts not only his knowledge of, and affinity with, Swift to the best of uses, but also his thirty-year-long activity as a writer of novels and short stories. Celati approaches the Travels with a literary canon rooted in folklore

1982). In 1990, Orlando edited the lectures on English literature delivered by his teacher, the writer Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa, in 1954, which contain some interesting observations on Swift (Tomasi di Lampedusa 1990).

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and carnival in mind: Rabelais, Erasmus, Teofilo Folengo, Ruzante, but also Cervantes and Montaigne. As he observes in the Introduction, the keywords that allow the reader to appreciate Celati's translation are 'estrangement' and 'melancholy', a combination of modern and baroque sensibility. According to Celati, Swift's style, which is crystal-clear, geometric, and dignified, is suddenly seized by abusive, accusatory fits that do not allow readers to find a moral loophole and get themselves off the hook: Swift compels them to keep both feet on the ground, 'get rid of [their] optimistic gullibility', and 'make fun of the great abstractions of the mind'. Celati's diction is an intentional patchwork of slang, of burlesqued jargon and of man-in-the-street's phrases, underlining the oddities and the musicality (or, when needed, the clinking quality) of the language. In Celati's hands, Swift's tapestry becomes a picture of Brueghel's, where the eye recognizes familiar objects but also perceives them in an alienating light, just as the Swiftian 'melancholic man' sees the world: as 'a stranger among his fellows, who is inclined to fantasize over epic voyages on the map, looking for imaginary lands, only in order to be what he already is'.96 The twentieth century, then, ended in the most favourable way for Swift's reception. The common reader's idea of Swift may still be that lamented by Valori, of a writer of children's stories, of fabulous adventures to never-never lands. However, given the variety of editions, translations, articles, and theatrical productions,97 one is inclined to question Eugenic Montale's

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'tutto in Swift tende a riportarci a terra, a disfarci della credulita ottimista, a deridere le grandi astrazioni del pensiero'; 'il malinconico e uno straniero fra i suoi simili, dunque propenso a immaginare grandi viaggi sulla carta geografica in cerca di paesi inesistenti, semplicemente per poter essere quello che e' (1997, xxii, xxxiii). The adaptation of Gulliver's Travels by Paolo Poll (1997) was a great success. A survey of scholarly studies like this does not leave much room for the analysis of other forms of reception. However, a few words on creative reception and on what may be called the 'myth' of Gulliver are needed here. If the nineteenth century did not produce any significant writer indebted to Swift (apart, perhaps, from Domenico Guerrazzi; see Pagetti 1971, 132), the twentieth century became more interested in his satirical forms. Pagetti identifies some writers whose style owes something to Swift, such as Curzio Malaparte, Leo Longanesi, Alberto Moravia, Carlo Emilio Gadda, Italo Calvino, Corrado Alvaro (Belmoro, 1957), Dino Buzzati, Giorgio Manganelli, Augusto Frassineti, to whom a few more could be added, such as Tommaso Landolfi Gianni Celati, Alberto Savinio, Guiolo Ceronetti, Giuseppe Berto (Modesta proposta per prevenire, 1971), Giovanni Dusi (I viaggi di Gulliver junior, 1977, the only example of reproductive reception), and Roberto Pazzi. Swift's penetration of the Italian average culture (if not through direct knowledge, usually by way of the adaptations for children, but also through comics, in some cases decidedly for adults, as those by Milo Manara) can also be measured in the common usage of Gulliver as a synonym for the traveller to remote, fabulous lands (Gulliver is the name of a magazine for tourists), and of Lilliput as analogous to tiny (the adjective 'lillipuziano' was used, out of a Swiftian context, already in 1825), and recently in conjunction with the anti-globalization movements working against the economic and political domination of superpowers ('rete lillipuziana').

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assertion that, in Italy, Swift is an author known to only a dozen critics. The twenty-first century has just seen a new version of The Battle of the Books, a nicely produced booklet with an introduction by George Steiner, and Luciana Fire's translation and commentary (2002). The sound of a paper battle appropriately proclaims the vitality of Swift's Italian fortunes and promises to keep interest in the Dean alive.

3

Swift's Horses in the Land of the Caballeros Jose Luis Chamosa Gonzalez

My contribution is divided into two parts, devoted to Gulliver's Travels and to other works by Swift, respectively. The first part, the largest by far, is subdivided into three sections, which deal with the first translations of Gulliver's Travels in Spain, those of the twentieth century, as well as adaptations of the Travels for children and adolescents, and adaptations for the cinema.

I The reception of Gulliver's Travels in Spain

The first translations of Gulliver's Travels in Spain The first Spanish translation of Gulliver's Travels has a somewhat bizarre birth as the first of the three volumes it comprises was printed in Madrid (1793) and the second and third in Plasencia (1798, 1800), a small provincial town southwest of Madrid, not far away from the Portuguese border, an episcopal see in which Ramon Maximo Spartal, the translator, happened to reside. This third volume, the only one that the National Library in Madrid owns of the first edition, is worthy of some attention, since it contains a fifth voyage Swift never wrote. It survived in the Spanish book market right up into the 1970s in reprints and 'new' editions that very often do not even mention the name of the translator. This fifth journey of Gulliver is divided into two parts. The first is a second visit to Brobdingnag, and the second a voyage to the country of Sevarambia, happy land of plenty, the inhabitants of which unite science, virtue, and wit in themselves. This addition significantly increases the total length of the Spanish version (which is roughly a quarter longer than the original). The second part is an adaptation of Denis Vairasse's Histoire des Sevarambes (The History ofSevarites or Sevarambi).} It had appeared together with 1 Denis Vairasse (1635-85), of Protestant descent, initiated a career in the army, spent some time in England and, finally, made a living by teaching English and French. The full title of the work concerned here is Histoire des Sevarambes ou peuples de la Terre Australe, contenant une relation du gouvernement, des moeurs, de la religion et du langage de cette nation inconnue jusqu''a present aux peuples de I'Europe (The History of Sevarites or Sevarambi, a Nation Inhabiting Part of the Third Continent, Commonly Called Terra Australis Incognita [1675]). The first part was originally published in 1677 (two volumes) and the second in 1678—79 (three volumes). The

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the French translation of Gulliver's Travels in several editions printed throughout the eighteenth century. Very probably, Spartal used one of these editions without ever realizing he was translating a text which had not been written by Swift.2 Spartal used the French translation by Desfontaines to produce his own version in Spanish, with all the shortcomings this circumstance implies. Not that it is unusual in the practice of Spanish translators to have recourse to French translations as intermediaries of their own into Spanish. But it does come as a surprise that the translator should openly proclaim his view, in the second edition of 1824, that 'there are translations which are preferable to the originals', and that 'I would carefully avoid following the original closely even in the case of being proficient in English',3 something which was not the case with Spartal. Emilio Lorenzo (1990, 189) has studied the alterations in the Spanish text, which he attributes mainly to Desfontaines. These alterations have been recurrent in many Spanish editions, Spartal not being the only translator to use the French text in producing a Spanish version. From the very first contact of Gulliver's Travels with the Spanish public a pattern was established which was to repeat itself on many occasions in the future. In this regard, Toury (1995, 129) rightly states: Like everything in and about translation, the (in) directness with which the act is performed can be norm-governed too. In fact, in its 'cultural' facet, recourse to indirect translation is often highly significant. Unlike individual instances of translators turning to existing translations as their immediate sources, which may indeed represent no more than simple inability, or even a sheer whim, the recurrence of this practice, especially if regular patterns can be detected, should thus be taken as evidence of the forces which have shaped the culture in question, along with its concept of translation. Second-hand translations from the English, via a French intermediary, represent a phenomenon so widespread in the reception of English literature translated into Spanish until the second half of the twentieth century (and often well beyond) that we should consider it the rule and not the exception. Apparently, there were no reservations against this procedure since many translators openly admit to being indebted to French versions. However, the

2

3

author hid himself under an anagram of his first name (Captain Siden = Denis). The title-page of the first edition informs the reader that it is a translation from the English. Vairasse himself stated that his work formed part of the same tradition to which Plato's Republic, More's Utopia, and Bacon's New Atlantis belong. Spartal could have used any of the editions printed at The Hague (1743, 1762, 1765, 1773, 1777, etc.) or Rouen (1779) with which the adaptation of Vairasse's Histoire des Sevarambes was bound together. The tide of Desfontaines's translation is as follows: Voyages du Capitain Lemuel Gulliver en divers pays eloignes. The edition published by Jean Swart (The Hague, 1765), for instance, is formed 3 by volumes in -8. Tome 3 includes the Histoire des Sevarambes in three octavo volumes. 'Hay traducciones preferibles al original', 'yo me guardaria bien de copiar exactamente el original aunque poseyera el ingles con perfeccion' (Lorenzo 1997, 15).

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existence of intermediary translations tends to be ignored by both publishers and editors. Another version of Gulliver's Travels worth mentioning was printed at approximately the same time as Spartal's translation. It is a very free adaptation, in 40 pages, of Gulliver's first voyage, published in Cordoba under the title of Historia del descubrimiento de las tierras de los enanos (Account of the Discovery of the Land of Dwarfs). There are neither any references to the author, the translator, and reteller, nor is there a preface, or an introductory essay, excepting a reference to a similar account of the trip of this 'English surgeon' to the land of Vivientes agigantados' ('living giants'). It is remarkable that, together with the first Spanish translation, we should come across the first in a long list of more or less free adaptations of Gulliver's Travels addressed to a radically different sector of the audience. The Historia is not a translation but a rewriting, much reduced in length, with many departures from the original. The intentionality of a translation does not necessarily coincide with that of the original; as a matter of fact, the format of a chapbook (of which the Cordoba edition reminds us) speaks of an audience which is different from the one a regular book would have (and thus from the one the original of Gulliver's Travels did have). This is especially important for studying the reception of Gulliver's Travels in Spain as practically half of all its Spanish editions do not fit into the traditional definition of what a translation is, which implies that 'a target text is a translation if it is parallel in all levels to its source text' (Rabadan 1994, 39). This debate becomes particularly virulent when studying Spanish versions of Gulliver's Travels in collections of children's and juvenile literature. After Spartal's translations of 1793-1800 and 1824, no other complete version of Gulliver's Travels was made throughout the whole of the nineteenth century. In fact, the first edition of Gulliver's Travels to come out after Spartal was El Gulliver de los ninos (Gulliver for Children), published by Boix in Madrid in 1841, the first example of Gulliver's Travels in Spain as a book for children, which was to start a tradition that has become a permanent presence in the Spanish publishing world ever since. The name of the translator or reteller remains unknown. Predictably, only the journeys to Lilliput and Brobdingnag are dealt with, and these very much shortened, too, their length being at best half that of the original. Due to the extent of reduction, it is difficult to tell whether El Gulliver de los ninos is a rendering of one of the French adaptations available to the anonymous editor or a shortened version of Spartal's; the title-page, however, states that the work was taken from the French. Interestingly, and for the first time, El Gulliver de los ninos was bound together with El Robinson de los ninos (Robinson for Children), a circumstance that is indicative of the popularity of Swift and Defoe in the field of children's and juvenile literature in Spanish translation.4 The fourth Spanish translation of Gulliver's Travels (Viajes de Gulliver a Lilliput y Brobdingnac [Gulliver's Travels to Lilliput and Brobdingnag]), published in Madrid in 1863 with an introduction by Jose Munoz y Gaviria, is

4

Marisa Fdez.-Lopez (1996, 95) offers very interesting data on the translation of titles considered classics in the field of children's and juvenile literature.

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also, as the subtitle makes clear, an abridged version for the benefit of children. The translator is unknown; presumably, he is identical with the editor. A comparison with Spartal's text leads us to conclude that this version is a rewriting of the 1793 edition; there are no obvious departures from that text, and close parallelisms are easy to establish. In his introduction, Mufioz y Gaviria quotes Voltaire's opinion of Swift as 'an enlightened Rabelais' (vi), emphasizing that the Dean produced an allegorical description of his country and society in Gulliver's Travels, surprising information in an abridged edition addressed to children. In fact, the nature and tone of Mufioz y Gaviria's introduction are more suitable for an adult audience. It is the first work by Swift in Spain to include information about the author, together with a judgement on his position in the canon of English literature and references to other titles by Swift, such as A Tale of a Tub. Three further editions of Gulliver's Travels were printed in Madrid and Barcelona before the end of the nineteenth century. None of them is a complete rendering of the original. The first was published in 1874 by Leon Pablo Villaverde and comes to an abrupt end after Part Three. Again, the translator is unknown. Although it is advertised as 'newly translated', it is presumably a rewriting of Spartal's version. Passages missing in Spartal are also missing in Villaverde. There is no introduction of any kind. Ten years later (1884), a new translation of Gulliver's Travels with sixteen illustrations was printed in Barcelona by Luis Tasso, of which only the initials of the translator, L.G.M., are mentioned on the title-page. It is divided into two parts, Viaje al pais de los pigmeos (Voyage to the Country of the Pygmies) and Viaje al pais de los gigantes (Voyage to the Country of the Giants). Once again, this is a translation from a French original that parallels that of Mufioz y Gaviria, with very few variants from that text. One of the most relevant among them is the denomination of Lilliput: 'Pigmeonia' in Spanish. In 1898, Hernando y Cia., publishers in Madrid, brought out the last translation of Gulliver's Travels to be printed in Spain in the nineteenth century, Viajes de Gulliver a los paises remotos (Gulliver's Travels to Remote Countries). It is no. 139 in a series known as Biblioteca Universal: coleccion de los mejores autores antiguos y modernos, nadonales y extranjeros (Universal Library: Being a Collection of the Best Authors Ancient and Modern, Spanish and Foreign). This publication initiated a trend in the reception of Gulliver's Travels in Spain inasmuch as all future Spanish editions of Gulliver's Travels were presented as part of a series of classical works of some kind. The copy in the National Library in Madrid bears a rubber stamp with the name of Francisco Pi y Margall, one of the presidents of the First Spanish Republic, well known for his advanced ideas as a theorist of new ways of social organization. Pi y Margall is an outstanding representative of an audience that endorses an allegorical reading of Gulliver's Travels in the tradition of Utopian thought. This edition by Hernando is a reprint of Parts One and Two of Spartal's translation, although his name is not mentioned. There is no introduction and commentary of any kind. Some patterns already emerge in this brief survey of the reception of Gulliver's Travels in nineteenth-century Spain, which deserve further attention. First of all, and most importantly, all translations were made from

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the French. Secondly, there is a very strong possibility that the only version to be made directly from French was that of Maximo Spartal towards the end of the eighteenth century, all others being adaptations or rewritings of that text. Thirdly, as the French version of Desfontaines on which Spartal was based had many shortcomings and had been strongly criticized by Swift himself (Correspondence, ed. Woolley 3: 109—13), the reception by the Spanish public was significantly conditioned by this fact. Last but not least, there are no complete translations of Gulliver's Travels throughout the whole of the nineteenth century after the second by Spartal (1824). With the exception of that by Villaverde (1874), which includes a rendering of Gulliver's third voyage, all of them restrict themselves to the travels to Lilliput and Brobdingnag. Thus, the idea that Gulliver's Travels is reading material especially suitable for children dawns early on the Spanish cultural scene. This may be deduced from the fact that the third (1841) and fourth (1863) translations are specifically addressed to children.

The twentieth century

Up to the turn of the century, this survey of the Spanish versions of Gulliver's Travels is as complete as any bibliography can be. However, to list all versions of Gulliver's Travels in the twentieth century would be a futile endeavour. The growth in the number of translations, adaptations, and rewritings was continuous, reaching its climax in the last quarter of the past century. The Spanish publishing industry, it is true, saw a parallel increase in the volume of its production during that period, with a peak of nearly 60,000 titles printed annually during the last years of the 1990s, but no direct relationship can be established between these two phenomena, as the fortune of Gulliver's Travels in the Spanish cultural world largely depended on other factors. Ariadna, the on-line catalogue of the National Library in Madrid, lists 373 entries for works by Swift. Of these, roughly 350 are editions of Gulliver's Travels, of some kind or another. If we eliminate duplicates and versions in languages other than Castilian, Basque, Catalan, and Galician, we end up with nearly 250 texts in Spanish of Gulliver's Travels. More than half of these are abridged or 'simplified' versions for children in series especially targeting a children's audience, classified as such and kept in the collection of children's and juvenile literature which the National Library holds in its storehouse in Alcala de Henares. Although they are of an extremely varied nature, they share some characteristics, such as format, being either collections of tales (sometimes profusely illustrated), and actual comics of a size larger than that which is customary for books in which the visual is primary and the text reduced to a minimum. The difficulty of organizing such material is greatly increased by the fact that publishing practices in Spain are particularly anarchic in character. On many occasions, for instance, publishing houses print the same text in different collections without acknowledging that it was previously printed, and/or without including the name of the translator. To redress this gnevance, Lorenzo (1990), in a well-documented article on the twentieth-century translations of Gulliver's Travels into Spanish, investigated eleven translations of Gulliver's Travels before 1988, the year he published his own version. His three criteria were: identifiable translator, no works self-

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advertised as adaptations, and direct perusal of the volumes. Of the eleven translations he mentions, two are reissues of Maximo Spartal's first translation (one is complete, the other only includes the first two voyages). The life and influence of that first translation are remarkable. As late as 1976, Sopena, the well-known publishing house of Barcelona, was still reprinting Spartal's text without as much as mentioning his name or even making known the number of the various reprints. I have succeeded in tracing at least six reprints of Spartal by Sopena between 1940 and 1976. (Sopena also issued several reprints of Gulliver en el pais de los enanos [Gulliver in the Country of the Dwarfs] and Gulliver en el pais de los gigantes [Gulliver in the Country of the Giants] as separate volumes immediately after the Spanish Civil War [1941].) The following example (not discussed by Lorenzo) may help us ascertain how influential Spartal's version has been for different generations of Spaniards. During the 1920s, Compania Ibero-Americana de Publicaciones published a series of translations in a collection under the title of Las den mejores obras de la literatura universal (The Best 100 Works of World Literature); nos 11 to 13 contain Gulliver's Travels, reproducing Spartal's original translation. There is practically no public library or private collection at that time which does not hold a copy of this series.5 Again, the translator is not mentioned, but there is an anonymous introductory essay of eleven pages, which provides an excellent survey of Swift's creative production as well as the Travels' allegorical and satirical components. At the same time, the essay emphasizes the Travels' power to entertain, as its appeal to children all over the world demonstrates: 'This sharp-tongued book is so imaginatively and pleasantly composed that for two centuries all white children have amused themselves with this account of voyages to the lands of the dwarfs and the giants, without suspecting the dark background from which it arose.'6 From the French version of Desfontaines, Ismael Antich produced another translation into Spanish in 1954, which was reprinted on several occasions. Of the eleven translations discussed by Lorenzo, three were made from the French of Desfontaines, and these went through at least twelve complete reprints, not to count several partial ones and some that were made from nineteenth-century editions of the same text.7 The most remarkable development in the reception of Gulliver's Travels in Spain before the Civil War was Javier Bueno's translation of 1921.8 This is especially relevant, since it was made from the English original and enjoyed 5 6

7

8

Numbers 6 and 7 of this collection are volumes by Washington Irving and Edgar A. Poe, respectively. 'Tal es la fantasia y la amenidad con que esta compuesto este corrosivo libro, que desde hace doscientos afios todos los ninos de raza blanca se han divertido con la cronica de estos viajes a tierra de enanos y gigantes, sin sospechar la negrura de su fondo' (xiv—xv). For instance, the one brought out by Hernando, the publishers of Madrid who were responsible for the last translation of Gulliver's Travels in the nineteenth century. They also produced a complete edition (the 1898 one only included the first two voyages) of Spartal's translation in two volumes in 1927, which enjoyed a wide circulation. The same text was reissued in 1951. Published originally by Tipograficas Renovacion (Madrid).

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considerable success: no fewer than ten editions were published by EspasaCalpe until the 1980s. It was only replaced by Lorenzo's version in 1997. But Espasa has gone on making good use of Bueno's text in its collections of children's and juvenile literature,9 and in collections other than Austral.10 In general, Bueno's translation is a good Spanish text, although sexual and scatological passages were omitted.11 Lorenzo (1990, 192) also mentions Cipriano Rivas-Cherif's translation of Gulliver's Travels (1945), in which he perceives echoes of a French version. Rivas-Cherifs text was reprinted on at least four occasions. He is not mentioned in the first edition published by Aguilar in 1945, which was introduced by the prestigious Federico Sainz de Robles, a member of the Spanish Academy of History. Sainz de Robles (1945, 18) considers More's Utopia and Bacon's New Atlantis to be pre-texts that Swift surpassed in Gulliver's Travels (he also includes Voltaire's Candide and Defoe's Robinson Crusoe in that list). The essay by Sainz de Robles was not included in later editions, however. Cipriano Rivas-Cherif's name appears for the first time on the title-page in 1968. Rivas was the brother-in-law of Manuel Azafia, President of the Spanish Republic during the Civil War. First imprisoned and then exiled, Rivas tried to survive by translating, among other things, an activity in which he had already engaged before the war, together with Azafia.12 He completed his translation of Gulliver's Travels while being imprisoned at El Dueso in Santander. The fact that his name does not appear on the title-page until the third edition of 1968 is easy to understand: even then he is referred to as Cipriano Rivas, and not as Cipriano Rivas-Cherif. As Rivas is not an uncommon surname in Spain, the identification of him as Azana's brother-in-law would not have immediately struck the prospective reader. Translating as a breadwinning activity was the only option for a number of scholars after the Civil War, especially those who either had lost their position due to political reprisals or who could not start a teaching career in statesupported schools and the university system. Some names recur again and again in the field of translation from English. Sometimes one wonders how they managed to sustain their level of productivity. One of them is Juan G. de Luaces, whose translation of Gulliver's Travels probably enjoyed the largest circulation until the 1990s. The first edition of this version was published by Editorial Iberia (Barcelona: 1945) in the well-known collection Obras maestras (Masterpieces) which usually included an essay on the author and his title by a 9

In 2002, Espasa published one of those reprints in a series known as Austral Selection (Austral's Selected Works). 10 For instance, the one published by Optima (1997). 11 Maria Luz Celaya Villanueva (1989) studied five different translations of Gulliver's Travels into Spanish, analysing omissions, additions, and errors. Bueno's translation does not fare badly in comparison with the other texts: it follows the original rather closely (much more so, certainly, than the ones dependent on Desfontaines's version, which were predominant until then). 12 Azana translated extensively from French and English. Among his best known works in that field is George Borrow's The Bible in Spain (La Biblia en Espana), a classic in its genre.

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prestigious scholar. For Gulliver's Travels, Farran i Mayoral contributed a learned and insightful introduction of some 9,000 words, especially concentrating on satire and misanthropy in Swift.13 The book was reprinted in 1958. In 1981 there was another edition of Farran i Mayoral's translation, in the collection Les millers obres de la literatura universal. The preface explains that Farran had not included certain fragments, on his own initiative, following the criteria of 'good taste' — a case of self-censorship, when facing fragments he considered to be rude or ideologically pernicious. For the new edition of 1981, the novelist and translator Maria Antonia Oliver was asked to do a new translation to fill the void that Farran's samples had created. In the 1960s, Editorial Iberia was bought up by Salvat, one of the most important publishing houses in Spain. That deal ensured the fortune of Luaces's translation since Salvat included it in a collection of paperback classics which enjoyed a "wide circulation: Biblioteca basica Salvat (Salvat's Basic Library).14 Farran's introductory essay was replaced by a preface by Alvaro Cunqueiro, a creative writer and essayist in his own right, which surveys the critical history of Gulliver's Travels, quoting the views of Huxley, Maurois, Johnson, and Thackeray on Swift. Cunqueiro also underlines Swift's influence on Belloc, Smollett, and Orwell, among others (1969, 8—10), but his essay has neither the extent nor the scope of Farran's analysis. Salvat reissued Luaces's translation on several occasions and in different collections from the 1970s to the 1990s, even as late as 2001. Sarpe (Madrid: 1984) and Orbis (Barcelona: 1983, 1994) are publishers that have made use of the same translation, too. Juan G. de Luaces translated more than forty titles from English (he was also responsible for some translations from German and French): works by, among others, Emily Bronte, Dickens, Dos Passes, Marlowe, and Chaucer, in a career that spans more than thirty years, starting in the 1940s. Many of his translations are simply rewritings of existing ones, indeed, very close rewritings in some cases.15 Luaces knew Bueno's translation and retained some of his mistakes; not that these abound in Bueno's version, but some blunders are remarkable and easy to perceive nevertheless. Such is the case, for instance, of Bueno's rendering Gulliver's stay in Leiden as a student of

13

14

15

Farran i Mayoral had translated Gulliver's Travels into Catalan (Viatges de Gulliver) in 1923. He was an incredibly prolific translator from French, German, and English mainly. In a career that spanned fifty years, he completed, alone or in collaboration with other translators, more than fifty translations of the most varied nature. Salvat was the first publishing house in Spain to advertise their products meant for a mass audience on television. In the late 1960s, they launched their collection Biblioteca basica Salvat (Salvat's Basic Library), under the sponsorship of Damaso Alonso, at that time President of the Spanish Royal Academy, and Miguel Angel Asturias, the Guatemalan writer who was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1967. The price of the volumes was extremely cheap (the equivalent of 0.35 US dollars). Gulliver's Travels was no 17 of the series (Hamlet was no 7, Goethe's IVerther no 10). First editions usually sold up to 100,000 copies. In his version of the Canterbury Tales, for instance, Luaces plagiarizes the first Spanish translation by Manuel Perez y del Rio-Cosa. See J. C. Santoyo andj. L. Chamosa (1989).

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'Physic', which is translated 'fisica' instead of'medicina' (I, i, 1). Other errors Luaces managed to avoid.16 Of course, the question we should be posing by now is whether we are not dealing with evident cases of plagiarism. Raquel Merino (1995) has studied this important topic in what has become the standard essay on this issue as far as translations for the stage are concerned. Her conclusions are that plagiarism is one of the most common procedures of 'translation' in Spain in that specific area.17 Even though more research has to be undertaken in order to arrive at similar conclusions for the narrative, personal experience makes me incline to the view that the results would not be very different from those of Merino for the drama. Four new translations of Gulliver's Travels were published during the 1980s. These form a group of their own as they share some characteristics which indicate a qualitative change in the reception of Gulliver's Travels in Spain. All of them are scholarly works composed either by university professors (such is the case of Pedro Guardia in 1984 and Emilio Lorenzo in 1988) or by professional translators who present their versions justifying the options they have taken (Pollux Hernunez in 1982 and Begofia Garate-Ayastuy in 1987). Those by Guardia, Hernunez, and Lorenzo were completed more or less simultaneously.18 Garate made use of the Spanish editions available on the market by the mid-1980s. It is presumably safe to say that the translation by Pollux Hernunez has been the most influential one of the four, and this for many reasons: first, it has undergone at least ten reprints since 1982 in different collections and by different publishers. Meant originally for a series by Anaya devoted to juvenile readers,19 it is also well written, and its accuracy is very high. It is the first Spanish translation to include the Lindalino episode (III, iii, [14—18]). Finally, it is well annotated. In an appendix, which is a novelty in the field of Swift translations into Spanish, Hernunez establishes his version as the first complete one: all earlier translations he considers to be either paraphrases or rewritings.20 In the most recent reissues of his translation by Anaya (2001), Hernunez

16

17

18

19

20

For instance, the confusing rendering by Bueno of the lines in which Gulliver speaks of his marriage (I, i, 2). The Spanish seems to imply that Mary Burton's father was the one who received the dowry: Luaces's version does not make the same mistake. Merino's work has a self-explanatory title, La traduccion del teatro ingles en Espana: cuarenta arios de plagios (The Translation of English Drama in Spain: Forty Years of Plagiarism). The first sentence by a tribunal in Spain finding somebody guilty of plagiarizing a translation was passed in 1994 (1995, 75). Even though Lorenzo's translation was not published until 1988 in his edition of Swift's Ohms selectas (Selected Works), he had already finished it by 1983 (1990, 184). 'Tus libros' (Your Books). This series also features titles by R. L. Stevenson, Defoe, Poe, Alexandre Dumas, Verne, and others. Anaya has specialized in textbooks for primary and secondary schools and extremely successful collections of children's and juvenile literature. In later reprints of his translation (1991), Hernunez has added a page on which he charges Guardia with having used Maurice Pons's French translation as his original.

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replaced his appendix Math a summary of the Leugenarr hypothesis according to which Swift did not write Gulliver's Travels (2001, 377-81). But the circumstance that has contributed most to its importance is that the great Spanish Swift scholar Pilar Elena chose Hernufiez's Los viajes de Gulliver for her erudite introduction to Gulliver's Travels, which consists of some 180 pages, and which is a monograph on Swift and Gulliver's Travels in its own right, easily the most important study of Swift's masterpiece ever written in Spain (published by Catedra in 1992, and reprinted in 2000). This introduction was supplemented by a commentary of nearly 500 notes on every possible aspect of the text. Both make this edition a feat of scholarship upon which it is difficult to improve. Of course, it addresses an audience of scholars as well as students of English literature, and as such it does not compete directly either with the Hernufiez translations in Anaya or the majority of Gulliver's translations in Spain, for that matter. Pedro Guardia's translation, published by Planeta (1984) and reprinted on at least three occasions since, was the best Spanish attempt at producing a text both readable and respectful to the original until Pilar Elena's was printed in 1992. It includes an introductory chapter to the work and its author, together with a commentary, a chronology of Swift, and a bibliography. Guardia based his version on Faulkner's text of 1735, although he claims to have taken 'the different contributions of Gulliverian textual criticism' into account.21 There are no additions or omissions in his version; and errors are rare.22 Emilio Lorenzo published his translation of Gulliver's Travels, completed as early as 1983, in 1988. It was part of a volume that grouped several works by Swift under the title of Obras selectas (Selected Works), published by Swan in Madrid.23 It has been reprinted twice since then by Espasa-Calpe (Madrid), replacing Javier Bueno's translation in the collection 'Austral', probably the oldest and most influential one of any Spanish publisher, and reprinted ten times until the 1980s. Lorenzo's role has been of enormous importance in the reception of Gulliver's Travels: he pioneered the effort to elucidate the transmission of the text in Spain as well as the relationship between its different versions available to Spanish audiences. In this respect, the Preface to his translation in Espasa is a good summary of his research summing up, albeit in a partial way, the conclusions Lorenzo arrived at in his 1990 article 'Mas sobre las traducciones

21

22

23

'Se han tenido en cuenta las diversas aportaciones de la abundante critica textual gulliveriana' (xii). He does, notwithstanding this statement, which holds true generally speaking, step on some stones that have apparently been difficult for other translators, too (II, v, 4): for instance, 'kite' in the episode in which Gulliver is attacked by this animal is rendered into the Spanish by 'gatito' (kitten). Bueno and Luaces made the same mistake. Hemunez translates correctly by 'milano', as does Garate. Besides his translation of Gulliver's Travels, Obras selectas includes Cuento de una barrica (A Tale of a Tub), La conducta de los aliados (The Conduct of the Allies), Humilde propuesta (A Modest Proposal), Argumento en contra de la abolition del Cristianismo (An Argument against Abolishing Christianity), and Propositos para cuando Uegue a viejo. This volume was reissued by Espasa-Calpe in 1997.

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de Gulliver's Travels de Jonathan Swift' (More about the Translations of Gulliver's Travels by Jonathan Swift).24 In 1987, Alianza Editorial (Madrid) published the first edition of Begofia Garate-Ayastuy's translation of Gulliver's Travels, which has seen three further reprints by the same publishers. It is part of a large and prestigious collection with the title of El libro de bolsillo (The Pocket Book), with more than 2,000 works of every possible nature published to the present day. In an introductory essay, Aranzazu Usandizaga, Professor at the University of Barcelona,25 presents some of the contexts necessary for a better understanding of the Travels to an audience of non-specialists. By contrast, explanatory notes by Garate-Ayastuy are kept at a minimum. Even so, the translator has made good use of the work of her predecessors, and has incorporated some of their solutions into her own text (Lorenzo 1989, 187). During the 1990s, interest in Gulliver's Travels by no means diminished. In 1988, another translation by Pedro Barbadillo, together with notes and an appendix on Swift and Gulliver's Travels by Inaki Mendoza, appeared (published by Acento). This edition forms part of a collection devoted to adventure stories with an adult public in mind. Mendoza laments the fact that Gulliver's Travels should have been relegated to a secondary position in the canon by converting it into reading material for children (often after having been carefully expurgated), and he vindicates its literary values (p. 381). Barbadillo, who is an experienced translator with a long list of works to his credit, could not have engaged on his version, however, without the scholarship of Hernunez, Lorenzo, and others. It is a well written and very readable translation, in which faithfulness to the original reaches a happy compromise with acceptability.26

Gulliver's Travels for young people Introducing some order into any account of Swift's masterpiece in Spanish literature and culture is not easy. Emilio Lorenzo's working principles (identifiable translator, no adaptation, direct perusal of the volumes) had to be invoked. To these, another criterion had to be added: no twentieth-century text which formed part of a collection of children's and juvenile literature was to be considered unless it had been included in a collection for the general 24

5 26

I have made extensive use of the bibliographical information gathered by Emilio Lorenzo. He goes into a detailed comparison of several passages in the various Spanish translations he studies. Even though I do not share entirely some of Lorenzo's opinions, I think that his paper is an obligatory starting point for anybody interested in translation criticism and the reception of Swift in Spain. Aranzazu Usandizaga is herself a Swift scholar whose translations of Swift's writings we will analyse in part II of this paper. More than thirty titles of a very heterogeneous nature, including works by Roald Dahl, Elizabeth Baquedano, and Eric Wilson, and some of them belonging to the field of 'popular literature', purely commercial in nature. The number of translations, and their extremely varied character, makes one wonder, though, whether we have here a new translation of Gulliver's Travels or a professionally accomplished rewriting of already existing ones.

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public as well. This was the case, for instance, with the translations by Pollux Hernunez and Javier Bueno. But sticking rigidly to that scheme would disregard the fact that nearly half of the Spanish translations of Gulliver's Travels do not fit into it. Approximately, a hundred entries in the catalogue of the National Library are adaptations of some kind or another. Furthermore, rarely if ever is it made clear which translation the reteller used or even that the adaptation is not a complete rendering of the original. Last but not least, the policies of publishing houses as far as children's and juvenile literature is concerned are far from being homogeneous: drawing the line that separates reading matter for adults from that for young people is not easy. Nevertheless, some regularities seem to emerge in the mass of available data. First, a group of publishing houses, which specialize in titles for young audiences, make a point of offering complete editions of these. Among the most successful is Gaviota (Madrid), which published its first edition of Gulliver's Travels lavishly illustrated in 1984 and up to five reprints since (the last in 2001).27 Unfortunately, they do reveal neither the translator nor the author of the biographical essay on Swift, also included in these editions. The translation closely follows the original even in episodes with scatological elements or sexual references (for instance, those in which Gulliver describes the Brobdingnagian Maids of Honour [II, v, 6—7]). In this respect, the Spanish rendering is far more respectful to the original than are Spartal's or Luaces's translations.28 Three criteria in particular make this version a text suitable for a juvenile audience: first, its format; second, its profuse illustrations; third, the absence of any explanatory notes, a fact which turns the Travels into a book of pure entertainment. When deliberating on the norms for translating books originally conceived for adults into reading matter intended for children, Zohar Shavit (1986, 112— 13) posits: Unlike contemporary translators of adult books, the translator of children's literature can permit himself great liberties regarding the text, as a result of the peripheral position of children's literature within the literary polysystem. That is, the translator is permitted to manipulate the text in various ways by changing, enlarging, or abridging it or by deleting or adding to it. Nevertheless, all these translational procedures are permitted only if conditioned by the translator's adherence to the following two principles on which translation for children is based: an adjustment of the text to make it appropriate and useful to the child, in accordance with what society regards (at a certain point in time) as educationally 'good for the child'; and an adjustment of plot, characterization, and language to 27

28

They advertise their 'Clasicos jovenes' (Young Classics) as complete versions, neither adapted nor abridged. Spartal, following Desfontaines, ignores all of Gulliver's adventures in Brobdingnag, excepting that with the monkey (II, v, 12-14). Luaces carefully expurgates his version of Gulliver's experiences with the Maids of Honour; something perhaps easy to understand when we consider the existence of strict censorship at the time. Any description vaguely reminiscent of a sexual component would have immediately been suppressed.

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prevailing society's perceptions of the child's ability to read and comprehend. These two principles which Shavit considers to be basic for translation also apply to the adaptation of texts for children. As a matter of fact, the younger the prospective audience is the more intense the process of textual manipulation tends to be, and, as a result, the greater the distance between the original and the final product. Translation, understood as a process of encoding a message into a different language, under such circumstances becomes a secondary concern as equivalences between the original and the translated text practically cease to exist. A case in point is the 80-page illustrated version of Gulliver's Travels published by Susaeta (Madrid, 1982) in its series Aurora (Dawn), for the youngest among its audience (up to the age of eight to nine years).29 Of the five sections it consists of, one can immediately identify the first and the last, Gulliver en el pais de los enanos (Gulliver in the Country of the Dwarfs) and Gulliver en el pats de los gigantes (Gulliver in the Country of the Giants). The other three are tales that have nothing to do with Gulliver's Travels.™ The extent of the adaptation has been so drastic that a contrast with the original Gulliver's Travels is impossible to establish. This is an extreme case, however, in which the Spanish version only vaguely resembles the original. Of course, the intention of the publishers is to cash in on the popularity of Gulliver's Travels among adults, who are the ones, after all, to take the decision to buy the book. In 1969, Bruguera published Gulliver en el pais de los gigantes (Gulliver in the Country of the Giants) in its popular series Colecdon para la infanda (Collection for Childhood). The large-format volume is a hundred pages long, of which almost fifty are illustrations in the formula of a comic. Armonia Rodriguez is responsible for this adaptation, which introduces no radical alterations into the plot, it is true, but, in accordance with the principles enunciated by Shavit, has been adjusted so as to agree with 'prevailing society's perceptions of the child's ability to read and comprehend' (1986, 113). This means, for instance, that Chapter Six of the Voyage to Brobdingnag is reduced to a single paragraph in which the meaning conveyed becomes exactly the opposite of the one in the original:31 'Gulliver, therefore, explained to him the type of government there was in England, he taught him about the laws, the sciences and the arts, and the King marvelled at it all'. Of all adventures in Brobdingnag, only the one with the monkey is kept (II, v, 12-15). Nothing is said of Gulliver's experiences with the Maids of Honour.

29 30

31

Susaeta has published different adaptations of Gulliver's Travels addressed to young audiences of different ages. 'Gulliver en el pais de las cobras' (Gulliver in the Country of the Cobras), 'Gulliver en la ciudad sumergida' (Gulliver in the Submarine Town), 'Gulliver y la guerra de los dos colores' (Gulliver and the Two-Colour War). 'Gulliver, entonces, le explicaba la forma de gobierno en Inglaterra, le instruia con respecto a las leyes, las ciencias y las artes de su pais, dejando al soberano maravillado' (52).

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The reading of Gulliver's Travels as a story of adventures, in which the amusement of a young audience is the only objective, requires a pruning of those episodes and/or passages which do not fit into that scheme. A standard example is the edition prepared by Luis Casasnovas-Marques, and published by Everest (Leon) in 1979. This has enjoyed considerable success as the number of reprints (four during the 1980s) demonstrates. In his Preface, Casasnovas-Marques emphasizes that 'children enjoy the amusing plot of this charming tale without so much as suspecting the importance of its real meaning'.32 The edition is profusely and appealingly illustrated with thirty drawings by Teo. Although the translator is not mentioned, it is based upon the Spanish version by Juan G. de Luaces, who had already accomplished part of the task of removing problematic passages. To Luaces's cuts CasasnovasMarques adds his own. For instance, Gulliver's account of his sojourn in the kingdom of Tribnia and his expounding the deciphering methods of its inhabitants are omitted (II, vi, 12—13).33 The final result is a Spanish text the length of two thirds of the original, perhaps not a dramatic reduction. Everest offers explanatory keys for its collection of children's and juvenile literature according to three different levels of simplification (first steps, children, and juvenile). Our case study is intended for a juvenile audience (between twelve and fourteen years old) as well as for adults; an illustrative example of the extent to which boundaries between juvenile' and 'adult' are blurred.34 An adaptation which roughly coincides in length with that of CasasnovasMarques was published by Mateu (Barcelona: 1960). It was advertised as Viajes de Gulliver, retold by M. Rossell-Pesant, but is in fact Maximo Spartal's translation in the version of Rossell-Pesant, together with illustrations by Farinas in a collection designated Para tu hijo (For your Son). The revision implies that there is no fifth voyage, and that some of Desfontaines's omissions have been restored, probably in using Luaces's translation. There is nothing to help young readers in their interpretation of the text, and this would have been just another commercial edition of Gulliver's Travels but for one noteworthy detail: the author of the illustrations, E. M. Farinas, happens to be the adapter of Los viajes de Gulliver, published by Toray in the 1970s. This version enjoyed enormous popularity, as is shown by no less than ten reprints until the late 1980s. Catalogues of all public libraries in the country show that it probably was the most easily obtainable version of Gulliver's Travels for more than twenty years. The edition by Farinas is halfway between a conventional book and a comic; a formula which was very successful among young people, and which enabled the reteller to reduce the length of the text drastically without losing the coherence of the narrative.35 The shift of Farinas from illustration in 1960

32

33

34

35

'Los ninos gozan la divertida trama de este cuento encantador sin tener, siquiera, la menor sospecha de su enorrne trascendencia' (6). Casasnovas must have considered that such a passage would have been too complex for the understanding of his intended audience. Obviously, commercial reasons lurk behind this apparent contradiction as the same edition caters for practically every possible audience. The volume is 192 pages long but more than seventy use the form of a comic; the length of the Spanish text is less than half of the original.

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to adaptation in the 1970s highlights the editorial policy of publishing houses specializing in children's and juvenile literature: maximum profit. This 'principle' also becomes evident in the fact that only the voyages to Lilliput and Brobdingnag are dealt with, the rest is ignored.36 However, such practice is far from being unusual.37 The 'pictorial' character of some editions of Gulliver's Travels conditions the transmission of the text, as the language of images becomes primary and that of words only a help to the 'reading' of the first. Editorial Teide (Barcelona: 1970) published a Spanish version of Gulliver's Travels, lavishly illustrated by Gabriele Santini and translated by Rodolfo Arevalo from the Italian. The fact that the book is an adaptation is mentioned on the title-page, yet not the 'minor' detail that it was not translated from the English original. Its total length is approximately one third of the English; the stories are condensed, and whole chapters are missing in this version, which is specifically addressed to a young audience (up to twelve years old). It is a good example of how the text becomes of secondary importance in a semiotic product in which images are practically the sole justification for its existence. Mutilated versions of Gulliver's Travels are very common in the field of children's and juvenile literature. As early as 1841, Boix published its El Gulliver de los ninos (Gulliver for Children), limited to Gulliver's adventures in Lilliput and Brobdingnag. Ever since, and especially after the Spanish Civil War, all kinds of versions of the voyages to Lilliput and Brobdingnag have been published in Spain, either together or separately. Espasa-Calpe (Madrid) has systematically printed its Gulliver en Liliput in Javier Buono's rendering, up to the present day in its collection Austral Juvenil meant for children from the age of ten. The text is complete. By contrast, other publishers, especially those who have an audience of children in mind, produce adaptations. Some of these have been incredibly popular: Bruguera (Barcelona), for one, issued a version of Gulliver in Lilliput (Gulliver en el pats de los enanos) in 1956, which went through several reprints until the 1980s, in a collection called Para la Infanda (For Childhood). It was only twenty-six pages long, with illustrations. Some publishers group different stories in the same volume. Such is the case, for instance, of Susaeta (Madrid: 1969), which assembled an adaptation of Gulliver en el pais de los enanos (Gulliver in the Country of the Dwarfs) with tales by Andersen and the Brothers Grimm. Similarly, in a volume published by Bruguera (Barcelona: 1984), Gulliver en el pais de los gigantes (Gulliver in the

36 37

And the dialogues in the blurbs are sometimes 'dramatized', undoubtedly an increased appeal in the eyes of an innocent readership. Some publishers (in collections not meant for young people) follow this practice of selling an incomplete rendering without as much as indicating that such is the case. Ediciones Paulinas (Madrid: 1963) issued an edition of Gulliver's Travels without any warning of its true nature, the name of the translator and reteller. Even the text of the first and second voyages was expurgated of the most 'compromising' passages.

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Country of the Giants) is presented with Elpajaro azul (The Blue Bird) by the Countess d'Aulnoy.38 The great number of translations and adaptations of Gulliver's Travels, both complete and fragmentary, in collections and series of children's and juvenile literature clearly speaks for the great appeal Gulliver's adventures have had for young audiences in Spain. There is no bias whatsoever against a text that might be sensed as 'foreign' to the native literary tradition. The fact that some Spanish versions of Gulliver's Travels are comics rather than 'regular' books makes one think of the closeness of such material to cinematographic versions; an instance of what Jakobson denominates 'intersemiotic translation or transmutation', that is to say, 'an interpretation of verbal signs by means of signs of nonverbal sign systems' (1971 [1959], 263). However, films also share elements of intralingual translation or 'rewording', as there is a text, either spoken or written (silent movies), which is inextricably linked to the images on the screen. Gulliver en el pais de los gigantes (Gulliver in the Country of the Giants), a short inspired by Gulliver's 'Voyage to Brobdingnag' under the direction of Segundo de Chomon, was released as early as 1903. De Chomon, who was also the producer, the author of the script, and the director of photography, was a pioneer of Spanish cinema. He specialized in trick photography and also worked for Charles Pathe in France. Just before the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, a film produced in the USSR, El nuevo Gulliver (The New Gulliver), directed by Alexander Ptushko was shown in Spain. This was the first feature film inspired by Gulliver's Travels to be released in the country (its characters being puppets). In 1960, Jack Sher's The Three Worlds of Gulliver received the go-ahead for commercial distribution, being probably the closest cinematographic adaptation of a complete version of Gulliver's Travels to be shown in Spain. Finally, in 1983, another Spanish version of'A Voyage to Brobdingnag' was shot by Cruz Delgado. It enjoyed widespread popularity, if one takes into account that it was an animated cartoon; an area of expression in which Spanish artists have not enjoyed an outstanding tradition. II Other Works by Swift

The second work by Swift to be printed in Spain was a Catalan translation of The Battle of the Books, published in Barcelona in 1946. The collection of which La Batalla entre Llibres Antics i Modems was the first item has the title // Bibliojil Curios (The Curious Bibliophile). For the occasion, Lluis Deztany, the editor and translator, wrote an erudite preface establishing parallelisms and coincidences with the Spanish literary tradition both in the critical (Cervantes, Saavedra—Fajardo) and in the allegorical vein (Quevedo). He also paid careful attention to the genesis of Swift's satire and its historical contexts, including a survey of the French origin of the Querelle des Anciens et des Modemes (Fontenelle and La Bruyere). 38

To be sure, there are similarities in spirit as the Countess d'Aulnoy's tales tend to be sardonic in character.

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The Catalan version predates the first Castilian one by twenty-five years, a fact which is all the more remarkable in view of the prevailing prejudices against the use of languages other than Castilian, especially in the early years after the Spanish Civil War. It is true, though, that the circulation of Deztany's translation was limited (500 numbered copies). There are three versions of this work in Castilian: two times together with a translation of A Tale of a Tub and a third time with Cervantes's Viaje al Parnaso (Voyage to Parnassus) and Richard Aungerville's Philobiblion (1971). This association of the three titles clearly shows the predominantly bibliophile interest of the edition. The other two Castilian versions of The Battle of the Books appeared together with translations of A Tale of a Tub in 1976 and 1979. In his introductory note, M. de Mora-Charles, who was responsible for the 1976 edition, routinely refers to the genesis of the book in Sir William Temple's essays and Bentley's polemics. Not even the Battle's translator, J. M. Palau, is mentioned on the title-page, and readers are left to think that de Mora-Charles is the only translator of both works. By contrast, Cristobal Serra devoted the Introduction to his own translation of 1979 to a thorough exposition of the Tale as an epitome of Swift's style and wit. In his view, the Battle smacks of pedantry in its allegorical preoccupation, however (10). As a result, Deztany's Catalan version remains the most interesting Spanish approach to The Battle of the Books to date, presenting it on the basis of its own appeal and not as an appendix to the Tale that can easily be done away with. However, the reception of The Battle of the Books cannot be separated from that of A Tale of a Tub. Perhaps the most significant feature in the dissemination of both works is their belated arrival on the Spanish literary scene. The 1976 translation of the Tale by de Mora-Charles is a good example of the momentous change that was taking place in Spanish cultural life of the time. This was opening doors closed for so long to thoughts and ideologies not in line with strict official orthodoxy. Practically all important publishing houses started collections offering to the public foreign works of the most varied nature. Swift's Historia de una barrica (A Tale of a Tub) in its 1976 edition was no 35 in one of those series brought out by Labor, a publishing house in Barcelona, under the general heading of Las edidones Hberales (The Liberal Editions). A look at the titles in the series shows to what extent the criteria of the publishers were both universal and heterogeneous: Kropoktin, Marat, Mary Shelley, Pound, Nietzsche, Holderlin, Feuerbach, and Schopenhauer, among others. Sarcasm and irony are the characteristics emphasized by de Mora-Charles as the most important components of Swift's satire, which was aimed at Roman Catholicism as its main if not sole target. Censorship under Franco was rigorous on religious topics, because on many occasions the acting censors were priests.39 It is only when one (re)considers this situation that one can understand the list of authors in Labor's series. De Mora-Charles's version is carefully annotated; it not only sets off the explanatory material added to the

39

During the first years after the Spanish Civil War, the voices of the priesthood were decisive in Boards of Censorship as they had the final say. This was especially so in the distribution of films (Miguel 2000, 67), but it also marked a pattern that conditioned the whole world of translation.

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fifth edition of 1710 (here taken from Hawkesworth's London edition [1766]) from her own notes, it is also a complete rendering of the original in which the principle of adequacy reigns supreme. In Cristobal Serra's translation of 1979, by contrast, acceptability is the ruling norm.40 His version is supplemented by a short and juicy Preface in which he offers to his readership a good number of points for the better understanding of this difficult text. Serra gives special attention to Swift's learned debts: 'Going through A Tale of a Tub is more or less equivalent to checking the readings undertaken by an indefatigable reader.'41 In 1988, Emilio Lorenzo produced Swift's Ohms selectas (Selected Works), including a third Spanish translation of A Tale of a Tub. Lorenzo used the standard edition of A. C. Guthkelch and D. Nichol Smith (2nd edn, Oxford 1958, and reprinted several times since then) as his textual base, preserving the notes of the original and adding a good amount of his own. In this respect, he laid the first stone of a scholarly edition of A Tale of a Tub in Spanish. He was offered the opportunity of updating this first attempt in 1999 with EspasaCalpe, a publishing house that guaranteed a wider audience than Swan, the original publisher of 1988. Again, in 2000, a new edition of the Tale saw the light on the basis of Lorenzo's translation (Madrid: Catedra). This was edited by Emilio Lorenzo and Pilar Elena and constitutes a landmark in Swift studies in Spain. It not only presents a completely revised and annotated text so as to enable readers to bridge the cultural and historical gaps separating them from the original, but also an introductory essay by Pilar Elena of more than 150 pages which raises all issues significant in the academic debate on the Tale, together with a survey of criticism. Especially noteworthy are the sections devoted to the Tale's form and structure, the role of the narrator, as well as its epistemological and hermeneutical satire. This is augmented by a lengthy guide to the reading of A Tale of a Tub, in which references to works used and alluded to by Swift are followed up. It is thanks to this edition that the Spanish-speaking world owns a scholarly work comparable to those existing in other European languages. In 1982, Aranzazu Usandizaga produced a bilingual version of the Irish Tracts under the title La cuestion de Irlanda (The Irish Question) with the subtitle reading 'Seleccion de articulos sobre Irlanda' (A Selection of Articles on Ireland). The fact that there are no other Spanish versions available of some 40

I use the concepts of'adequacy' and 'acceptability' as defined by Toury (1980, 55) when talking of translational norms: 'Whereas adherence to the norms of the original determines the adequacy of the translation as compared to it, adherence to the norms of the target determines its acceptability in the target linguistic and/ or literary polysystems as well as its exact position within them.' Hatim and Mason (1990, 8) speak of'adequacy of a given translational procedure', which 'can be judged in terms of the specifications of the particular translation task to be performed and in terms of users' needs'. While Toury talks of translations which are more or less adequate, or more or less acceptable, Hatim and Mason put their emphasis on the procedures of translation as being more or less adequate or acceptable. 41 'Recorrer El cuento de un tonel es tanto como comprobar las lecturas realizadas por un lector infatigable' (11).

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of these texts implies that this edition also acts as a monolingual one for the readership. The obvious question concerns the rationale of a bilingual edition of precisely these texts. Bosch, the Barcelona publishing house, was well known for its annotated series in major languages. In the late 1970s, the firm started a bilingual collection that comprised the vernaculars. As far as English is concerned, a varied list of writers such as Ben Jonson, Blake, Keats, Milton, Shakespeare and Oscar Wilde were included, all titles put on sale being either plays or poems. The Irish Tracts is an oddity in that list, all the more so since Bosch never published any other title by Swift. Usandizaga selected for her edition two of the Drapier's Letters, no I ('Carta dirigida a los comerciantes, tenderos, labradores y gentes del campo en general del reino de Irlanda') and no IV ('A todo el pueblo de Irlanda'), 'Breve panoramica sobre la situacion de Irlanda' (A Short View of the State of Ireland), 'Un modesto proyecto orientado a evitar que en Irlanda los hijos de los pobres scan una molestia para sus padres o para su pais; y orientado a conseguir que se conviertan en un beneficio publico' (A Modest Proposal) and 'Respuesta al Craftsman (Answer to the Craftsman), thus putting the Spanish title in a new light. Usandizaga's Introduction focuses on Anglo-Irish relations and is a good summary of the complex circumstances that gave rise to Swift's writings on the Irish question. A year earlier, in 1981, Jose Luis Moreno-Ruiz published several works by Swift (Madrid: Legasa) under the title of Meditadones sobre un palo de escoba (Meditations upon a Broomstick) and, again, La cuestion irlandesa (The Irish Question). Although Moreno-Ruiz used the same formula as Usandizaga in 1982, the only text selected by him relating to the Irish question is A Modest Proposal. Presumably, the most plausible explanation for this decision is to be sought in commercial factors since anything related to Ireland is likely to find an audience in Spain, even if A Modest Proposal does not account for a fifth of the contents of the volume. The fact that Moreno-Ruiz incorporated an abbreviated version of Sir Walter Scott's essay on Swift as an introduction to the volume adds to its interest, which remains the only anthology available in Spanish of most of the texts by Swift. A Modest Proposal has proved to be one of Swift's writings of lasting interest. There exist at least three other translations into Spanish, all of them completed in the last twenty-five years. The first of them saw the light in 1977 in a volume which included Consejos a los criados (Directions to Servants) and Un hospital para incurables (A Serious and Useful Scheme to Make an Hospital for Incurables). Some of the patterns already established in the practice of translating and publishing foreign works in Spain in the late 1960s and in the 1970s are evident in this volume. It is a small paperback forming part of a series under the title Lafontana literaria (The Literary Fountain), published by Felmar (Madrid), and consisting of a heterogeneous list of authors and titles linked by the fact of being 'minor' works in the canon of their creators and, thus, badly known to any prospective audience. Among these are Jack London's The Cruise of the Snark and Conrad's The Arrow of Gold, but also works by Wilde, Lewis Carroll, Gerard de Nerval, Balzac, and Goethe. Costs for this edition (and the whole collection, for that matter) were cut to the bone as the audience is given nothing but the bare text of the translation. The only exception to this rule is the small number of drawings by Ops, a well-

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known illustrator of the 1970s, who is famous for the sketchy and crude nature of his works, especially abundant in some political weeklies and journals of the Left. A Modest Proposal and A Serious and Useful Scheme were translated by E. Gallo, and Directions to Servants by R. Boero, names that do not recur among the Spanish translators of Swift, but who are good and reliable. Excepting Gulliver's Travels, A Modest Proposal is the text by Swift with most translations into Spanish. Not to mention Lorenzo's version (Humilde propuesta) in his Obras selectas de J. Swift (Selected Works), which ran into a second, enlarged edition in 1999, the latest carefully executed translation into Spanish by Begofia Garate-Ayastuy was published in 2002 by Alianza Editorial (Madrid). The small volume with the Spanish title Una humildepropuesta . .. y otros escritos also offers renderings of A Serious and Useful Scheme (Un proyecto serio y util para construir un hospital de incurables), Directions to Servants (Instrucciones a los sirvientes), and Meditation upon a Broomstick (Reflexion en torno a una escoba). Garate-Ayastuy introduced her edition and added a limited number of explanatory notes, factors determined by the characteristics of the collection El libro de bolsillo (The Pocket Book), in which this little volume was published (no 5582). The scope of the field the collection aims to cover as well as the fact that it is addressed to as large an audience as possible easily explains the editor's policy. The series began to appear more than thirty years ago, and it has remained a paramount model of good-quality books at reasonable prices. But, of course, this does not make Garate-Ayastuy's version an academic edition of A Modest Proposal, such as the one by Pilar Elena of A Tale of a Tub. Finally, a word on a translation of the Fourth Book of Gulliver's Travels, the only translation of the Voyage to the Houyhnhnms (Viaje al pais de los Houyhnhnms) to be published separately in Spain in 1972 (Barcelona: Tusquets). The translator is Roberto Marquez, who is also responsible for other titles in this series. Readers are confronted with the bare text in Spanish, with neither any notes nor any introduction to the author and/or his work. The translation itself reads well, though. Once again, buyers are offered a series of the most varied nature under the general title of Cuadernos infimos (Tiny Notebooks) in what is an obvious reference to physical characteristics, the volumes being small both in size and length. The list of works in this collection published by Tusquets is a mix of creative literature, essays, and critical studies. Publication of the books began in the late 1960s, and the series catered for a minority audience, looking for works that either had not been published before in Spanish or titles in Spanish which did not fit into any of the existing collections. The fact that the 'Voyage to the Houyhnhnms' appeared in such an environment may be attributed to the heterodox nature usually associated with this particular section of the Travels. Some patterns in the Spanish reception of Swift's works other than Gulliver's Travels emerge in this brief survey. First, all of these texts appear belatedly on the Spanish cultural scene. Excepting the translation of The Battle of the Books by Deztany in the 1940s, no text by Swift was rendered into Spanish until the 1970s. Interest in, and knowledge of, his texts was limited, and this is no exception to the reception of the English literary tradition in

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Spain. Generally, there was no constant flux of translations from English, which only recently have grown in number so as to become more than half of all translations completed every year in the country. Second, there are specific circumstances affecting the dissemination of Swift's works. The fact that the religious issue has always been a thorny one turned out to be an obstacle to many of his writings militant in this field, particularly A Tale of a Tub. During the years of the Franco regime, this would have impeded any prospective translator and publisher. Third, as a natural consequence, the flourishing of series and collections devoted to authors and titles that could be labelled maudits benefited writers like Swift. In the majority of the cases, these had a reputation of caring for the inteligentsia, they had a minority character, and finally represented heterodox values and ideologies in the broadest sense of the terms. Not coincidentally, the texts that have to do with Irish issues were the ones that found their way to press on more occasions, as there was a permanent interest in everything Irish (this is especially true of the 1970s) in Spain. The development of the nationalist movements in the country and the drive towards regional autonomy were added elements in that popularity, parallels being established between the Irish feeling of nationhood and the longing for self-rule in Catalonia and the Basque country. Last but not least, the more recent development of scholarly editions of some Swift titles has to be linked to the rise of English Studies in Spain. Emilio Lorenzo, Pedro Guardia, Aranzazu Usandizaga, Pilar Elena, and Begofia Garate-Ayastuy belong to that movement. English as an academic field prospered under the aegis of Emilio Lorenzo at the Universidad Complutense in Madrid in the 1950s, and it has experienced constant growth ever since, even accelerating in the 1980s. Not only did the reading public in the country evolve, but also the feeling that Spain as a nation had to fill the cultural void that many generations of isolation, politically enforced, had produced. That is why there has been such a momentous growth in the number of translations in a relatively short period of time. The reception of Swift tends to be dominated by his heterodox position on many sensitive issues. Satire and criticism are inextricably linked in the perception of the reading public. The heterogeneous company in which many Swift titles have made their appearance in the Spanish cultural system gains its full meaning only when one approaches the Dean in the light of the sociological and historical circumstances that have determined Spanish life in the last thirty years. In that sense, studying the reception of Swift's works constitutes an excellent case study by itself.

Ill General conclusions First of all, Swift's works arrived late in the world of Spanish letters. The first translation of Gulliver's Travels by Spartal was completed at the beginning of the nineteenth century, with the first adaptations being more or less contemporaneous. What holds true for Gulliver's Travels is also true of all other writings by Swift: there are no Spanish translations before the 1940s, and the majority of them were completed from the 1970s onwards.

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As is the case with practically all of English literature, French is the language through which the first translations and adaptations were mediated. The importance of this intermediary role cannot be exaggerated: there are no Spanish versions of Gulliver's Travels from the original until the twentieth century, and the existing ones from the French (from Desfontaines, that is) were being reprinted until the 1970s. Others (for instance, those of Luaces or Rivas-Cherif) were strongly influenced by Spartal's. By the time other works by Swift were translated, this pattern had come to an end, however. A qualitative change in the reception of Gulliver's Travels takes place during the 1980s when the first scholarly translations were completed. Standards of reception rise in line with the growth of English Studies in Spain in general. The translations by Guardia, Hernufiez, and Elena are the results of commitments by publishing houses which care for audiences far more demanding than was previously the case. The number of translations, adaptations, and retellings of Gulliver's Travels of every possible kind addressed to young readers is indicative of a complete naturalization of the text in the Spanish cultural scene: it makes Gulliver's adventures probably the most popular reading for that public not originally written in Spanish. The political and sociological developments of the 1970s and 1980s in Spanish society are at the root of the interest in Swift as an essayist and creative writer with a political compromise. The characteristics of the collections and series in which these works appeared clearly respond to that profile.

4

A Lusitanian Dish: Swift to Portuguese Taste Jorge Bastos da Silva

The story of the reception of Swift's works in Portugal is essentially the story of the translations and adaptations of Gulliver's Travels. Apart from one single exception in the early 1800s, it is only in the 1970s that such works as Directions to Servants and A Modest Proposal came into print in Portuguese versions, with no apparent impact on the public. There is no evidence that important works like A Tale of a Tub and The Battle of the Books were ever translated. As for Swift's poetry, it is as good as non-existent in Portuguese. Gulliver, by contrast, was often translated, reprinted, retold, adapted (and perhaps imitated) in Portugal right from the late eighteenth century. Indeed, the earliest translation was issued in 1793; the latest in 1999. I The first translation of Gulliver's Travels

Historically, the most important translation of Gulliver's Travels in Portugal is by far the earliest, first published in 1793 (Teerink-Scouten 459A) and reissued in successive editions up to 1870. The translator, whom it has proved impossible to identify, is only known by his initials,}. B. G. Although the fact is not mentioned in any of the editions, on closer analysis it becomes clear that the translator based his work on a French version. In fact, comparison with several French editions published in the course of the eighteenth century leads to the result that this base was the Abbe Pierre-Francois Guyot Desfontaines's Voyages de Gulliver, as published by the widow Coustelier in Paris in 1727 (Teerink-Scouten 385).' The fact that it was not deemed important to state that Viagens de Gulliver a Varios Paises Remotos was an indirect translation has to do with the lack of critical consciousness on the part of contemporary translators and the public at large. That the translation was mediated through French has to do with the ignorance of the English language predominant among Portuguese men of letters at the time and with the dominating influence of French culture and the French language. People did not find it strange that France should be the 1 The authors point out that this is an adaptation. I think it is only fair to say that, according to eighteenth-century French poetics of translation, Desfontaines did not take an extraordinary degree of licence in dealing with Swift's text (see, for some details, Bouce 2003, 379-86).

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centre of their cultural concerns. Translators did not hesitate to use French texts, nor do many of them appear to have thought that first-hand knowledge of English originals was essential for their task. More often than not, therefore, a translator is likely to have concealed his dependence on a French version, altogether usual at the time, because of the undesirability of contacts with revolutionary France, rather than because of cultural or linguistic embarrassment. For decades, perhaps for well over a century,2 J. B. G.'s was the only translation of Gulliver's Travels available in Portuguese, and the only work by Swift which it was relatively easy for readers to come across. The publishing houses were important, mainstream, even official ones: the university press of Coimbra and Rolland's publishing house, a prestigious label in the Romantic period. It is also relevant to bear in mind that all texts were subject to licensing prior to publication until 1820, the year of a 'liberal' revolution in the country. So whatever rough and provocative, subversive and heterodox elements there may have been in Gulliver's narrative had to be softened or damped down. This largely accounts for the fact that Desfontaines's belle infidele, which was far from offending the French nation's 'much vaunted bon gout' (Bouce 2003, 379—86), was almost ideal for Portuguese translators. As a result, J. B. G. shows scrupulous fidelity to the French text; even footnotes designed for a French readership were translated, as well as the Preface (though this was omitted in some editions). As for fidelity, however, the main point to be stressed is that Desfontaines was so quick to translate Gulliver's Travels that he had to use Benjamin Motte's vitiated text of 1726, a text which had made Swift angry and indignant (see Correspondence, ed. Woolley, III, 109—13). As is well known, it was only in 1734 (dated 1735) that George Faulkner published an edition which came closer to the author's intentions (Woolley 2003, 75—87). At any rate, what Portuguese readers were able to read was not Swift's authorized text at all.

II Other complete translations of Gulliver's Travels

In addition to J. B. G.'s, a total of five or possibly six or seven full-text translations of Gulliver's Travels have been published in Portugal, the last as recently as 1999. On the whole, there is little that is remarkable about these versions, apart from the fact that Swift's masterpiece has been proficiently translated and kept in print for decades without interruption. Indeed, the version by Maria Francisca Ferreira de Sousa, first published in 1974, is still available from booksellers. The longest-standing text, however, and the one with the most intricate publishing history, is the one first published by Ferreira & Oliveira in the early 2

Depending on whether the 1846 edition (A.2) and the Fillet edition (A.7) are reissues of J. B. G.'s text — I have not been able to locate copies of either of these editions. As for the former, it is unlikely for the publishers, Rolland, to have commissioned a new translation of the Travels, having published J. B. G.'s version thrice before.

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decades of the twentieth century. This version was reissued successively by several other publishers, namely Portugalia in 1946,3 Publicit in 1984, and Vega in 1996. This is likely to have been the most popular translation of Gulliver's Travels in Portugal in the twentieth century.4 Yet this does not mean that the work remained unchanged in the course of its several editions. For one thing, the spelling was updated according to the changes in the official orthography of the language. For another, whereas the first edition had thirty illustrations, not all of these were kept by Portugalia, and when they were kept, they were printed in a rather bad shape, too. The pictures were eventually dropped by Publicit, which commissioned another artist. Thirdly, the first edition did not include Gulliver's letter to his cousin Sympson, though the later ones did. Last but not least, it is interesting that Gulliver should have appeared in various series, entitled 'Obras Primas' ('Masterpieces', Ferreira & Oliveira), 'Biblioteca dos Rapazes ('The Boys' Library', Portugalia), and 'Classicos Juvenis' ('Youth Classics', Publicit). This implies not only Gullivers canonization but also its classification as a book for a male readership, adults not being altogether excluded. The most puzzling feature of this version has to do with the identity of the translator. While the first edition does not give a name at all, the second only bears enigmatic initials, 'M. M.'. Again, the Publicit edition says nothing. By contrast, the Vega edition states that the translator is one Maria Franco and that the text was revised by one Alice Araujo, presumably for this edition, on what grounds remains unclear, however. The bibliographical database run by the National Library in Lisbon attributes the translation to Manuel de Macedo (1839—1915), which conforms with the most likely period of issue. Macedo was first and foremost a painter, but he is also known to have translated a few books from English and German.

Ill

Gulliver's Travels, Part Four A peculiar contribution came in 1946 from a distinguished intellectual, Agostinho da Silva - academic, educationalist, philosopher, utopist, poet, novelist, translator, as well as a prolific writer on topics of literature and science, religion and the history of ideas. In Lisbon in the 1940s, before being forced into exile on account of his opposition to the fascist Salazar regime, Agostinho da Silva edited (and published) a series of anthologies under the 3

4

In fact, the work was issued by Portugalia several times. I have located three editions, dated 1946, 1958, and 1969 respectively, the last purporting to be a fourth edition. All editions belong to the same series. Volumes were published in both hardcover and paperback. Compared with the 1946 edition, the text of the 1958 edition has been reset, and it does not bear the name of the translator. The picture on the front cover is the same, but the overall colour was changed. The 1969 edition, which does not identify the translator either, looks completely different. It says on the back that the book is suitable for readers aged twelve and more. One is startled to find that the translation published by Colares in 1999 (A.5), though the texts are not quite identical, is often uncannily similar to the one I am discussing.

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general title 'Introduce aos Grandes Autores' ('An Introduction to Great Authors'). Each volume consisted of a short introductory essay followed by a translation, either a full text or excerpts. Authors included Voltaire, Cervantes, Guizot, Fenelon, Bacon, Poe, Dickens, and Thomas More, along with several Portuguese writers. Clearly, the selection meant to be thought-provoking, and was often blatantly provocative. Stendhal's portrayal of the Battle of Waterloo in La Chartreuse de Parme, for instance, was topically relevant at the time of World War Two. Dostoevsky's Grand Inquisitor in The Brothers Karamazov would ring a bell to people living under a dictatorship which was closely linked to the Catholic Church. Thus it is safe to assume that when Agostinho translated a section of Gulliver's Travels dealing with political matters, people would read between the lines. The introduction to No Pais dos Cavalos (In the Country of Horses) includes a few biographical data, a survey of Swift's literary production, and a few personal traits. Most interestingly, the Dean's religious beliefs are said to have been rather undefined and his interest in politics is explained as an 'activity in which he could best perceive what brutal and pitiable there is in men'.5 The sections selected for the translation are Chapters Five and Six of Part Four. In spite of occasional paraphrase and ellipses — in particular, a few points on sexual (im) morality were omitted — the passage was scrupulously translated in essence. Indeed, no better satire than Swift's could operate as a criticism of the deeply conservative regime of Salazar. Thematically, this section is very significant. It focuses on war, its means and vicious pretexts as well as the slaughter it entails. It also includes references to exiles, which could be related both to the politically committed who had to flee the country and to the many thousands who had emigrated to Central Europe and the Americas in search of better material prospects — those who wanted to escape persecution as well as those who wanted to be free from poverty. Finally, it involves a satire of the judicial system, of capitalist exploitation, social inequality, and misrule. In particular, it satirizes the prime minister. Swift's guarded references to Walpole implicitly target Salazar. Translating Swift and presenting him as a great author thus became instrumental in the political intervention Agostinho da Silva advocated at the time. His version is in stark contrast to the way in which the book was adapted by Joao de Barros, who neutralized much of its political content and patriotically made Gulliver love the Portuguese. One may also take it to be a reaction against the moralistic bent of Leyguarda Ferreira's version, published the year before.

IV Gulliver's Travels for young readers For long, a favourite generic classification of Gulliver's Travels has been that of an adventure story for the young. This poses an ideological crux in dealing with the text, as it necessitates, or allows for, the playing down of those elements in the book which have to do with politics and immorality, filth and 5

'por ser a actividade em que melhor podia surpreender o que havia de brutal e de lamentavel nos homens' (p. 3).

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sexuality, or at least a more or less marked tendency to do so on the part of those who adapt, illustrate, and/or translate. Portugal has been no exception to this rule. Here, adaptations have been produced at various times. Moreover, adaptations made in other countries have been translated into Portuguese, so that, at some stages, the reception of the work in countries like France, Italy, and Spain has played a mediating role in the process. As with the translations proper, the title of almost all of these texts is identical with the short English one, (As) Viagens de Gulliver. On the whole, the idea of the very big and the very small appears to have been the most appealing, so much so in fact that, while emphasis is laid upon Parts One and Two, the matter of Parts Three and Four, which is thematically more complex and morally more disturbing, tends to be disregarded. One Joao Sereno, for instance, produced two very small books for children in the mid-twentieth century, the contents of which are based upon the first two voyages of the Dean's masterpiece. The titles are Gulliver ou o HomemMontanha (Gulliver or the Man-Mountain) and Gulliver ou o Homem-Migalha (Gulliver or the Man-Crumb). These are explicitly stories for children, and indeed licensed as such by a special government commission which supervised like publications at the time. It is therefore not surprising that the fantastic incidents of the plot should be retained while the scatological elements are omitted, as well as almost all that has to do with political satire or reflection. One way or another, the comparative preference for Parts One and Two is noticeable in most other adaptations. A version published in 1921 by Casa Garrett, for instance, leaves out Parts Three and Four altogether, following Bernard-Marie-Henri Gausseron's text of 1884. Accordingly, on his return from Brobdingnag, Gulliver's extravagant behaviour makes his wife protest that he is never to go to sea again, and her word is the final one. Similarly, a comic-book adaptation published in 1980 (originally Spanish) refers to Parts One and Two only. The work ends with a picture of Gulliver smiling, together with his wife, two children, and a cat, along with the caption: 'An insatiable spirit of adventure was to lead me to other travels in search of new knowledge and extraordinary emotions'.6 Likewise, the latest adaptation (also originally Spanish) only covers Parts One and Two as well, including a jigsaw puzzle at the end, so that children can play with a picture of Gulliver's travels in addition to reading the book. More drastically, other editions only retell Part One, such as the 1979 edition illustrated by Hieronimus Fromm (a Spanish original, too), which is an extremely simplified version, and that by Leyguarda Ferreira, not to mention the one entitled Gulliver — Viagem a Lilliput (Journey to Lilliput).7 It does not come as a surprise then that, more often than not, Lemuel's letter to his cousin Sympson and the latter's address to the reader are also dropped. In keeping with this overall tendency, most publishers have chosen for their book-cover pictures which relate either to Gulliver's first voyage or to his

6 'Urn insaciavel espirito de aventura havia de me levar a empreender outras viagens em busca de novos conhecimentos e de extraordinarias emocoes' (unpaginated).

7 Names such as 'Jacques Bates', 'Leyde' (p. 9), and 'Guillaume Prichard' (p. 11) indicate that the translator is likely to have used a French source.

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second, almost never to his later adventures. Clearly, the idea of the very small (Gulliver as a boy among toys) and of the very big (Gulliver as a child in a world of grown-ups) is consistently thought to be most striking for the readership aimed at - young people, or even small children. The adventurous element tends to derive from the symmetrical situation of the hero in Lilliput and Brobdingnag, not from his more intellectual confrontation with the Academicians of Lagado as well as the Yahoos and the Houyhnhnms. Thus, what is presumably least attractive to young readers is also what is presumably most disturbing, if not outright repulsive at times. This makes it all the more easy for adaptations to leave certain elements out, Parts Three and Four containing a great deal that is taken to be unsuitable for the purposes of instructing and entertaining. Strategies which integrate narrative and illustrations prove to be particularly frequent and relevant when it comes to producing adaptations for young readers. Of course, most versions heavily rely on pictures. In some instances, the illustrations even appear to be more important than the text, and in some cases, the person responsible for adapting the text, as in a version published in 1979, is not even mentioned. One of the latest adaptations, based on a British original, flaunts the name of the illustrator on the front cover, but not the name of the reteller. This is all the more striking in this case, as the text was not only shortened but glossed. Indeed, the book is full of notes explaining the contents and contexts of the narrative and giving biographical, historical, and literary information, almost resulting in a hypertext effect. Furthermore, for each of the four parts there is an 'All about' section, which aims at a systematic summary of the most significant features of the peoples Gulliver is brought in contact with. This is indeed an interesting concept to attract young readers towards the 'classics' of literature, other titles in the series being Stoker's Dracula, Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, Dickens's Oliver Twist and A Christmas Carol, Hugo's Notre-Dame de Paris, Hoffmann's The Nut-Cracker, Alcott's Little Women, The Odyssey, and Verne's Vingt mille lieues sous les mers. Even so, it is still the illustrator's work that is made to stand out. By contrast, a Spanish adaptation published in Portuguese in 1966 develops a different strategy. Here, the prose narrative runs parallel with the comicbook narrative. The proportion is three pages of prose to one (interleaved) of illustrations. These form a continuous narrative, albeit an extremely poor one. While the prose is a considerably shortened version of Swift's piece, it comprises, with a pinch of salt, the whole of Gulliver's adventures, the sections corresponding to each of the four parts of the original having roughly the same number of pages, except for the last part, which is shorter. Interestingly, the story is divided into five parts, however, in that Swift's Part Three is subdivided into two — a voyage to 'Lupata' ('Laputa' verging so much on 'the whore', both in Spanish and Portuguese, as to be inadmissible) and a voyage to 'the country of dreams'. The book is one in a series for young readers, which actually comprises two distinct sets, one for boys and one for girls. Rather unexpectedly, Gulliver's Travels is supposed to be girls' reading, along with Alcott's Little Women, tales from The Thousand and One Nights, Carroll's Alice in Wonderland, Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin, as well as stories by Perrault, Hoffmann, Andersen, the Brothers Grimm, Spyri's Heidi, and Sienkiewicz's Quo Vadis?, while boys are 'fobbed off' with Defoe's Robinson Crusoe,

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Cooper's The Last of the Mohicans, Dickens's Oliver Twist, Verne's Michel Strogoff, Scott's Ivanhoe, Wallace's Ben-Hur, Twain's The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, Dumas's Les Trois Mousquetaires, Melville's Moby-Dick, and the travels of Marco Polo. Also unexpectedly, some dismaying or thought-provoking elements are preserved both in the prose and in the picture narrative. Among these are Gulliver's urinating on the palace to put down the fire in Lilliput (I, v, 9), as well as the bestial, grotesque aspect of the Yahoos and their identification with humans (IV, i, 4; IV, iii, 10). Still, the authors are careful not to include details which might prove to be unedifying or just too shocking. The execution of a prisoner in Brobdingnag is shown, but the authors stop short of mentioning the prodigious blood spurts that flow from the beheaded man (II, v, 8). Similarly, the general assembly of the horses in Houyhnhnmland is included, but the castration and extermination of the Yahoos are not mentioned, just as Gulliver is not allowed to talk about the castration of horses in Europe (IV, ix, 3). On the contrary, the horses rule that 'We must examine how much food we have available and give what is superfluous to those who are in need of it'8 — a pious intention which has nothing to do with what Swift wrote (except in that the Houyhnhnms are good, moral creatures) and which does not even make much sense in a geographically isolated country. By contrast, Gulliver's repugnance for the Yahoos is significantly attenuated in that data related to sexual practices and filth are omitted, even if some brutish vices are displayed. As a result, the protagonist's misanthropy is also attenuated. The theme itself receives considerably shorter treatment, and the narrator even adds the remark that those who approach him with pride shall get a horse's kick from 'y°urs truly, the Houyhnhnm', Lemuel Gulliver. Two rather extravagant adaptations were made by Joao de Barros and Leyguarda Ferreira. The former was a figure of some standing in Portuguese society in the first half of the twentieth century. In addition to being engaged in politics and historical research, he adapted several 'classics' of literature for a young readership, such as Camoens's Os Lusiadas, The Odyssey and Virgil's Aeneid, all of which were successively reprinted and are still available today. The series O5 Grandes Livros da Humanidade ('The Great Books of Mankind') also comprised adaptations of Dante's Divine Comedy, as well as several Portuguese books, prepared by other authors. Barros's version of Gulliver's Travels strikes the modern reader as patriotically bent in a naive sort of way. His flattery of the Portuguese was strikingly in tune with the political ideology of the fascist regime which he opposed. Likewise, a good deal of the coarseness of Lemuel's narrative is smoothed over, while some names are phonetically simplified (Captain William Prichard becomes Guilherme Richard, Reldresal becomes Redresal) and the reader is given some extra clues, such as calling the Houyhnhnms 'cavalos civilizados' (civilized horses). At the same time, Swift's Part Three simply vanishes. All this makes the book suitable for young people. But something else is to be noted about this adaptation. Making a mockery of 8 'Devemos examinar as nossas disponibilidades de alimentos e dar a quern nao tenha aquilo que nos sobra' (p. 243).

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Swift's bold invective against human wickedness, the last section is entitled 'The end of my adventures, and I learn to love the Portuguese'.9 After leaving the country of the Houyhnhnms, Gulliver is glad to be rescued by a Portuguese vessel. The hospitality and the generosity of the mariners are highly commended, and the hero regrets having foolishly taken them for a species of Yahoos (pp. 268, 274). He then praises Lisbon as a city of most civilized people, and as a rich, splendid capital teeming with activity, festivities, and pageants, so much so in fact that simply by being there Gulliver sheds his feelings of misanthropy and becomes reconciled to his fellowhumans (pp. 277-79). Patriotic manoeuvres such as these necessitate an overall interpretation of the book that de-emphasizes, or even dispenses with, the most critical dimensions of Lemuel's views and experiences. The Preface accordingly strikes the key in which to read Gulliver's Travels: The lesson to be extracted from Gulliver's imaginary adventures, the lesson which is imposed upon us, is one of high moral value, as it asserts the steadfast energy of a man who, being forced to endure the most painful calamities and constantly to adapt to the most difficult and even aggressive circumstances, surpasses and overcomes them all, with an attitude that is always dignified and of exceptional courage.10 Barros thus removes Gulliver's folly, misanthropy, and divers other embarrassments. He would have known that he was wide of the mark, but his aim was to assert the book's suitability as 'a salutary viaticum in the happy or unhappy paths of life'. He even piously mentions 'the fraternal communion of men and peoples'.11 This sort of bowdlerization is rightly denounced by Alice Vieira, a renowned author of fiction for children. Prefacing a book-club edition of Barros's version in 1988, she submits that 'Gulliver's Travels is one of the cruellest and most ferocious satires of humanity in general and in particular of the English society Swift belonged to',12 a verdict that points out the bitterness of the work that Barros patently endeavoured to make palatable. Vieira nevertheless qualifies the work as 'above all a fabulous adventure story, interlocking tales of mystery and enchantment'.13 Interestingly enough, however, Swift's political engagement is also stressed (pp. 7—9), Vieira being a

9

10

11

12 13

'Acabam as aventuras e aprendo a amar os Portugueses' (p. 259). 'A licao que das aventuras imaginarias de Gulliver se extrai, e se nos impoe, e de alto valor moral, pois afirrna a inquebrantavel energia dum homem que, forcado a suportar calamidades dolorosissimas, e a adaptar-se a cada momento a circunstancias dificilimas e ate agressivas, tudo vence e tudo supera, em atitudes sempre dignas e de excepcional coragem' (p. 8). 'salutar viatico nos caminhos, felizes ou infelizes, da existencia'; 'fraternal comunhao dos homens e dos povos' (pp. 8—9). 'as Viagens de Gulliver sao das satiras mais crueis e ferozes a humanidade em geral, e a sociedade inglesa em que Swift se inseria, em particular' (p. 7). 'e, antes de mais, um fabuloso livro de aventuras, contos de misterio e encantamento que se entrelacam' (p. 10).

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member of the Portuguese Communist Party, and so are the reasons for the general predilection for the first two voyages with young readers: There is something of a fairy-tale quality in living among giants or among midgets, and the satire becomes rather diluted. But to live among horses .. . and to prefer them to the human race is too cruel a story to be presented to the young. Hence, the fourth part of the book is left out of many editions, or considerably softened in many adaptations.14 Like Joao de Barros, the now obscure Leyguarda Ferreira was the author of a number of books for children, which appear to have been successful in the 1940s and 1950s. Here, too, the patriotic shift is noticeable. In her version, published in 1945, the story is retold with licence. Lumel [sic] Gulliver decides to go to sea, disregarding his mother's admonitions. With the mother taking the role of Gulliver's wife, the story is brought closer to young readers, just as the illustrations present the hero as a young boy. As often happens, the front cover portrays him walking amongst the tiny houses of Lilliput, and the text in several passages associates the Lilliputians and the Blefuscudians with toys (pp. 8, 11, 30). The impression that Gulliver is a child playing with toys is reinforced by the Lilliputians' portrayal with Pinocchio-like noses in some illustrations (for example, p. 27). More than once in the course of the narrative, Ferreira falls into line with the nationalistic bent in the prevailing ideology. When war with Blefuscu is imminent, Reldresal asks Gulliver for help in the name of the King of Lilliput: 'Then the Secretary told him of the history of the realm of Lilliput, for you are not to presume that this people lacks history on account of its being small. Small countries sometimes have the most brilliant feats in their annals, and our Portugal is the best example of this.'15 The direct address of the reader is one of Ferreira's favourite didactic strategies. The ending is also moralistic. Gulliver and the Dwarfs say goodbye in the most friendly manner, and he sails back home to his exultant mother (who thought he was dead), never to travel again. Then it is the narrator's turn to preach piety and charity, claiming that 'we are all Lilliputians in the face of the greatness of God and even of human science, which performs so many miracles'.16 It is also stated that God will sit in judgement over our good deeds and reward us (p. 48). On the other hand, just as Gulliver presented the Lilliputians with a few pounds which they prized highly, 'so some of your money shall be a treasure for one in poverty; and the 14

'Viver entre os gigantes ou entre os anoes tern ainda qualquer coisa dos contos de fadas, e a satira esvai-se um pouco niais. Mas viver entre os cavalos (e o que se passa no Pais dos Honynhnhms e preferi-los a raca humana e uma historia demasiado cruel para ser apresentada aos mais novos . . . . Dai que normalmente essa quarta parte do livro seja esquecida em muitas edicoes, ou consideravelmente "abrandada" em muitas adaptacoes (incluindo esta de Joao de Barros)' (p. 10). 15 'Entao o conselheiro, em breves palavras, po-lo ao facto da historia do reino de Lilliput, pois nao vao imaginar que por ser pequenino este povo deixa ole a ter. Os paises pequenos teem por vezes nos seus anais os feitos mais brilhantes e o nosso Portugal e o maior exemplo do que afirmo' (p. 28). 16 'Todos somos liliputianos em face da grandeza de Deus e ate da ciencia humana, que tantos milagres realiza' (p. 47).

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light of your intelligence for one who is ignorant; and a smile and words of comfort for one who is unfortunate. Poor as we may be, we always have something to give, be it only a piece of our heart.'17 In this way, the three key concepts of Portuguese fascist propaganda — God, country, and family — are joined together unashamedly.

V Pseudo-Gulliveriana in Portuguese translation

While offshoots such as the anonymous 1796 Modern Gulliver's Travels, sometimes attributed to H. Whitmore (Teerink-Scouten 1257), and the 1830 Sequel to Gulliver's Travels, whose author is supposed to be Lemuel Gulliver (Teerink-Scouten 1266), do not appear to have reached the Portuguese market, a translation of the Abbe Desfontaines's time-honoured sequel, Le Nouveau Gulliver (1730), was published in 1819. The hero is Lemuel's son, Jean Gulliver, whose fantastic journeys are narrated. This is the first of several works which attest and contribute to the fame of the Dean's protagonist in Portugal. In his Preface, also included in the Portuguese version, Desfontaines does not fail to mention the Dean's great success in France, though he insists on his own narrative's only incidental relationship with the Travels. He also states that Swift's genius has been admired 'for his ability to make somewhat likely things that are obviously impossible, misleading the imagination and alluring his reader's judgement through an arrangement of finely circumstanced and connected facts'.18 The science fiction novel O Novo Gulliver (original title, El Nuevo Gulliver), presumably published in 1961, is supposed to be by one Tingusa Gelany, a very odd name, which appears to be an anagram, meaning perhaps 'Agustin y Angel'. The book purports to be a translation from the Spanish, but all attempts to identify the source (or its author, for that matter) have been in vain, so we may be dealing with a pseudo-translation.19 All one can say with some confidence is that the book is rather a silly one. 17

18

19

'Um tesouro sera tambem para um pobre urn pouco do vosso dinheiro; para um ignorante, as luzes da vossa inteligencia; para um desgracado, um sorriso e palavras de conforto. For muito pobres que sejamos, temos sempre alguma coisa para dar, quanto mais nao seja uma parcela do nosso cora^ao' (p. 47). 'He visto que se tern admirado o genio de Swift, que no primeiro Gulliver teve a habilidade de fazer de alguma sorte verisimeis cousas evidentemente impossiveis, enganando a imaginacao, e seduzindo o juizo de seu leitor por hum arranjo de factos finamente circunstanciados, e seguidos' (pp. 11-12). The work is not listed in the bibliography of Portuguese fantasy- and sciencefiction literature compiled by Holstein and Morais (1993). This suggests that O Novo Gulliver is not a Portuguese original, even though this bibliography is far from being complete. Further problems arise from a closer analysis of the text, in which geographical names like 'Thebes' and 'Ephese' occur (p. 67), a fact which seems to point at a French original. The work is neither in the Biblioteca Nacional nor in the Biblioteca Hispanica of the Agencia Espanola de Cooperacion Internacional (both Madrid), which hold significant collections of Spanish and Latin-American works. There is no trace of Tingusa Gelany in the on-line

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The protagonist is an earthling by the name of Ray Keller who is engaged in rescuing the solar system from an impending invasion. An alien called Anibal (after Hannibal, the Carthaginian general) takes Keller in his space vehicle to Mars, where a semi-serious, semi-ridiculous Utopian vision is laid out by the author. There is no war on the planet because Martians can read other people's minds, so that when someone with a bellicose disposition is born, he is educated into submissiveness. The same applies to other illegitimate or deviant tendencies. As there is no private property, there are no thieves. Keller's situation on Mars is similar to Gulliver's in Lilliput. The houses are too small for him, and the natives are interested in his physical strength. As it happens, Keller is even put to the test, as he has to fight the Martians, their elderly leader actually insisting that he beat him first and hard. After beating up a crowd of Martians, Keller is thanked and honoured by them. On the other hand, when Keller faces the race of giants who are preparing to conquer the solar system (due to population growth and scarcity of resources), he is much like Gulliver in Brobdingnag. The fauna and flora are gigantic on their planet. Some events also parallel those in Gulliver's Travels. An accident with his spaceship drops Keller onto the corolla of a flower, where he remains stuck for a while. He is rescued by a group of giants, who arrange quarters for him in a box, dress him in dolls' clothes (rather awkwardly, musqueteers' clothes), and later on introduce him to the leader of the pacifist opposition in the country. After Keller has accepted the mission of assassinating the High Priest who is responsible for a policy of imperial expansion, he is caught. He is freed by Anibal, who in the meantime has sabotaged the departing warships. The pacifist party take over, promising never to engage in conquest again — at least, not in our solar system. The book ends on a rather naive note: back on earth, Keller falls happily in love with a young lady who at first refuses to credit the story of his adventures but eventually believes it. Gullivera, by the Italian comic-book author Milo Manara, reached Portugal in 1997. It is an erotic extravaganza in which the young, voluptuous, and none-too-shy female protagonist, Gullivera, always naked or half-naked in the course of the narrative, becomes fantastically involved in a chain of events which mirror those of Swift's book. Her adventures include storms at sea and landing on unknown coasts, with small people and big people, lascivious horses and a flying island, moving in an atmosphere of sensuality in which she does not appear to be ill at ease. It is a good thing that Gulliver's Travels have often been made available to the Portuguese public, either complete or in shortened versions, otherwise, one might worry that Swift gets a bad name.

catalogues of the Library of Congress, Washington, DC, and of the IberoAmerikanisches Institut Preussischer Kulturbesitz, either. The online catalogue of several South American libraries have also been searched in vain. Mario de Aguiar was an out-of-the-way publisher, who specialized in suspense and adventure, including science fiction, westerns, thrillers, and war stories. He was active during the 1950s and 1960s.

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The Reception of Jonathan Swift in Europe VI Other works by Swift in Portuguese translation

A Portuguese-language-only readership has never been given a clear picture of Swift's oeuvre as a whole. With one exception, it has taken a long time for works other than Gulliver to be translated, and when they were finally translated, they had no remarkable impact on Portuguese letters. A volume carrying Directions to Servants on its title and also comprising the (presumably apocryphal) Letter of Advice to a Young Poet, A Modest Proposal, and the Resolutions of 1699, was published in 1970 in a series of 'pocketbook classics'. The original is said to be Directions to Servants and Papers Relating to Dublin, which may be taken to refer to Volume XIII of The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift. The series includes authors as heterogeneous as Machiavelli, Marcus Aurelius, Apuleius, Descartes, Rosa Luxembourg, and medieval troubadours. The Swift-volume was reissued in 1986, as part of an even more heterogeneous series of prose works, presented as either light, gothic, fantastic, or provocative, in deep black covers and extravagant blue paper. This seems to indicate a movement from mainstream to underground, from canonical status to the margins of serious literature, between the first and the second issues. At least, Swift's text is preserved, and so is a prefatory note by the French writer Andre Breton, which emphasizes Swift's importance as the originator of black humour, of laughter that arises from cynicism and scepticism, that is. Breton also notes that, for all the misanthropic traits in his personality, the Dean did not hesitate to challenge the subjection of the Irish by the British government. A version of A Modest Proposal was issued separately in 1980, also in some underground format, so much so that technically it does not have a cover at all. There are introductory remarks, presumably by Anibal Fernandes, which amount to little more than a collection of quotations from several sources. The Proposal is placed within its historical context, the intentions of the piece are established, and its rhetorical strategies described. The front-page shows the picture of a naked baby being devoured by gigantic jaws. As for Swift's poetry, there appear to be only two specimen translations. The scatological Cassinus and Peter was rendered in 1972 by a distinguished man of letters, Jorge de Sena, for an anthology of poetry, selected and translated by Sena himself from a variety of languages and including dozens of authors from Archilochus to Nietzsche. A note on Swift comprises biographical data, his engagement with the Irish problem, and passing references to a few other works, such as A Modest Proposal, the Journal to Stella, and Gulliver's Travels. While being presented to the reader as a caricature of the eclogue, Cassinus and Peter is classed among Swift's poems of 'black humour': 'Only a few of the world's writers', Sena states, 'and he is one of the greatest, have reached such extremes of irony and black humour, in a language so brilliant, so luminous, so ravingly rationalistic as his. And this to expose the dark corners of the clear eighteenth century, as well as the darkness of humanity, which he loved to the point of hatred'.20

20

'Raros escritores do mundo, e um dos maiores ele e, terao atingido tais extremes de ironia e de humor negro, com uma linguagem tao brilhante, tao luminosa, tao

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Another anthology piece, A Description of the Morning, has recently been translated by Antonio Simoes, published in an anthology of English and American poetry covering seventy poets from Chaucer to Dylan Thomas. Like most other authors, Swift is represented by a single poem. The translation often departs from the original, as the translator seeks to re-create in the target language the poetic effect of the source text. The same happened in Sena's version of Cassinus and Peter. Both translators have clung to the couplet form, an important feature of English Augustan poetry, it is true, but uncommon in the Portuguese poetic tradition. VII Some aspects of Swift's personal and literary reputation

It was relatively early in the history of cultural exchange between Portugal and Britain that Swift's age developed the reputation of having been a period of flourishing in the arts. In the Portuguese press, this idea dates back to as early as March 1762 when, in a periodical, Francisco Bernardo de Lima proposed that in Queen Anne's reign belles-lettres flourished under 'Englishmen of good taste, who were proud to favour literary merit: Swift, Pope, and Young shall forever be numbered amongst the greatest poets of their century'.21 This view of the first half of the eighteenth century as an Augustan moment in English letters seems firmly rooted in Portugal, since later generations of writers did not essay a radical reappraisal of the period. In fact, English Augustan literature tended to slide into obscurity from approximately the beginning of the Romantic period in the 1820s. It took more than sixty years for one of Swift's writings to be translated into Portuguese. This delay may be accounted for by the fact that the Ancien Regime established a system of statutory censorship under which all printed matter had to be licensed by both State and Church, and Gulliver seemed far from being innocuous to either. Moreover, the authorities kept strict control of the borders, thus making it difficult to buy books published abroad, as well as of the book market. In 1770, Swift was included in a list of authors that the regime intended to ban, along with Fontenelle, Spinoza, Locke, Descartes, Rousseau, Voltaire and other Enlightenment literati (Carreira 1988, 59—60). Indeed, Alves (2000, 474—75) has produced a document which testifies to copies of Voyages de Gulliver being confiscated (no date given).22 desvairadamente racionalista como a sua. E isto para desmascarar as escuridoes do limpido seculo XVIII, como tambem os negrumes da humanidade que ele amou a ponto de odia-la de todo o coracao' (p. 133). 21 'As Bellas Artes, e o genio de escrever espontaneamente foram felizmente exercitados neste Reinado; e, ainda que menos attentidas pelos Grandes, floreceram debaixo da cultura daquelles Inglezes de bom gosto, que se prezavam de animar, e favorecer o merecimento Literario. Swift, Pope, e Young serao sempre contados entre os maiores poetas do seu seculo' (p. 59). This may well be the first reference to Swift in print in Portugal. 22 However, in 1775, George Rey, an emigre French bookseller in Lisbon, advertised books (or at least a single one) by Swift, almost certainly in French (Alves 2000, 410).

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The problematic quality of the Dean's writings surely accounts for the frequency of prefatory texts, which is a peculiar feature of Portuguese Swiftiana ever since J. B. G., not actually dismissing what the author has to say but trying to keep it under control. By their very existence, introductory notes suggest that the ideological content has to be dealt with carefully and has to be 'properly' contextualized. At the same time, of course, they tend to emphasize that Swift is an important author, who was committed to serious ideas and values, who had something relevant to say to his readers, and whose writings deserve to be interpreted with historical accuracy. This assessment is also endorsed by Swift's being consistently placed among the 'great authors', the 'classics', the 'masterpieces', as publishers often label their series. Last but not least, the fact that a translation of The Art of Political Lying was published in 1996 as 'attributed to Swift' (according to the title-page, albeit contradicted in the introductory essay) confirms the assumption that Swift, unlike Arbuthnot, has considerable market value today. Despite such canonical status, there has been no continuous production of critical and interpretative essays, let alone monographs, on Swift. Even if some of his works are taught in university courses on English literature and even if some research has been produced, including a doctoral dissertation by Joao Scares Carvalho, a scholar at the University of Lisbon, the Dean of St Patrick's still remains an author to be discovered by the academic community in Portugal.

5

The Dean's Voyages into Germany Astrid Krake, Hermann J. Real and Marie-Luise Spieckermann

I In the summer of 1727, the young Berne physician and poet, Albrecht von Haller, visited London. On 31 July, he recorded in his diary: 'Went to [Innys], and bought some books there'.1 Browsing among the books caused Haller both to enthuse over the pre-eminence of English print culture and to praise the 'advancement' of English science, which had become the admiration of Europe in the second half of the seventeenth and the early part of the eighteenth century (Selling 1990): 'In the sciences, no country seems to excel England now . . . . I n the investigation of nature alone, in excellent experiments, and in everything relating to the art of measuring and the essence of things [English scientists] surpass all former times and present countries.'2 Among others, Haller singled out Robert Boyle (1627—91), the celebrated physicist and chemist, John Wallis (1616-1703), Savilian Professor of Geometry at Oxford and founder member of the Royal Society, and John Keill (1671-1721), Savilian Professor of Astronomy, who had gained great distinction as a (Newtonian) astronomer and mathematician. The scientist whom Haller extolled most, however, was the lately deceased Newton: 'The whole people's uncommon admiration of this great genius proves that exceptional learning is as highly regarded here as are nobility and military service elsewhere.'3 By contrast, Haller mused, the English had accomplished less in literature: 'In poetry, their reputation is less remarkable. For although their language is rich and forceful, and even though they are not lacking in moral satires, ingenious thoughts, and novel ideas, their unmelodious, harsh tongue and mainly masculine rhymes do not lend themselves to many 1

2

3

'Ging nach [Innys], kauffte dort einige Biicher'. All quotations are from the edition by E. Hintzsche 1948, 121-23. We have adopted the emendation 'Innys' for 'Jungs' in Hintzsche's text from Boschung 1955, 38: 160—61. 'In den WiBenschafften scheint kein Land Engelland izt vorzugehen . . . . Alleine in der Erforschung der Natur, treflichen Versuchen und allem deme, wohin die MeBkunst und die Natur der Wesen sich erstrekt, iibertreffen sie alle vorige Zeiten und izige Lander' (121). 'DeB ganzen Volks ungemeine Verehrung gegen diesen groBen Geist zeugen, daB man hier auf besondre Gelehrtheit so viel halt als anderstwo auf Adel und Kriegsdiensten' (122).

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subjects.'4 Of course, England had produced eminent and original writers, too, Haller hastened to add, mentioning in particular (Mr) Spectator, Addison and Steele's periodical (1711-12), Samuel Butler's Hudibras (1662-80), the satirical and erotic poems of John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester (1647-80), and Jonathan Swift, Dean of St Patrick's, Dublin, who had just been elevated to the rank of Hibernian patriot (Ehrenpreis 1983, 317): 'Their Spectator, Butler's Hudibras, Rochester, the moral poems and diatribes by Swift and others are quite new territories, unexplored by other nations, and such insights into the true nature of things as are not to be found elsewhere.'5 Haller's Gang of Four seems not only a strange omnium gatherum, at first sight at least (Real, with Just, Key and Scholz 2002, 65); it is also remarkable for the names it omits. Compared with an index of contemporary reputations as drawn up by Oliver Goldsmith for the Literary Magazine somewhat later (van Doren 1960, 250), Haller's list ignores Spenser, Jonson, Cowley, Milton, Dryden, and Prior, not to mention Shakespeare and Pope. And yet, in 1727, at a time when none of Swift's major satires had been translated into German (Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 5-35; 1998, 13: 4-26), Haller eulogizes Swift as an original writer. Such an appraisal is not easy to account for. It suggests, after all, that by 1727 the Dean of St Patrick's had made an impact on Continental literati despite the fact that, like Haller (Hintzsche 1948, 111), the majority of German readers are unlikely to have understood English during the first four decades of the eighteenth century (Fabian 1985, 178—96; Fabian 1994). Significantly, as late as 1763, Johann Georg Hamann, in 'Various Thoughts on the Desire to be a Genius' ('Einfalle uber die Begierde ein Original zu sein'), grumbled about the German societies' blithe indifference to the learning (and speaking) of English: 'Perhaps, our German societies would be more profitable soon if their innumerable members rather than understand Latin and French felt encouraged to make the English language their (study and) aim in their meetings (and statutes)' (Nadler 1959, 2: 377).6 By 1727, when Haller chose the Dean of St Patrick's as an original writer, only two of Swift's works had been translated into German (Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 28—29): Wundersames Prognosticon oder Prophezeyung, was in diesem 1708 Jahr geschehen soil, a translation of Predictions for the Year 1708, the tract which initiated the Bickerstaff hoax, came out in at least four separate editions in the same year: 'Predictions for the Year 1708 has been translated into almost all languages and made a great noise', Johann Gottlob

4

5

6

'In der Dichtkunst 1st ihr Ruhm geringer. Dann obwol ihre Sprache reich und krafftig, sie auch in satyrischen Sitten-Gedichten, sinnreichen Gedanken und ganz neuen Einfallen keinen Mangel haben, so dient doch ihre nicht klingende harte Sprache, ihre nur mannliche Reime zu vielen Sachen gar nicht' (122—23). Ihr Spectator, Butlers Hudibras, Rochester, Swifts und andre Sitten- und Hekelschrifften sind ganz neue und von andern V6lker[n| nie beriihrte Lander und solche Einsichten in das wahre Wesen der Sachen, die man sonst nirgend find' (123). 'Vielleicht wiirden unsere deutsche Gesellschaften bald nutzbarer seyn, wenn ihre unzahliche Mitglieder an statt lateinisch und franzosisch zu verstehen, sich aufmuntern wollten die englische . . . Sprache zum (Augenmerk) Gegenstande ihrer Zusammenkunfte (und Gesetze) zu machen'.

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Wilhelm Dunkel noted in his Historisch-Critische Nachrichten von ventorbenen Gelehrten und deren Schriften of 1753 (Historico-Literary News about Late Scholars and their Works, Cothen, 1753, I, pt i, 702).7 The same might have been said about one of Swift's most brilliantly polemical pamphlets, The Publick Spirit of the Whigs, which in 1714 had provoked the House of Lords into condemning it as a 'malicious and factious libel' (Ehrenpreis 1967, 709) and which was published under the title L'Esprit des Whigs oder Widerlegung der Crise des M. Steele as one of several pieces in Curieuses Biicher u. Staats-Cabinet of 1714 (Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 32; Graeber and Roche 1988, 120). However, neither of these pamphlets had been translated from the English 'original' (Graeber and Roche 1988, 120; Jagtenberg 1989, 280-82), and neither had established Swift as the raconteur of renown that Zedler was to portray in his Grosses vollstdndiges Universal-Lexicon aller Wissenschafften und Ktinste (Great, Complete, and Universal Dictionary of all Arts and Sciences): 'Swift, or Schwifft (Jonathan), Doctor of Divinity and Dean of St Patrick's, Dublin, in Ireland, has, on account of his ingenious satirical writings, become so well known and popular today, both with his countrymen and abroad, that he is generally regarded as one of the greatest satirists' (Zedler 1744, 41: 519).8 Zedler, of course, knew of the first German translation of Swift's early stroke of genius, A Tale of a Tub (1704), which it had taken twenty-five years to introduce to the German, if not to the Continental, reader (Spieckermann 2002, 17—18). In 1729, Georg Christian Wolf published his Des beruhmten Herrn D. Schwifts Mdhrgen von der Tonne, accompanied by the first German rendering of The Battle of the Books (' Vollstandige und Wahrhaffte Erzehlung von dem unter den Biichern gehaltenen Treffen'), and the Discourse concerning the Mechanical Operation of the Spirit ('Ein Schreiben an einen guten Freund, von der Mechanischen Wirckung der Seele'), as well as later satires like An Argument against Abolishing Christianity (1708) ('Eine Dissertation, in welcher erwiesen wird, daB die Abschaffung des Christenthums bey gegenwartiger Beschaffenheit der Sachen in Engeland gar nicht zutraglich . . . seyn werde'), A Project for the Advancement of Religion, and the Reformation of Manners (1709) ('UnmaBgeblicher Vorschlag, das Aufnehmen der Religion und die Verbesserung der Sitten betreffend'), and selected pamphlets from the Bickerstaff papers, all of them duly introduced, and to some extent annotated and illustrated (Teerink-Scouten 271; Fabian-Spieckermann 1998, 13: 8—9). Although Wolf, who had an 'equally sound command of English and French' (Graeber 2002, 42), claimed to have translated this 'most ingenious satire' from the English original — 'Allein ich bin dem Englischen Exemplar 7

Prophezeiungen auf das Jahr 1708. Diese sind fast in alle Sprachen iibersetzt worden, und machten viel Lermens'. Dunkel's judgement is borne out by, among others, Der Patriot, ed. Wolfgang Martens, vol. 2 (Berlin: Walter de Gruvter, 1970), 348 (no 95, 25 October 1725). 8 'Swift, oder Schwifft (Jonathan) ein Doctor der Gottesgelahrheit, und Dechant an der Kirche St. Patricii zu Dublin in Irrland, hat sich durch seine sinnreichen und satyrischen Schrifften in der jetzigen Zeiten sowohl bey seinen Lands-Leuten, ah auch an auswartigen Orten dermassen bekannt und beliebt gemacht, daB er insgemein fur einen der starcksten Satyren-Schreiber gehalten wird'.

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auf das genaueste nachgegangen' (sig. b4v) — his version is, in fact, an eclectic text which is indebted both to an English edition and to Justus van Effen's (annotated) French version, which Henri Scheurleer had brought out at The Hague in 1721 (Teerink-Scouten 263).9 Van Effen (1684-1735) was a Dutch journalist and litterateur, who had spent some time in London and who, by seeking the company and conversation of talented wits', had become familiar with English life, manners, and customs. While van Effen cannot have known Swift personally, he became well acquainted with his works (Schorr 1982; Schorr 2003, 4. 2: 7—8). His translation of the Tale was entitled: Le Conte du tonneau, contenant tout ce que les arts, & les sciences ont de plus sublime, et de plus mysterieux: avec plusieurs autres pieces tres-curieuses. Par lefameux Dr. Swift. Traduit de I'anglois. Apart from A Tale of a Tub, The Battle of the Books, and the Discourse concerning the Mechanical Operation of the Spirit, all of which had been published together in the original edition of 1704, it included A Meditation upon a Broomstick (1710), Thoughts on Various Subjects (1706), A Tritical Essay upon the Faculties of the Mind (c. 1707), An Argument [against] Abolishing Christianity (1708), A Project for the Advancement of Religion (1709), Predictions for the Year 1708 (1708), The Accomplishment of the First of Mr. Bickerstajfs Predictions (1708), and A Vindication of Isaac Bickerstaff Esq (1709), a selection which proves that van Effen was not responsible for it, but that, like Wolf, he was following the English edition printed in Holland and called Miscellaneous Works, Comical & Diverting (1720) (Teerink-Scouten 17). Van Effen's translation reached a wide reading public on the Continent. Numerous new editions were called for and printed at The Hague and later also in Switzerland (Teerink-Scouten 264, 267, 269, 270, 281, 284). For a long time, Le Conte du tonneau, the French Tub, was to remain the standard edition to which German readers, too, owed their acquaintance with Swift's early work. A review which appeared in Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen (New Intelligence of Learned Things) in 1729 referred to the Tale as a book well known in Germany (102: 943; Raabe 1989, 3: 427),10 and readers' interest is likely to have even increased when Le Conte du tonneau was placed on the Papal Index in 1734 (Goulding 1924, 38). All this acclaim notwithstanding, when Wolf came to tackle the Tale in 1729, he felt justified in treating his learned and circumspect predecessor with some suspicion. After all, van Effen had admitted in his Preface not only that he admired the Tale as a work of art, indeed, as a rare work 'full of fire and imagination' (sig. *2r), but also that he had taken exception to what he regarded as Swift's lack of classical propriety (sig. *9r-v). As a result, van Effen had been at pains, Wolf noted, to mitigate the Tub's coarse physicality and to tone down the bravura of Swift's bawdy: ' [The French classical] criteria of

9

10

For the assumption that the book was published late in 1720, see Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen (1720), 763. So well known in fact that in 1762 similarities were detected between a German comedy of 1613, Der Eislebische Christliche Ritter by Martin Rinckhart (1586— 1649), and the religious allegory of the three brothers (Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften und der freyen Kunste [1762], 2nd edn, Leipzig: Johann Gottfried Dyck, III, i, 93). See also, on this issue, Home-Powell 1960, 55: 488-96.

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bienseance and clarte dominate his style as a translator', one critic has summarized van Effen's achievement. As Wolf was not particularly predisposed towards these French conventions of decorum and propriety, to him, van Effen's 'euphemistic' approach involved taking unwarranted liberties with Swift's text. He therefore kept to the English original whenever he considered the French translator to have gone too far in his euphemisms and elevation of style. On the other hand, Wolf subscribed to van Effen's objective to produce a reader-friendly text for the largest possible audience. Both, therefore, supplied their non-British readerships with plenty of explanatory glosses and notes, decoding Swift's numerous literary allusions and mythological comparisons as well as religious references and cultural peculiarities, with Wolf unabashedly taking over the majority of van Effen's 'explicative' and 'commenting' alterations (Graeber 2002, 60—61).

II The publication of Des beruhmten Herrn D. Schwifts Mahrgen von der Tonne (A Tale of a Tub] was not an accidental venture but a deliberate attempt to capitalize on the sensational success of Gulliver's Travels, both in England and on the Continent (Goulding 1924, 53-84; Real and Vienken 1984, 23-25; Just 2002, 81-100). The first Dutch and French translations of the Travels had been rushed into print at The Hague by the end of January 1727 (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, 3: 71—72), barely three months after the publication of the editio princeps on 28 October 1726 (Teerink-Scouten 371), and in April 1727 Pierre-Francois Guyot, Abbe Desfontaines (1685—1745), followed with the first edition of his Voyages de Gulliver, published in Paris (Teerink-Scouten 383-385)." While the impact of the first (The Hague) French translation is only known by the astounding number of 'reprints' during the course of the eighteenth century - by 1778 it had reached its tenth edition (Teerink-Scouten 372—381) — Desfontaines's version immediately became a succes de scandale. It not only had, as a correpondent reported in New Memoirs of Literature, 'a prodigious sale' (La Roche 1727, 6: 159; Blassneck 1934, 95); it also inspired, its proclaimed 'excellence' notwithstanding, impassioned debates among many of the Dean's readers about the liberties the Abbe had taken with his text (Graeber and Roche 1988, 125; Graeber 1995, 73-78; Morris 1961, 19: 278-300). One of the Abbe's foremost critics has ruled his version to have been undeserving of a long life: 'Desfontaines, a keen upholder of "ancient" values in the Quarrel of the Ancients and the Moderns in France, corrected, revised, emended, abridged, rewrote, and finally transmogrified Gulliver's Travels in the name of the linguistic, cultural, and literary hegemony of France in the century before the Revolution' (Bouce 2003, 386). It comes as no surprise, then, that Desfontaines, after brashly sending Swift a 'complimentary' copy of the second edition in July 1727, received a polished but crushing reply about a month later (Correspondence, ed. Woolley, 3: 97-98, 109-13) (see Chapter 1). 11

These translations are the first Gullivers to be illustrated (Halsband 1985, 85-86; Welcher 1988, 82-93; Sauer 1990, 43-46.

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Under the circumstances, it was fortunate that neither of the two German translations of Gulliver's Travels which were to appear in Hamburg and Leipzig from 1727 onwards (Teerink-Scouten 425—428A) was based on the Desfontaines version, or rather, adaptation. The Hamburg translation, Des Capitains Lemuel Gulliver Reisen in unterschiedliche entfernte und unbekandte Lander, printed for the heirs of Thomas von Wiering and also available from Philip Hertel in Leipzig, was published in time for the Leipzig autumn fair of 1727 (Spieckermann 2002, 21-23). The Leipzig translator of Des Capitain Lemuel Gullivers Reisen in neu entlegene Lander, Johann Heinrich Liebers, a member of the Deutsche Gesellschaft, missed this important deadline for the German book market by a couple of weeks. He may have been able to present dedication copies to Hanns Carl von Kirchbach, an influential figure in the Saxon mining industry, as early as the end of 1727, yet wholesale distribution is unlikely to have begun before 1728, the year of the publisher's imprint (Eck 1996, 11: 132-36; Walther 1975, 59: 48-53). While Liebers conceded on the title-page that he based his translation on a French version ('Aus dem Frantzos. ins Teutsche iibersetzt'), the (anonymous) Hamburg translator endeavoured to strike a new note; as the title-page proclaimed: 'translated industriously from the English into German'.12 In fact, both German versions followed the first French translation of the Travels, published at The Hague in January 1727; a translation that may be described as 'literal' according to the standards of the early eighteenth century, it is true, but which hardly qualifies as 'faithful' today, catering, as it does, to the delicateness of French bon gout, too. Again, the result was predictable; a recent study concludes: 'In many respects, the Hamburg translation presents the picture of a German Belle Infidele' (Graeber and Roche 1988, 125). Nevertheless, like most belles infideles, it seems to have been the greater commercial success, going into a third edition in 1739 (Teerink-Scouten 427). The Leipzig translation, however, never enjoyed a reprint (Teerink-Scouten 428A) or a new edition. Being the second on the market, it had had a limited circulation from the start (Eck 1996, 11: 133). It also acknowledged its French ancestry — another possible reason for its neglect, since France was gradually being replaced by England as the dominant cultural influence in Germany. Ironically, it was the admiration for the latest French fashions and intellectual attitudes which finally caused this change. The reception of Swift provides an interesting illustration. In his Preface to Voyages de Gulliver, even a stern upholder of French cultural hegemony like the Abbe Desfontaines admitted that he had begun his translation merely because he wanted to perfect his English. It had, he added, become fashionable in Paris to know that language (p. xiv). The attention which the French paid to England was imitated in Germany, and this brought about the new orientation towards the British Isles (Maurer 1987, 20-59). The success of Gulliver's Travels made Swift popular with the German reading public. Between 1727 and 1760, there was hardly a year which did not see the publication of a new German translation of one of his works. Frequently, translators would work from French translations, or use them

12

'aus dem Englischen in das Teutsche mit FleiB iibersetzet'.

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together with the English original, but invariably tried to conceal the fact (Spieckermann 2002, 23). Georg Christian Wolfs Mdhrgen von der Tonne (Tale of a Tub) of 1729, which had also contained several of Swift's minor literary and religious satires, probably went into a second edition in the same year, and further editions were called for in 1737 and 1748 (Teerink-Scouten 272—273; Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 6—7). Another collection followed in 1735, with a second edition in 1736. This contained the pseudo-Swiftian Voyage to Cacklogallinia (Capitain Samuel Brunts Reise nach Cacklogallinien, und weiter in den Mond, nebst dem Leben Harvays, des weltbekannten Zauberers in Dublin, und einigen andern moralischen und satyrischen Schriften Herrn D. Swiffts, aus dem Englischen ubersetzt) (Teerink-Scouten 54),13 and six additional pieces, some of which were in fact by Swift, such as the Letter to a Young Gentleman, Lately Enter'd into Holy Orders and the Letter to a Young Lady, on Her Marriage, all of which were translated by Georg Christian Wolf. Various publishers tried their luck with a German translation of one of Swift's shorter works, as well as a work which was said to have been written by him: Directions to Servants, of which four different translations appeared in the course of the eighteenth century (Des Herrn Dr. Jonathan Swifts wo nicht unverbesserlicher dock wohlgemeynter Unterricht fur alle Arten unerfahrner Bedienten, Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1748; Teennk-Scouten 794, 794A, 795, 799; Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 16-18). The Art of Sinking in Poetry, a work now attributed to Alexander Pope, came out in two different translations, the translators being Georg Christian Wolf (Peri Bathous: s. Anti-Sublime. Das ist: D. Swifts neueste Dicht-Kunst, oder Kunst in der Poesie zu kriechen, Leipzig, 1733), and Johann Joachim Schwabe (Anti-Longin, oder Kunst in der Poesie zu kriechen . . . von dem Herrn D. Swift . . . itzo zur Verbesserung des Geschmacks bey uns Deutschen ubersetzt und mil Exempeln aus englischen, vornehmlich aber aus unsern deutschen Dichtern durchgehends erldutert, Leipzig, 1734). A few years later, the Very Reverend Friedrich Wilhelm Streit (1741-93), Protestant minister at Ronneburg near Gera, Thuringia, was to bring out 'the celebrated Dean Swift's complete sermons', again allegedly 'translated from the English' and 'accompanied by a preface and some annotations' (Des beruhmten Dechant Swifts sdmmtliche Predigten: aus dem Englischen ubersezt und mit Vorrede und einigen Anmerkungen begleitet, Ronneburg and Leipzig: bey Heinrich Gottlieb Rothen, 1776; Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 33—34). Streit was a member of the German Society, which had been called upon by Hamann a few years earlier to cultivate its interests in English literature and culture. By 1776, however, Swift's writings, as Johann Christoph Gottsched had conceded in his Handlexicon oder kurzgefafttes Worterbuch der schonen Wissenschaften und freyen Kunste (Manual: or, Short Dictionary of Belles Lettres and Liberal Arts, Leipzig: Caspar Fritsch, 1760), were already 'far too well known to require an introduction' (1532).14

13

On the reception of the Voyage to Cacklogallinia in German literature, see Lauchert 1911, 18: 94-98. 14 'Seine Schriften aber sind iiberhaupt viel zu bekannt, als daB man hier eine Nachricht davon geben sollte'.

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During the 1730s, criticism of Swift still continued to be imported from France, even though translators and reviewers tended to pass it off as their own. In March 1728, for example, the Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen published a review of Gulliver's Travels (26: 246—48). This was concerned with the adaptation of Desfontaines, and consisted largely of extracts from the Journal des Savans of July 1727. Thus, part of the French review was read as a comment on a text for which it was not intended. This perhaps explains why contemporary German critics had a good opinion of Gulliver's Travels. For the most part, the criticism which the Hamburg and the Leipzig translators had taken over from their French sources was moral: Gulliver's Travels was characterized as an ingenious invention presenting truth and solid maxims under the cover of striking and amusing images (1727, sigs )(2r-)(3r; 1728, sig.)(2v). Even if written largely for the English, the argument ran, the book aimed generally at the folly of men and the depravity of manners, teaching moral precepts and the duties of civil life, and inculcating the love of virtue and the horror of vice (1727, sig. )(4r-v; 1728, sig. )(4r). Gulliver's Travels and, to a certain extent, A Tale of a Tub, too, defied classification. Neither work fitted into the generic categories available to neoclassical critics. Voltaire's description of Swift, in Lettres ecrites de Londres, as the English Rabelais, to be sure, a 'Rabelais in his Senses', together with his comparison of the two (1734, 158—59),15 was translated in the Preface to Capitain Samuel Brunts Reise nach Cacklogallinien (1736, sig. alr-v) and echoed by critics throughout the century. Even von Haller, far from being an admirer of Swift, subscribed to Voltaire's view in Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen: 'Rabelais is often preferred to Swift. The difference is immense. Swift has a plan, an intention, his imagination is rich and follows nature. The riddles of Rabelais are often like the fancies of a madman' (1771, 1044).lf> While A Tale of a Tub was frequently referred to as an allegory, a suitable generic classification for Gulliver's Travels was more difficult to find. Following Desfontaines, the Leipzig translator pointed out that the book had several characteristics in common with Lucian's Voyages to the Upper and Lower World, with Plato's Republic, as well as More's Utopia, but in his eyes Swift was more realistic and more modern (1728, sig. )(3v). The Hamburg translator likewise spotted similarities with Lucian, but thought that Swift had surpassed his predecessor by far (1727, sigs )(4v-)(5r). The problem of classification became a source of confusion and misunderstanding in subsequent criticism of Gulliver's Travels. In the fourth edition of his Versuch einer critischen Dichtkunst (Essay on a Critical Art of Poetry), Johann Christoph Gottsched, the champion of French classicism in Germany, consigned the first two books of Gulliver's Travels to the category of 'political fables' (1751, 787). To Gottsched, satire was synonymous with (strictly dichotomous) formal verse satire, and the satirist had to be a moral

15

6

Voltaire was presumably following Pope (see The Dunciad [1728], I, 1. 20), although the comparison was commonplace by then (Spieckermann 2002, 25). 'Rabelais wird oft dem Swift vorgezogen. Der Unterschied ist unendlich. Swift hat einen Plan, eine Absicht, seine Einbildung ist reich und der Natur ahnlich. Rabelais' Ratsel gleichen oft den Einfallen eines Verriickten'.

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philosopher. Fables, on the other hand, allowed of a variety of subjects and techniques. As a consequence, Gottsched split up Gulliver's Travels into several separate works, into a series of fragments, as it were — a practice followed by many later critics. Had Gottsched regarded the Travels as satire, he is likely to have denounced it. Instead, he only made a derogatory remark on Book Four. In creating the Houyhnhnms, Gottsched claimed, Swift had sinned against the poetic law of probability: 'He ascribes to these animals such feats as they cannot possibly perform with their hooves' (1751, 789)17 - a mild criticism of Gulliver's Fourth Voyage compared with what was to come.

Ill By the middle of the eighteenth century, English influence on the cultural and intellectual life of Germany had increased considerably (Maurer 1987, 20—22). English was gradually taking its place beside French as the foremost modern language. The British book market was being watched closely. New publications began to be imported, and the number of translations proliferated. German journals, both scholarly and literary, no longer depended so exclusively as they had done before on French sources for their reviews of English books. German critics turned to England itself for critical comment on English authors (Fabian 1976, 119-54; Fabian 1992; Fabian 1994), and German writers to English precursors in search of literary models. This development also affected Swift's reputation in Germany. In 1752, Orrery's Remarks on the Life and Writings of Dr. Jonathan Swift were published. This book, which did so much damage to the Dean's reputation in England (Berwick 1941), was immediately absorbed into the German market. A translation, Des Grafen John von Orrery Vaterliche Briefe an seinen . . . Sohn Hamilton Boyle, in moralischen und kritischen Anmerkungen uber das Leben und die Schriften des beruhmten satyrischen Dechanten Dr. Jonathan Swift verfasset (Hamburg und Leipzig: Georg Christian Grund und Adam Heinrich Holle), appeared in the same year, and in March 1753, Albrecht von Haller published a long review (of the English original) in the influential Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen. Having summarized the most essential facts of Swift's life, Haller proceeded to provide a sketch of Swift's character. He thought that Swift was 'a curious blend of virtues and vices',18 the vices appearing to impress Haller more deeply than the virtues. He emphasized Swift's irresponsible conduct towards his sister and his 'wife', Stella. In conclusion, Haller reiterated Orrery's derogatory comments on A Tale of a Tub and on Book Four of Gulliver's Travels (31: 294-96).l>; 17 18 1Q 19

'Er legt diesen Thieren solche Dinge bey, die sie mit ihren Hufen unmoglich bewerkstelligen konnen'. 'Er war ein wunderliches Gemische von Tugenden und Lastern'. Reprinted in Albrecht von Haller, Tagebuch, 1787, 114-16. Haller also vented his spleen against Swift in 1770 when reviewing Hawkesworth's large 8vo edition of Letters Written by the Late Jonathan Swift . . . and Several of his Friends (TeerinkScouten 88) for Gottingische Anzeigen von gelehrten Sachen (51, 28 April 1770, 435— 39).

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In the wake of Orrery's Remarks, interest in Swift's biography increased markedly (Dunkel 1753, I, pt i: 700—01). The Dean's mysterious disease, his 'madness' at the end of his life, and especially his relationship with Stella and Vanessa intrigued German readers. For years to come, throughout the eighteenth century and beyond, literary and learned journals were to provide their readers with biographical sketches, anecdotes, and gossip about Swift, extracted from the most varied English sources, including Swift's own letters (Spieckermann 2002, 27n56; Thomas 1967, 104: 67—77). It is presumably no exaggeration to say that this trivializing eighteenth-century preoccupation with the Dean's life in Germany also spilled over into the picture of Swift as presented by the majority of the country's nineteenth-century dictionaries, encyclopedias, and literary histories. In most of these, the Dean of St Patrick's tends to be given short shrift as a writer. He is usually extolled as the dazzling author of the Tale and Gulliver's Travels, it is true (Baur 1810, 5: 253), but apart from such rather perfunctory obiter dicta, concentration focuses on the oddities of Swift's character. 'The famous Doctor Swift', the [Leipzig] Allgemeine Moden-Zeitung marvelled in 1817, 'was one of the greatest of eccentrics and boasted so many peculiarities that his character remains nearly enigmatic'.20 More particularly, and predictably, his lack of formal education was deplored (Pierer 1835, 22: 444), and so were his relations with women (Wagener 1865, 228—29). Swift's marriage with Stella was largely taken for granted (Conversationslexikon 1806, 467), and so was the mad misanthrope, who 'full of bitterest contempt for humanity dipped the golden quill of his genius into wormwood and gall' (Damen Conversations-Lexicon 1838, 9: 486),21 not to mention banalities like King William's reportedly teaching Swift how to cut asparagus after the Dutch manner on one of his visits to Sir William Temple at Moor Park. Even a serious literary historian like Johannes Scherr seems to have been spellbound by all this biographical gloom when describing Swift's life as 'torn by the bitterness and egotism that finally ended in madness' (Scherr 1865, 159).22 Meanwhile, Orrery's Remarks remained the standard biography of Swift in eighteenth-century Germany. The book was not superseded by Thomas Sheridan's Life, which appeared in 1785 (Teerink-Scouten 119, 1368). The second edition (1787) was reviewed in the Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen in the same year (135: 1349—51), and in the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung in 1789 (199: 41—48). Both reviewers agreed that Sheridan's Life was a hagiography rather than a biography. It failed to carry conviction, they maintained, because it revealed blind adoration: 'This defence is conducted with a warmth and a zest that lapses into bitter violence at times.'23 When in 1795 an abbreviated

20

21

22

23

'Der beriihmte Doktor Swift war Einer der groBten Sonderlinge und besaB so viele Eigenheiten, daB sein Charakter beinahe ein Rathsel bleibt.' 'Voll der bittersten Menschenverachtung tauchte er den goldenen Griffel der Genialitat in Wermuth und Galle'. 'in seinem Leben, welches sich in Verbitterung und Selbsucht verzehrte und zuletzt im Wahnsinn endete'. 'Diese Vertheidigung ist allerdings mit einer Warme und Lebhaftigkeit gefuhret, die zuweilen in bittere Heftigkeit ausartet'.

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translation by Philippine Freiin von Knigge was published (Jonathan Swifts Leben, von Thomas Sheridan geschrieben; abgekurzt und aus dem Englischen ubersetzt von Philippine, Freyinn Knigge, herausgegeben von ihrem Vater, Hannover, 1795), it was thought to be superfluous. The Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung wrote: 'If the book had to be translated at all, it should have been compared and supplemented with the accounts of Swift's life and character by Lord Orrery, Hawkesworth, and Dr. Johnson' (79: 632).24 Useless and misleading as Sheridan's Life was thought to be as a source of solid information, it also provided new matter for gossip, as the Tubingische gelehrte Anzeigen put it in 1796, 'both to entertain and to enrich the knowledge of mankind' (28: 224).25 Reviewers seized the opportunity to relate anecdotes and to spread yet more gossipy 'intelligence' about Swift's private life.26 Under the influence of Orrery's Remarks, not only did criticism of Swift in Germany become biographical, but also the enquiry into Swift's achievement as a satirist began to be conducted from a biographical point of view. By the middle of the eighteenth century, an altered understanding of satire had finally come to the fore in Germany. The term satire was no longer exclusively used for formal verse satire, the 'Roman model', whose most determinate generic feature is its bipartite structure, 'the satiric scene' in which specific vices and follies are attacked (Part A), and 'the satiric norm' in which the recommended alternative is driven home (Part B) (Real 1992, 10—17). Instead, 'satire' was more generally applied to works written in a satiric spirit, or tone. This broadening of the semantic spectrum had been initiated in England as early as 1605 when Isaac Casaubon, Professor of Greek at Oxford, refuted the traditional philological connection of'satire' with Greek satyros, the satyr-play of the Old Comedy, deriving 'satire' from the Latin adjective satura, with the religious noun lanx, 'large dish or platter, full of many different kinds of fruit', understood. 'Satire' came to mean 'miscellany, collection of mixed poems', and, in metaphorical application, a 'peppery collection of heterogeneous parts'. In the wake of Casaubon's discovery, which was endorsed by illustrious theorists like Dryden in A Discourse concerning the Original and Progress of Satire of 1693, among others (Kammerer and Lindemann 2004, 17-18, 179-84), the very nature of satire, it began to dawn upon critics, was not generic coherence and consistency but multiplicity and variety. In other words, 'satire' was found to be not only a genre (formal satire), but also an 'anti-genre' (Carnochan 1968, 22—30). This explains why its spirit of attack was no longer apt to express itself in formal satire only, but also in whatever form it wanted to, becoming affiliated with ever so many literary genres which are not satires in themselves. Of course, the satirist, though not necessarily expected to be a

24

25 26

'Eine Uebersetzung davon konnte wohl ziemlich unerwartet scheinen; oder sollte sie gar geliefert werden, so dachten wir, hatten die von Lord Orrery, Hawkesworth und Dr. Johnson ertheilten biographischen Nachrichten, und mehr noch ihre Zeichnungen von Swifts Charakter verglichen, und mit Sheridan's Gemalde zusammengestellt werden mtissen'. 'sowohl fur Unterhaltung als fur Bereicherung der Menschenkunde'. See Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung, 6 July 1789, cols 43—44, and Neue allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek (1796), 23: 90-94.

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moral philosopher, was supposed to promote the public good by attacking evil and by providing, explicitly or implicitly, a norm with which vice and folly could be judged (Arntzen 1963, 74: 561-76; Kammerer 1999, 26-28). One issue remained controversial in this eighteenth-century German debate on the nature and function of satire, however, as it did in England half a century earlier (Elkin 1973, 118—45). This concerned the question against whom/what the hostility of satirists was (to be) directed. To illustrate the problem with a line from Swift's most famous poem, Verses on the Death ofDr Swift (1739), what was at stake was whether satirists 'lash'd the Vice but spar'd the Name' (Poems, ed. Williams 2: 571, 1. 460) or whether they aimed at 'discernible historical particulars' (Rosenheim 1963, 31), at historically authentic personages and professions, issues and institutions, events and affairs. While satirists like Rochester and Dryden, Pope and Swift, perhaps the greatest practitioners of the art in England's Augustan Age, concluded that personal reference in satire was not only desirable but even inevitable (Real 1992, 11-12; Kammerer and Lindemann 2004, 196-212, 229-44), German eighteenth-century theorists seem to have rejected ad hominem attacks almost unanimously (Jacobs 1980, 271-88; Kammerer 1999, 37-39): 'Satire', Rabener put it as succinctly as unmistakably in his 'Sendschreiben von der ZulaBigkeit der Satyre', 'is to lash the vice but not the individual' (Rabener 1764, 1: 132; Alt 2001, 262-64).27 This far-flung view of the nature and function of satire effected three important changes in the history of the Dean's reputation in mid-eighteenthcentury Germany. For one thing, that stroke of Swift's dazzling if profane genius, A Tale of a Tub (Williams 1970, 36; Lund 1997, 87-109) became the target of severe attacks, in particular by critics with a biographical bias. It was taken all of a sudden to be a manifesto of personal sympathies and antipathies. In Orrery's opinion, Swift had exposed 'the character of PETER and JACK in such a manner, as never will be forgiven, and never can be answered' (Froes 2000, 300), and Albrecht von Haller followed suit, endorsing this position in his review in Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen of 1753 (31: 295) by attributing to Swift a hatred of Calvinism and Roman Catholicism which was as inveterate as it was singular. For another, the idea that Gulliver's Travels, in particular Book Four, was an expression of misanthropy rooted in personal 'spleen' (Baur 1803, 1: 78) also gained ground in the latter half of eighteenth-century Germany. As a 'sweeping indictment of all mankind', however, the book could no longer be accepted, the brilliance of its originality and wit notwithstanding (Kammerer 1999, 60—65). Since God had created man in His own image, misanthropy entailed the rejection of His creation; a rejection almost universally deemed immoral and irreligious. 'MISANTHROPY is so dangerous a thing, and goes so far in sapping the very foundations of MORALITY and RELIGION', James Harris, among many others, ruled, 'that I esteem the last part of Swift's Gulliver ... to be a worse Book to peruse, than those which we forbid, as the most flagitious and obscene' (Berwick 1941, 38—44; Real and Vienken 1984,

27

'Eine der gemeinsten Regeln 1st diese: Die Satire soil die Laster tadeln, nicht aber die Personen'.

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7—13). To the detriment of Swift, the biography that had contributed most to this verdict was that by the sycophantic Orrery: 'In this last part of his imaginary travels, SWIFT has indulged a misanthropy that is intolerable. The representation which he has given us of human nature, must terrify, and even debase the mind of the reader who views it ... . We are disgusted, not entertained; we are shocked, not instructed by the fable', the Earl fulminated (Froes 2000, 215). In the article on Swift in his Geschichte der komischen Litteratur, Carl Friedrich Flogel included several literal translations from Orrery's Remarks. On Gulliver's Travels, he translated this comment: 'The venomous strokes of [Swift's] satyr, although in some places just, are carried into so universal a severity that not only all human actions, but human nature itself is placed in the worst light . . . . [In the] last part of his imaginary travels, Swift has indulged a misanthropy that is intolerable . . . . The voyage to the Houyhnhnms is a real insult to mankind' (1785, 2: 396—97).28 Paradoxically, Flogel had been anticipated in this disparagement of the Dean by Christoph Martin Wieland (1733—1813), one of the most important promoters and transmitters of English letters in the German-speaking world. Although Wieland, in his admiration for Swift as a man of genius, seems to have been second to none in eighteenth-century Germany (Kammerer 1999, 68), he parted company with the Dean on what he regarded as the latter's wholesale degradation of mankind (Mielke 1987, 20: 16-20). In fact, the strongest terms were hardly sufficient for Wieland to express, in 'Betrachtungen iiber J. J. Rousseaus urspriinglichen Zustand des Menschen' of 1770 ('Reflections on J. J. Rousseau's Original State of Man'),29 his utter condemnation of Swift's 'deep-rooted hatred of the human race'. Stripping off everything that is beautiful and good in man, Wieland contends, Swift made us, humankind, the most loathsome objects of contempt in all creation, a hideous mixture of ape and devil: 'He had to maim, deface, and befoul the finest work of nature in order to make a Yahoo out of it'.30 Strangely, though, for a critic who was well aware of his literary responsibility, Wieland entirely ignored Swift's overall design, the satirical intentions and strategies of the work, as well as its possible salutary effects, imputing the accumulated hatred of the Travels to Swift's quite personal desire 'to be revenged for a thousand real and imaginary insults' instead: 'But it takes a heart as hard as his to be capable of extending this revenge to the whole human race' (Mertner 2002a, 146).31 28

29

30 31

'Die Satire 1st hier so giftig, daB nicht nur alle menschliche Handlungen, sondern auch die menschliche Natur selbst auf das allerargste vorgestellt wird . . . .In dem lezten Theile dieser erdichteten Reisen zu den Houyhnhums [sic] zeigt Swift einen unertraglichen MenschenhaB . . . . Diese Reise ist eine wirkliche Beleidigung des menschlichen Geschlechts.' All quotations are from Beitrdge zurgeheimen Geschichte der Menschheit, in Wieland's Werke, [ed. Heinrich Diintzer] (Berlin, 1879-80), XXXI, 65-94. Subsequent references appear in brackets in the text. 'Er muBte das schonste Werk der Natur, um einen Yahoo daraus zu machen, verstummeln, zerkratzen, iibersudeln' (90). 'Aber nur ein so hartes Herz wie das seinige war fahig, diese Rache an der menschlichen Natur zu nehmen' (90).

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It is tempting to read these outbursts against the 'scandal' of Gulliver's Travels as disclosures of retaliatory vindictiveness. Indeed, at first sight, eighteenth-century critics like von Haller, Wieland, and Flogel no longer seem in control of their own emotions when confronted with what they (mis)take to be a misanthrope's hostility towards humankind. In their eyes, it seems, no satirist, indeed no author, was entitled to the hatred of the whole human race, and to its wholesale, unconditional condemnation. On second thoughts, however, serious critical reservations appear behind their rejection of Swift's masterpiece. One of these is the general and widespread suspicion of satire as an art of literary aggression, an aggression which, to some, seemed comparable to the filthy and despicable 'cleansing of privies', particularly when directed at individuals (Mertner 2002a, 152). Another, and more important one, is that the view of Gulliver's Travels as a degradation of mankind aggravated the problem of Swift's, and the work's, norms, of the alternatives that satirists were required to state ex ojficio in their war against a world marred by (wo)man's seemingly unfathomable propensity to folly and vice. If satirical castigation of folly and vice was a means to advance reason and virtue, norms were inherent, in fact had to be inherent, in satire, if not explicitly, at least implicitly. After all, 'satire presents something as grotesque'; the grotesque [being] by definition a deviant from a norm, [it is] the norm that makes the satire satiric' (Frye 1964-65, 393).32 Irrespective of the question whether an attack on all actually amounted to an attack on none, it seemed certain that an attack on everybody ruled out anybody's becoming eligible for norm. Seen as an all-out attack on 'the dignity of human nature', Gulliver's Travels presented itself not only as useless, ineffective, and potentially pernicious (Goldgar 1965, 80: 535—41), but also as a 'norm-less' satire, a logical impossibility, clearly the thing that is not. As a result, Orrery's Remarks reinforced the discussion of the satiric norm in the Travels. Like other critics before him, Orrery regarded the four books as separate entities. Severed from the rest of the travels, the Fourth Voyage was set apart: it was not the continuation of Gulliver's voyages, not the culmination of the preceding journeys, but a new beginning, and, thus, the meaning of the Houyhnhnms and Yahoos, the most vexing issue in interpreting the Fourth Book, is not implicit in Books One to Three. Remarkably, in his review of Orrery's Remarks, Albrecht von Haller took care to point out that the Houyhnhnms did not represent any kind of ideal, let alone Swift's ideal, since it was impossible to imagine them employing their reason.33 Haller accepted Orrery's criticism: 'Nor is the picture which he draws of the Houyhnhnms, inviting or amusing ... . It is cold and insipid . . . . We there view the pure instincts of brutes . . . . They are incapable of doing wrong, therefore they act right . . . . Their virtuous qualities are only negative' (Froes 2000, 216—17). On this count, Swift failed as a satirist because his criticism was personal and anything but constructive. Von Haller summed

32 33

Quoted from Fabian 1975, 386-414. 'Eben so unbillig 1st seine kalte und unreinliche Satyre von den Houynhanns [sic] in welcher man nicht im geringsten absieht, womit die verniinftigen Pferde ihren Verstand beschaftigen' (295-96).

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up the case against him: There was nothing Swift had written in the course of his life that could be called serious, good, or useful. His satires were often caricatures, von Haller maintained, his images often gross and indecent; a spirit of ill-will against his nation and his age pervaded his whole work, and for this he deserved to be censured severely. We should love human beings and the nations they form, von Haller pontificated in Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen, even if they have their faults, or else we shall never be able to love them (1770, 51: 438).34 Under these circumstances, it was only natural that the reception of Johann Karl Wezel's Belphegor (1776), a 'creative imitation' of Gulliver's Travels that has often been cited as evidence of its author's misanthropy, should have followed a similar pattern in German criticism. In fact, the critical history of Gulliver's Travels in the latter half of eighteenth-century Germany seems to repeat itself in that of Belphegor, Wieland, again, being one of its most vociferous detractors (Mielke 1987, 20: 30-31; Kammerer 2002, 205-09). The most conspicuous trait linking Belphegor with Gulliver is the misanthropic Weltanschauung of its protagonist. Like Gulliver, who pronounces himself a great 'Lover of Mankind' before his conversion in Houyhnhnmland (IV, ii, 5), Wezel's eponymous hero starts out as an ingenu, a naively innocent believer in the goodness of the human heart. However, having stumbled through a 'theatre of war', a world dominated by chaos, violence, and (Hobbesian) egotism, he decides to end his days in deep and embittered misanthropy — like Gulliver. This treatment of the theme in Belphegor resembles that of Gulliver's Travels in some remarkable respects. The most remarkable, perhaps, is that in both cases the protagonist has only himself to blame for his misanthropy. At the beginning, both deceive themselves about the true nature of Man. At the end, Swift's modern Everyman, Gulliver, self-proclaimed believer in the rationality of Man, is unable to recognize that pure rationality is incommensurate with his nature: Man's desire to be regarded as reasonable is a symptom of madness. Likewise, Wezel's Belphegor, self-confessed believer in the unselfishness of Man, shows himself unable to learn that the experience of a world ruled by selfish interests refutes this idealized view. Instead, he simply exchanges his philanthropic spectacles for misanthropic ones, with the result that his vision becomes as distorted as before: 'Man — is the foulest monster of hell. It is a grief to me to be a man' (B 69).35 In either case, the protagonist's 'norms' are relative not to their authors but to the objects of their attack: in Gulliver's Travels, the orthodox anthropology, in Belphegor, the orthodox psychology of the age (Real 2001, 99-101; Kammerer 2002, 224-32).

34 'Derm was hat S. in seinem Leben ernstliches, gutes und brauchbares geschrieben? Seine Satyren waren Caricaturen: seine Bilder oft pobelhaft und unanstandig: und in dem Ganzen herrscht ein Geist des Uebelwollens gegen seine Nation und seine Zeiten, das allemahl zu tadeln ist. Denn wir mussen die Menschen, und die aus ihnen bestehenden Staatsverfassungen lieben, ob sie wohl ihre Fehler haben: sonst wiirden wir sie niemahls lieben.' 35 'Der Mensch - ist das a'rgste Ungeheuer der Holle. Ich bin mir selbst gram, ein Mensch zu seyn.'

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Jonathan Swift, being a genius, obviously had enemies in eighteenthcentury Germany, but then he also had his share of followers and admirers. Inspiration, it seems, works in various, inexplicable ways. While Wezel drew his from the gloomy pessimism of Gulliver's Travels, other satirists felt stimulated by the energizing exuberance of Swift's most brilliant jeux d'esprit. Consequently, their satirical practice flew in the face of all theorists who, like the gentle and popular Rabener (Flogel 1786, 3: 516), would denounce ad hominem aggression as a wantonly destructive business (Katritzky 2004, 19: 87-109). The earliest of these satirists was the 'intrepid' Christian Ludwig Liscow (1701—60), the son of a Mecklenburg pastor who, in an undistinguished career, was employed as private tutor and secretary as well as diplomat, but whose Sammlung Satyrischer und Emsthafter Schriften (Collection of Satirical and Serious Writings), published anonymously in 1739, earned him the title of 'German Swift' as early as the eighteenth century (Flogel 1786, 3: 475; Saine 2002, 94—95). Liscow established himself as a satirist with a vitriolic attack on a certain Magister Sievers, an abundantly 'productive' theologian, who was in the habit of larding his publications with pedantic and irrelevant glosses but who had been made a member of the Prussian Academy of Sciences at the age of 23 nonetheless. In Klagliche Geschichte von der jammerlichen Zerstohrung der Stadt Jerusalem; mil kurzen, aber dabey deutlichen und erbaulichen Anmerkungen, nach dem Geschmacke des (S. T.) Hrn. M. Henr. Jacob Sievers, erlautert (The Woeful History of the Lamentable Destruction of the City of Jerusalem; Elucidated with Brief but Clear and Edifying Notes, according to the Taste of Magister Heinrich Jacob Sievers) of 1732, a fictional author, who professes to be a young man inspired by the example of Sievers, like the Hack in A Tale of a Tub, demonstrates 'that it is not necessary to be learned in order to write books' (Saine 2002, 95—96). Liscow was to return to this theme only two years later in the inverted world of what remains his most famous satire, Die Vortrefflichkeit und Nohtwendigkeit der elenden Scribenten grundlich erwiesen (The Excellency and Necessity of Miserable Scribblers Thoroughly Demonstrated), a paradoxical encomium of'petty minds' (Alt 2001, 264—65) that for parts of its 'argument' is again indebted to Swift's Tale. Like the Sages of Grub Street, Liscow's miserable scribblers specialize not so much in the writing of books but in the making of them as physical objects, being preoccupied with the production of mass and the proliferation of matter (Real 1998, 84—88). Like the Hack in the Tale, Liscow's speaker is a fictional scribbler 'in whose writings neither reason nor order nor grace is to be found' (Miichler 1806, 3: 23)36 and who, by proudly as well as sturdily defending the self-satisfied pettiness of the fraternity to which he belongs, is convicted on the testimony of his self-incriminating evidence, and thus ironically evinces Liscow's own 'condemnation of mediocrity and bad taste'. But as imperfection is part of perfection, society stands as much in need of miserable scribblers as of good authors. Should bad writers disappear from the world, the speaker argues, good writers would have nobody to poke fun at: 'Our writings, however 36 'In dessen Schriften ... weder Vernunft, noch Ordnung, noch Zierlichkeit

anzutreffen ist, der ist ein elender Scribent'.

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miserable, occasion many thorough refutations and ingenious lampoons, which the learned world would have to do without if there was nobody to write miserably and ridiculously' (Miichler 1806, 3: 128-29; Saine 2002, 10001; 107-10).37 Liscow's most fruitful target, however, was Johann Ernst Philippi, Professor of German Eloquence at Halle, who became the unfortunate victim of a whole series of satires that Liscow himself admitted to be 'venomous' at times (Flogel 1786, 3: 481; Alt 2001, 261-62; Saine 2002, 96-100). The most obviously Swiftian imitations of these are the two last to be written which, even if they are not entirely parallel in structure and argumentation, are modelled on two pamphlets from the Bickerstaff hoax. In the summer of 1734, Liscow learned that the professor whom he loved to hate had been so roughly handled in a brawl with Prussian officers that he had to be carried home. This incident occasioned Eines beruhmten Medici glaubwurdiger Bericht von dem Zustande, in welchem er den (S. T.) Hrn. Prof. Philippi den 20tenjunii 1734 angetrqffen (A Famous Doctor's Reliable Report about the State in which He Encountered Professor Philippi on 20 June 1734), purportedly the account of the doctor who had been called in and who had witnessed Philippi's death at 6:53 pm the following day. Worse still, the doctor confirmed in a manner distinctly reminiscent of Swift's Accomplishment of the First of Mr. Bickerstaff's Predictions (1708), which reported on the last hours of the almanac-maker John Partridge (Ehrenpreis 1967, 197—209), that Philippi, in a miraculous deathbed conversion, after all began to act reasonably (which the doctor ascribed to a sharp blow Philippi had received on the head) and to denounce his former writings as the nonsensical ravings of a madman (Grimm 1979, 3—11, 205—24). Of course, Philippi was not amused at this news of his demise, protesting forcefully in a letter against it. Liscow outprotested this protest in 1735 with his final Bescheidene Beantwortung der Einwurfe, welche einige Freunde des Herrn D. Johann Ernst Philippi, wetland wohlverdienten Professors der deutschen IVohlredenheit zu Halle, wider die Nachricht von Dessen Tode gemacht haben (A Modest Response to the Objections Raised by Some of the Friends of Dr. Johann Ernst Philippi, Late Eminent Professor of German Eloquence at Halle, against the News of his Death), for which he drew liberally on the hilariously fallacious logic of Swift's Vindication of Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq; the pamphlet which was to conclude the Bickerstaff papers (Grimm 1979, 12-27, 225-30; Same 2002, 111-20). Liscow's satirical career shows, if anything, that it was dangerous to speak one's mind clearly and openly in eighteenth-century Germany. As a rule, his victims would not only retaliate by defending themselves in writing but also endeavour to silence their attacker by appealing to the authorities, religious as well as civil. Refusing to be intimidated by such steps, Liscow conducted himself honourably and bravely as the defender of Enlightenment values, such as the advocacy of reason and the freedom of the press: 'It is not really going

37

'Und unsere Schriften, wie elend sie auch sind, geben doch AnlaB zu vielen griindlichen Widerlegungen und sinnreichen Spottschriften, deren die gelehrte Welt nohtwendig entbehren miiBte, wenn niemand ware, der elend und lacherlich schriebe'.

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too far', the most recent study summarizes his achievement, 'to see him as a social critic doing his part to renew society by clearing away some of the theological and academic underbrush of feudalism' (Saine 2002, 94). The tradition established by Liscow in the 1730s was continued only about a quarter-century later by Georg Christoph Lichtenberg (1742—99), the celebrated Gottingen scientist, who had not even been born by the time Liscow published his Sammlung Satyrischer und Ernsthafter Schnften in 1739. Lichtenberg was an ardent Anglophile as well as a lifelong admirer of the Dean of St Patrick's. He visited England twice (Gumbert 1977, vol. 1—2; Maurer 1987, 257—62), and his notebooks ('Sudelbiicher') and correpondence are studded with references to Swift (Promies 1967—92, vol. 1—6), 'a well-known physician for sick souls and sick governments', as Lichtenberg was to describe the Dean in his final respect to the satirist-physician who administered bitter medicine in order to cure, not to kill (Schnitker 2002, 186—87). Most significantly, perhaps, Lichtenberg was able to read Swift in the original: he not only owned a Hawkesworth edition of The Works in 24 volumes (Teerink-Scouten 91), his pencil marks in this edition, which was purchased by the Gottingen University Library after Lichtenberg's death (Gumbert 1982, 277; Schnitker 2002, 161nl9), also prove that he studied it. Lichtenberg's most ambitious and (given the frequently fragmentary and experimental character of his oeuvre [Schone 1983, 111—17]) most coherent satire is Timorus (Alt 2001, 266—67), a cause celebre of its time. This is rooted in 'three loosely related events spread over about three years' (Marshall 1969, 46—47) and in its satiric theme, structure, and strategy is modelled on Swift's Tale (Schnitker 2002, 169-79). In 1769, Johann Caspar Lavater (1741—1801), having published his translation of Charles Bonnet's Recherches philosophiques sur les preuves du christianisme (Herm Carl Bonnets philosophische Untersuchung des Beweises fur das Christentuni) (Philosophical Investigation of the Evidence for Christianity), challenged Moses Mendelssohn (1729—86), probably the most famous Jewish scholar in Germany at the time, either to refute Bonnet or to convert to Christianity. Predictably, Mendelssohn declined. Two years later, early in 1771, Lavater reverted to the challenge after successfully converting two Berlin Jews to the Christian faith. In the sermon he held on this occasion, Rede bey der Taufe zweyer Berlinischen Israeliten, so durch Veranlassung der Lavater und Mendelsohnischen Streitschriften zum wahren Christenthum iibergetreten (Discourse at the Baptism of Two Berlin Israelites Who Were Converted to the True Christian Faith on Account of the Controversy between Lavater and Mendelssohn), he triumphantly insisted on the rightness of his appeal to Mendelssohn. Shortly afterwards, in the summer of 1771, the proselytizing mania struck Gottingen when two further Jews of little repute converted to Christianity there, and it is at this point that a disgusted Lichtenberg, amidst a spate of publications celebrating the victory of the true religion, began to write his work. This was published two years later, in 1773, under the title Timorus, das ist, Vertheidigung zweyer Israeliten, die durch die Kraftigkeit der Lavaterischen Beweisgrunde und der Gottingischen Mettwurste bewogen den wahren Glauben angenommen haben, von Conrad Photorin der Theologie und Belles Lettres Kandidaten (Timorus: or, Defence of Two Israelites Who Were Moved to Convert to the True Faith on the Strength of Lavater's Arguments and

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Gottingen Sausages). In the mundus inversus, upside-down-world, of this satire, Lichtenberg has a giddy if staunch 'candidate of theology and belles lettres', Conrad Photorin (a Greek pun on 'Lichtenberg'; Grimm 1979, 276), defend the indefensible, the conversion of the Gottingen Jews, and argue in favour of proselytizing in general as well as its disgreeable prophet, Lavater, in particular (Grimm 1979, 137-73, 272-305). The satire's rhetorical strategy follows the principle that praise undeserved is scandal in disguise: it is either the absurdity of Photorin's 'ratiocination' that reveals an argument's speciousness or the validity of an argument is discredited by its unreliable narrator (Promies 1972, 3: 205-36). Thus, in the lattice of relationships with Swift's Tale, three features stand out in Timorus: its genre — paradoxical encomium —, its theme — zealotry as a 'gross Corruption in Religion' (Prose Works 1: 1) -, and its speaker — a persona who changes his profile as fancy takes him (Marshall 1969, 47-48; Traugott 1983, 100-09). Despite the differences that may remain, Timorus is Lichtenberg's Tale. Like Liscow, Lichtenberg took ad hominem aggressiveness to be a hallmark of Swift's satire. He also sided with Liscow in his view of satire as a means of punishment, and, last but not least, he saw himself as a 'creative' satirist along Liscovian lines. It is not for nothing that Lichtenberg, too, has been honoured with the accolade 'German Swift' (Schnitker 2002, 160-64, 182-87). IV

After the mid-eighteenth century, more particularly in the 1760s and 1770s, 'creative imitations' proliferate in Germany, but they all contrast rather sharply with the satirical practice inaugurated by Liscow and Lichtenberg. On the one hand, these 'creative imitations' no longer target 'discernible historical particulars', being primarily engaged in the pleasurable play of intertextuality and the joy of recognition this promises to readers sufficiently erudite. One case in point is Rabener's 'Geheime Nachricht von D. Jonathan Swifts letztem Willen' ('Secret News of Dr Jonathan Swift's Last Will'), supplemented by 'Nachricht von einem Schliissel zu Swifts Codicille' ('News of a Key to Swift's Codicil') and first published in 1746 (Rabener 1764, 2: 155-82), a parodic spoof of The Last Will and Testament of Jonathan Swift, D.D., whose full text had been repeatedly published in Dublin and London from 1746 onwards (Teerink-Scouten 806-804; Prose Works 13: 147-58, 223-24). Speaking with Swift's voice, Rabener prefaced 'Geheime Nachricht' with a fictitious letter which announced a legacy of ^12,000 to found an institutiton, 'not for the mentally impaired but for morally deficient fools', such as the higher dignitaries of the Church (Katritzky 2004, 19: 90). Another example is Lichtenberg's Lorenz Eschenheimers empfindsame Reise nach Laputa of 1768 or 1769, with its elaborate subtitle Schreiben des Herrn ^/x~ -f dx ddy Trullrub, Altesten der Akademie zu Lagado, das Empfindsame im Reisen zu Wasser und zu Lande und im zu Hause Sitzen betreffend: aus dem Hochbalnibarbischen ubersetzt von M.S. (Letter of Sefior x/x3 + dx ddy Trullrub, Most Senior Member of the Academy of Lagado, Concerning the Sentimental in Travelling by Land and by Sea as well as in Remaining at Home: Translated from the Highbalnibarbic by M.S.), a short but intertextually dense text of a mere two pages (Promies 1972, 3: 610—11), whose satiric, or parodic, direction seems unclear beyond its

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being a five-finger exercise, 'an attempt to learn from a famous model' (Schnitker 2002, 165—69). With a pinch of salt, the same may be said of the exceptionally complex Nachtwachen. Von Bonaventura (Paulsen 1984) (The Nightwatches of Bonaventura), a treatise or philosophical tale which was published anonymously in 1804 and which has been variously ascribed to both Lichtenberg and August Klingemann, a prolific writer of largely forgotten trivial novels. While the satirical objectives of Nachtwachen were not recognized in the eighteenth century, and in fact are still contested today, it is clear that the work is immersed in a generic matrix, whose archetype is Swift's Tale — as regards the unreliability of its persona, a self-confessed fool and madman, its image clusters, its thematic parallels, and its episodic, digressive structure. However, even if woven together, like the Tale, from an elusive narrator's 'reminiscences and reflections', Nachtwachen's multilayered relationship with Swift's piece de resistance is one 'not of imitation but of inspiration' and appropriation (Katritzky 2003, 18: 34-55). On the other hand, many of the 'creative imitations' in eighteenth-century Germany no longer draw on acknowledged masterpieces like A Tale of a Tub and Gulliver's Travels. Instead, German writers begin to detect their imaginative complicity with Swift's minor, and less well-known, writings. In 1774, Wieland, for example, adapted, and transformed, the cannibalism motif of A Modest Proposal for his Geschichte der Abderiten (Mertner 2002a, 153— 55), and a few years later, in 1777—78, Wezel chose The Battle of the Books as the pre-text of his allegorical Silvans Bibliothek (Klingenberg 1983, 9—68), a satire on the prevalence of pedantry and prejudice, ostentatiousness and dogmatism, the cult of genius and plagiarism in scholarly discourse (Kosenina 1997, 157—77) as well as an 'experiential' demonstration of satire's alleged but non-existent efficacy (Kammerer 1999, 96—99), to which Jonathan Swift 'alone of all the Augustans' seems to have subscribed (Hammond 1998, 75— 77). In one case, Anschlag-Zeddel im Namen von Philadelphia of 1777 (Handbill in the Name of Philadelphia), Lichtenberg went as far as to adapt for his satiric parody of the mountebank Philadelphia (Promies 1972, 3: 253—55) a pamphlet concerned with the rather ephemeral project of an Irish national bank in the 1720s, The Wonder of All Wonders that Ever the World Wondered at, that may not even be authentic, though it was included in Lichtenberg's edition of Swift's works (Schnitker 2002, 180—82); in another, an anonymous writer, in Brief an Hermione (1789) (Teerink-Scouten 819), adapted Swift's Letter to a Young Lady, on Her Marriage (1723) to 'the needs of our time'.38 All this creativity presupposes an established familiarity with the writings of Jonathan Swift, both major and minor. The man who presumably did more than anybody else to spread this knowledge of the Dean in Central Europe was a Swiss citizen and clergyman, (J.) Heinrich Waser (1714—77), deacon at

8

We will, for the purposes of this essay, refrain from commenting on the question whether Gottfried August Burger's Munchhausen (1788) was consciously modelled on the generic and narrative strategies of Gulliver's Travels (Kammerer 1999, 13257), or whether both works will rather have to be placed within a common generic and narrative matrix, such as the true-liar's paradox. In our view, the whole issue merits further investigation.

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Winterthur.39 Waser was a friend of Johann Jakob Bodmer (1698-1783), and his interest in English literature may have been encouraged through this acquaintance with the Anglophile Bodmer (Ernst 1932, 35—44) and, possibly, Bodmer correspondents such as the equally Anglophile Friedrich von Hagedorn (Coffinan 1914-16, 12-13: 121-32, 179-96, 11-33). What united Waser and the Dean of St Patrick's was not so much a talent for satire and burlesque — 'His features alone announced the laughing teacher, a gentle, not a malicious satirist'40 —, Bodmer wrote of his friend in a memorial. Rather, Waser saw in Swift a kindred soul — speaking of his 'Simpathie mit seinem Swift' (sympathy with his Swift) -, a spirit who was haunted by the same need for freedom and justice: 'Since his childhood, Waser was sensitive to injustice',41 Bodmer goes on to explain (1784, 1: 524—26). It is not known where and how Waser acquired his knowledge of English. Unlike Justus van Effen, he never seems to have visited Britain to study the language in the country. Yet by 1750, English was being taught at German (speaking) universities (Schroder 1969, 20—28), and if we may judge Waser by the example of his friends and contemporaries, it is likely that he, too, taught himself: 'In the early eighteenth century, such self-instruction would almost have been the rule', one distinguished historian of the Anglo-Continental book trade writes (Fabian 1985, 189).42 Typically, Bodmer had taught himself English by reading Milton's Paradise Lost and Klopstock by studying Young's Night Thoughts. While it remains unknown in what way Waser mastered the complexities and subtleties of English, it is a fact that between 1756 and 1766 the Zurich firm of Orell, GeBner and Compagnie brought out his anthology of Satyrische und ernsthafte Schriften von Dr. Jonathan Swift, in eight volumes, also issued with a Hamburg and Leipzig imprint (Teerink-Scouten 101; Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 8-11).43 This collection of major and minor writings, many of which had 'never appeared in a German dress' (1761, 5: sig. )(2v), 44 nor in any other Continental dress, either, and which were 'newly compiled by the translator' (Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 8), is likely to

39

40 41 42 43 44

Waser's first name(s) is/are still controversial. While J. G. Meusel (1815) calls him Heinrich (Lexikon der . . . teutschen Schriftsteller, Leipzig, 14: 413), others insist on Hans Heinrich or Johann Heinrich; see Th. Vetter (1891) 'Zurich als Vermittlerin englischer Literatur im 18. Jahrhundert', Programm der Hohern Tochterschule und des Lehrerinnen-Seminars in Zurich, Schuljahr 1890/91, 18-21; Ludwig Hirzel (1892) 'J. H. Waser', Vierteljahrschrift fur Litteraturgeschichte, 5: 301-12; and Harvey W. Thayer (1909) 'Hudibras in Germany', PMLA, 24: 555-58. 'Schon seine Gesichtsziige verkiindigten den lehrenden Lacher, den sanften, nicht den boshaften Satir'. 'Waser war seit seinen kindlichen Jahren gegen Unrecht empfindlich'. 'Fur das fruhe 18. Jahrhundert diirfte dieser Selbstunterricht nahezu die Regel gewesen sein'. The account by Hennig (1947, 30.3: 54-55) is incomplete and partly misleading. 'Und die iibrigen . . . haben, so viel ich weifi, sonst noch nie ein deutsches Kleid getragen'.

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secure the Winterthur deacon a place in any history of Swift's fortunes in Germany and on the Continent. There are several reasons for this assessment, all of them remarkable. For one thing, Waser was the first German-speaking translator of Swift to have translated the Dean directly from the original English texts. In the Preface to the fifth volume, which contains Des Capitain Lemuel Gullivers Reisen, 'Johann von Breitenfels', a nom deplume Waser presumably chose to sidestep the pitfalls of Zurich censorship (Hirzel 1892, 5: 305-11), deplored the ill-fated attempts of his French and German predecessors — 'only of a French we have so far had a German rendering, in which the usual errors of French translations were even increased by not a few of those which originated in an insufficient knowledge of the French language' — and at the same time confidently asserted his own linguistic competence (1761, 5: sig. )(3r). For another, Waser was also the first to have based his versions on an English edition authorized by Swift, or at least one he took to be authorized by Swift. 'Could you fail to be pleased', he asked his anonymous addressee in 1761, 'that these travels have now been translated into German for the best of their admirers, not from the French but really from the English original corrected by the author himself?' (1761, 5: sig. )(3r).45 This would point to one, or both, of the first two Faulkner editions published before 1742 (Ehrenpreis 3: 779—90; Woolley 2002, 17: 75-87), the year Swift fell finally ill, either the one of 1734/5 in four volumes, or the one of 1738 in six (Teerink-Scouten 41—42; Rossi 1959, 25: 87—88); an assessment that is borne out by the fact that, with few exceptions, Waser's collection contains those of Swift's writings which were included in the Faulkner editions. Finally, Waser's collection was the most comprehensive and most complete anthology of Swift's writings in eighteenth-century Continental Europe (and beyond). The publishers' rationale seems to have been simply to introduce as much of'the famous Swift' (1756, 1: sig.)(2r) to a German-speaking audience as possible. For this purpose, no particular order, either chronological or thematic, was considered necessary (Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 8— 11). Obviously, Satyrische und ernsthafte Schriften were not carefully selected from the beginning but published as the translator went along, and alterations were made while printing was under way. The Preface to Volume III, for example, promises a new translation of A Project for the Advancement of Religion, and the Reformation of Manners (1758, 3: sigs )(2v-3r), but at the end of the volume, a 'Postscript of the German Publishers' ('Nachschrift der deutschen Verleger') informs readers that owing to 'various circumstances' publication of it had to be postponed (till Volume IV) (1758, 3: 355). As a result, the collection as a whole is rather a ragbag, presenting, incoherently as well as inconsistently, new translations not only of acknowledged masterpieces like A Tale of a Tub (Volume III) and Gulliver's Travels (Volume V) but also of Swift's early political and literary allegories, such as the Discourse of the Contests and

45

'Werden Sie es . . . unzufriederi seyn konnen, dafi diese Reisen zum Besten ihrer Liebhaber nach einer von dem Autor selbst verbesserten Ausgabe, nicht aus dem Franzosischen, sondern jezt wiirklich aus der Englandischen OriginalSprache einmal ins Teutsche iibersezet worden? Ich denke es nicht'.

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Dissensions . . . in Athens and Rome ('Versuch ueber die Zwiste und MiBhelligkeiten der Adelichen und der Gemeinen zu Athen und zu Rom, 1701) and The Battle of the Books ('Vollstandige und wahrhafte Erzehlung von dem ... unter den alten und neuen Biichern gehaltenen TrefFen', 1704) (Volumes III and VI), large chunks from the Bickerstaff papers (Volumes II and IV), political essays from The Examiner (1710—11) (Volume VIII), historiographical treatises, such as The History of the Four Last Years of the Queen ('Geschichte der vier lezten Jahre unter der Regierung der Konigin Anna', written 1712—13) (Volume VI), and religious tracts, such as The Sentiments of a Church-of-England Man ('Die Gesinnungen eines Anhangers der Englandischen Kirche', 1711) and An Argument against Abolishing Christianity ('Beweis, daB die Abschaffung des Christenthums . . . einige Unbequemlichkeiten nach sich ziehen . . . diirfte', 1711) (Volumes II and IV), letters of advice like A Letter to a Young Gentleman ('Schreiben an einen jungen Geistlichen', 1720) and A Letter to a Young Lady, on Her Marriage ('Schreiben an ein neuverheyrathetes Frauenzimmer', written 1723) (Volume IV), many pamphlets on Irish affairs, including the Drapier's Letters ('Briefe des Tuchhandlers', 1724) and A Modest Proposal ('UnmaBgeblicher Vorschlag', 1729) (Volumes I and IV), as well as selected sermons (Volume III), Directions to Servants ('Unterricht fur Bediente insgemein', 1745), and A Compleat Collection of Genteel and Ingenious Conversation ('Polite Gesprache', 1738) (Volumes VII and I). Waser was also the first to provide German translations of a sizable portion of the Dean's correspondence (Volume VII) and, last but not least, verse renderings of major poems like Verses on the Death ofDr Swift ('Swift iiber seinen Tod', 1739) and The Beasts' Confession to the Priest ('Die Beicht der Thiere', 1738) (Volumes II and IV), not to mention those in prose such as Death and Daphne ('Der Tod und Daphne', 1735), A Soldier and a Scholar ('Ein Officier und ein Geistlicher'), which is better known under the title The Grand Question Debated (1732), and The Place of the Damned ('Der Ort der Verdamten', 1731) (all Volume II). Like van Effen and Wolf, Waser aimed at the largest possible audience, catering not so much to the tastes of the 'pundits' as to the needs of general readers. Unlike van Effen and Wolf, however, he was less concerned with annotation and commentary. Instead, Waser, or rather 'Johann von Breitenfels', preferred to introduce many of his volumes with lengthy prefaces in which he tends to cross the line from explanation to justification. In the Preface to Volume I, for example, he censured the common public 'disgust at satire' (1756, 1: sig.)(2r-v),46 extolling satire at the same time as 'useful' and 'virtuous' (1: sig. )(6r). 'As long as virtue is respected', Waser posits, 'the satirist who shames vice is, like other teachers of virtue, a valuable and honourable man' (sig. )(6r).47 Yet aware that satire is not only an ungrateful but also a complex art, Waser points out that satire requires readers who are able to understand its subtleties,

6 47

'Abscheu vor den Satyren'. 'So lange denn als Tugend etwas gilt, so lange bleibt der Satyriker der das Laster beschamt, so gut als andere Tugendlehrer, ein niizlicher und verehrenswiirdiger Mann'.

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in particular the figure of irony, or, at the very least, readers who are willing to make an effort to understand irony if it at first escapes them: 'Do not judge before you understand. If you find it too difficult to understand an ironical satire, and you still wish to read such writings, you had better ask learned and competent judges how to understand them, and believe these' (1756, 1: sig. )(7r).48 Of course, Waser continues, this position entails exploring contexts and textual intentions: 'Ironical satires have specific purposes that need to be investigated before they can be evaluated properly' (sig. )(7r).49 Waser's most obvious case in point is A Modest Proposal, any mistaking of which, he contends, would turn readers into 'the most stupid of dunces' (sig. )()(4r).50 In other words, satire is literature for readers who are eager to be 'initiated'. Presumably,Waser was one of the most pronounced admirers of Swift on the Continent in the eighteenth century. Even though his stance towards the Dean was by no means uncritical at times (1756, 1: sigs) Q 0 (4r-6v), he was prepared to forgive a frailty in a man who had done so much for the promotion of virtue and religion, and for the welfare of his country; indeed, who had conducted himself like 'a true Father' to Ireland (1756, 1: sigs )Q(4r and 7r).51 'Often centuries will pass', Waser exclaimed, 'until a man like Swift emerges, and it is a terrible ingratitude, and also a great misfortune, that if somebody like him does appear Dullness and Envy as well as Malice and Hypocrisy should rise up against him' (sig. )(lr-v).52 It comes as no surprise, therefore, that in the Preface to Volume V, which contains his translation of Gulliver's Travels, Waser defended Swift against the charge of misanthropy, attempting to stem the rising furore about Book Four, this 'hoard of Malice' (Williams 1970, 67), with courage and conviction. Waser was not an impressionable critic (1761, 5: sig. )(5r), and he was happy to point out that critics of the Dean like the fashionable Orrery and Edward Young (1761, 5: sigs )(4v-8r), whose Swift-berating Conjectures (Williams 1970, 178-79) had also recently been translated into German (Price and Price 1955, 1989—99), had failed to distinguish between Swift's ends and his means. Consequently, Waser refuted the view that, in his creation of the Yahoos, Swift had degraded human nature because he had represented it as wholly corrupt. The contrary was the case, Waser contended. Swift merely attacked human depravity as it presented itself, contrasting humankind's desire to be regarded as 'rational animals' with the 'experiential' proof of their actual performance: 48

'Urtheilet nicht, bis ihr versteht. Ists euch zuschwer, fur euch selbst eine ironische Satyre zuverstehen, und ihr wolt dergleichen Schriften dennoch lesen, so fragt bei verstandigen und iiber dergleichen Sachen befugten Richtern, wie ihr sie zuverstehen habt, und glaubt ihnen'. 4 'Eine ironische Satyre hat einen gewissen Hauptzwek, der zuallererst muB aufgesucht werden, ehe man sie richtig beurtheilen kann'. 50 'euch als die diimmsten Schopsen verrathen wiirdet'. For an example of such misreading in eighteenth-century Germany, see Semmel 1764, 232. 51 'ein wahrer Vater dieses Landes geworden'. 52 'Es gehen oft Jahrhunderte vorbei, bis ein Mann entsteht, wie Swift war, und es ist wol ein schreklicher Undarik, und zugleich ein grosses Ungluk, dafi wenn ein solcher kommt, die Dummheit, der Neid, die Bosheit, und die Heuchelei gleich hinter ihm drein sind'.

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Poor Gulliver! He is said to have degraded human nature by having exposed it in its corruption. Perhaps he has, on account of the many variegated experiences he was made to bear, indignantly charged the human race with having deviated from its first definition as an honest, innocent, rational, and virtuous being; with having yielded to passions that expelled everything good and that made life bitter. In doing so, he has criticized what everyday experience teaches, what Holy Scripture laments, what is condemned from all pulpits, what, in brief, is an irrefutable truth.53 Besides, Waser continued, in his creation of the Houyhnhnms, Swift had drawn a most alluring picture of virtue, in fact of human nature in perfection: 'Does [the Dean] not show in them by contrast', Waser asked rhetorically, 'how humankind could, and would, be if their blind passions did not eject reason and honesty?' (1761, 5: sig. )(5v).54 Thus, the Noble Horses had to be regarded as his means of correcting abuse. Refurbishing an argument that Swift himself had used to ward off the early attacks on A Tale of a Tub — the Tale was a satire, he claimed, not on religion but on its 'numerous and gross Corruptions' (Prose Works, I, 1) — Waser defended Gulliver's Travels as a satire not on humankind but on human flaws. This argument deserves credit for keeping alive the image of Swift as a moral satirist at a time when the biographical approach tended to obscure this aspect of the Dean's work and \vhen he was denied any merits as a writer. Waser's Satyrische und ernsthafte Schriften must be ranked as an achievement of a high order, and it took subsequent anthologists rather a long time to surpass it in scope and substance, not to mention the accuracy of the translations (Real 2002, 75—83). The first to come out after Waser was by Degenhard Pott, published in Leipzig by Weygand in six volumes between 1798 and 1799 under the title Swift's und Arbuthnot's vorzuglichste prosaische Schriften (Swift's and Arbuthnot's Most Eminent Writings in Prose) (TeerinkScouten 127; Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 11—12). The translator, Pott, paid tribute to Waser's collection by 'incorporating everything that was good in it' (1798, 1: sig. xiv),55 but his own was bound to be inferior to Waser's from the start inasmuch as Pott had decided to allocate a considerable share to the less well-known Arbuthnot. His justification was that due to

53

54

55

'Der arme Gulliver! Er soil die menschliche Natur degradiert haben; denn er hat sie in ihrer Verdorbenheit vorgestellet. Er hat im Unmuth vielleicht, wegen der vielfaltigen Erfahrungen, so er iiber sich muBte ergehen lassen, den Menschen vorgeworfen, sie seyn von ihrer ersten Bestimmung eines redlichen, einfaltigen, vernunftmassigen und tugendhaften Wesens sehr abgewichen; sie haben sich ihren Passionen ergeben, welche alles Gute verdrungen, und wodurch sie einander das Leben bitter machen. Er hat geklagt, was die tagliche Erfahrung klagt, was die H. Schrift klagt, was von alien Kirchen-Canzeln ertonet, kurz was eine unwidersprechliche Wahrheit ist.' 'Sezt er nicht eben dieselbe menschliche Natur in seine Houyhnhnms? und zeigt im Contraste, wie die Menschen . . . seyn konnten und seyn wiirden, wenn sie Vernunft und Rechtschaffenheit durch ihre blinden Passionen nicht verdrangen?' 'Alles Gute in der Waserschen Uebersetzung von Swift habe ich rnir zu Nutze gemacht'.

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Swift's and Arbuthnot's 'interrelatedness', their writings, he felt, 'mutually illuminated one another' (sig. x2r).56 The next to follow was Franz Kottenkamp's three-volume miscellaneous collection of Swift's humoristische Werke, published by Scheible, Rieger and Sattler in Stuttgart in 1844. As the title announces, the scope of this selection is limited to Swift's 'humorous' writings (or rather what Kottenkamp took to be Swift's humorous writings), a fact which helps explain why apocryphal material, such as parts of Arbuthnot's Art of Political Lying ('Die Kunst der politischen Liigen'; 1: 169—95) and Martinus Scriblerus' Peri Bathous or The Art of Sinking ('Des hochgelehrten Martinus Scriblerus denkwiirdige Schrift . . . iiber das Bathos, oder die Kunst in der Poesie zu sinken'; 1: 234—304) was included. In his Preface, the translator admitted that he had seen little point in attempting a 'literal translation' given the nature of his 'humorous' material, which was only too often, he declared, 'peculiar to an age or a nation' (1844, 1: iii—iv).57 Even so, the charm of Kottenkamp's selection to this day consists in its verse renderings of some dozen of Swift's (infrequently translated) poems (1844, 2: 189—248), among them, not only major poetry like The Beasts' Confession to the Priest ('Die Beichte der Thiere') and Verses on the Death ofDr Swift ('Verse auf Swift's Tod'), but also several of Swift's political and occasional poems, such as The Progress of Poetry ('Die Beforderung der Poesie'), The Description of a Salamander ('Passender Vergleich fur Kriegshelden'), A Description of a City Shower ('Idyllische Beschreibung eines Regenschauers'), The Author upon Himself ('Swifts Schicksal in der Kirche, nach Herausgabe des Mahrchens als Tonne'), and two Imitations of Horace ('Swift's Schicksal bei den GroBen' [Epistles, I, vii], and 'Swift bei Ministern' [Satires, II, vi]). This preoccupation with Swift's verse in Kottenkamp's anthology seems all the more remarkable in view of the fact that eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury critics generally did not find 'much upon which ... to exercise [their] powers' in the Dean's poetical works (Berwick 1941, 44—46, 78—80, 111—12): '[Swift's] poems ... are mediocre, and are generally forgotten today', a German literary historian ruled in 1887 (Korting 1887, 290);58 an assessment that was to persist far into the 1970s when the 'paradigm change' in the critical history of Swift's poetry was finally initiated (Voigt 1964, 11—14; Schuhmann-Moller 1981, 152-67; Rodino 1984, 93-126). As a result, a total of presumably less than 5 per cent of his 300-odd poems have been translated into German so far.59 In addition to those rendered by Kottenkamp (and Waser and Herder, for that matter), only one complete verse translation of a

56

57

58

59

'Beide Schriftsteller, Swift und Arbuthnoth, habe ich deshalb mit einander verbunden, well ihre Schriften oft in einander eingreifen, auf einander Bezug haben, und wechselseitig die des Einen durch die des Andern verstandlicher sind'. 'Ferner halt der Uebersetzer die Bemerkung fur nothwendig, daB er sich in demselben Fall befand, der bei der Uebertragung aller humoristischen Schriften sich ergibt. Oft fmden sich Stellen, die auf besondere Umstande der Zeit oder auf eine Eigenthumlichkeit der Nation sich beziehen.' '[Swift's] Versdichtungen . . . gehen iiber die Mittelmassigkeit nicht hinaus und sind heute meist vergessen'. In saying this, we hasten to add that we have not seen any of the titles listed by Philippovic 1903, 33-36. Neither have we listed fragments of verse renderings,

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new poem, A Satirical Elegy on the Death of a Late Famous General (Eine satirische Elegie auf den Tod eines weiland beriihmten Feldherrn, 1722), was attempted by Gottlob Regis in the nineteenth century (1847, 217-18). While, in the twentieth, this title was again tackled with gusto by Paul Hennings, the eminent Swift collector (Real 1994, 9: 118-23), and Klaus Bartenschlager (von Koppenfels and Pfister 2000, 89—91), the twentieth century also saw new verse renderings, some of them brilliant, of On His Own Deafness (Uber seine eigene Taubheit) by Walther Freisburger (1940, 226), of A Description of the Morning (Eine Beschreibung des Morgens, 1709) by Friedrich Polakovics (Kohl 1979, 70; Kohl 1995, 311), Michael Gassenmeier (Meller and Slogsnat 1991, 2: 44), and Klaus Bartenschlager (von Koppenfels and Pfister 2000, 89), of A Description of a City Shower (Eine Beschreibung eines Regenschauers in der Stadt, 1710) by Friedrich Polakovics (Kohl 1979, 71-72; Kohl 1995, 31314) and Michael Gassenmeier (Meller and Slogsnat 1991, 2: 62—63), as well as of Stella's Birthday (Stellas Geburtstag, 1721) and A Beautiful Young Nymph Going to Bed (Eine zierliche junge Nymphe geht zu Bett, 1734) by Manfred Pfister (von Koppenfels and Pfister 2000, 89-91, 94-100).6" To go by his German translators, Swift's most popular poems are, perhaps predictably, The Beasts' Confession, which after Waser and Kottenkamp was translated into German verse by Gottlob Regis (1822, 130-36; 1847, 366-74) and Roland Arnold (Schlosser 1967, 1: 566—73), and Verses on the Death ofDr Swift, also rendered four times — in addition to Waser, Herder, and Kottenkamp by Roland Arnold (Schlosser 1967, 2: 535—48), closely followed by A Description of the Morning, A Description of a City Shower, and A Satirical Elegy, all of which have been translated three times.61 The first anthology of Swift's writings in German to have surpassed Waser's in accuracy and polish if not in scope was by Felix Paul Greve (1879—1948), published in four handsome volumes by Erich Reiss in Berlin in 1909, the year Greve faked his suicide only to re-create himself as Frederick Philip Grove, under which alias he was to turn into one of the father figures of realism in Canada (Hjartarson 1981, 90: 73-90; Pache 1981, 90: 187-91). Greve was a gifted, multilingual critic and translator who, in Jonathan Swift: Prosaschriften, ranged competently over the texts he had selected. He not only based his versions on the most reliable English editions available at the time (1909, 4: 19), but also introduced each volume with readable essays, supplying his audience with helpful if brief information on the origins, occasions, and contexts of Swift's works. In addition to Gulliver's Travels (Volume IV) and early satires like A Tale and The Battle of the Books (Volume II), Greve's foci of interest were the Irish pamphlets (Volume I) and the Journal to Stella, of which

60

61

such as the one from Cadenus and Vanessa in Die Kunst sinnreich zu qualen in practischen Regeln (1754), Hamburg und Leipzig: Georg Christ. Grund und Adam Heinr. Holle, p. 132. For the purposes of this survey, we have ignored renderings into prose (Moller 1988, 2: 142-53) as well as translations of short verse, such as epigrams, and fragments of poems. The third rendering of Verses after Waser and Kottenkamp was by Roland Arnold (Schlosser 1967, 2: 535-48; reprinted in Kohl 1995, 334-50).

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he presented the first complete translation into German (Volumes II and III) after Claire von Glumer's very perceptive Tagebuch in Briefen an Stella of 1866. The collection of Swift's selected works most frequently and most widely used in the latter half of the twentieth century originally appeared as the East German tribute to the tercentenary celebrations of 1967 (Nocon 1991, 6:115). Published under the title Jonathan Swift: ausgewahlte Werke, it was edited, introduced, and annotated in three volumes by Anselm Schlosser, who led a team of competent translators consisting of Roland Arnold, Friedrich Baadke, Gottfried Graustein, Horst Hohne, and Otto Wilck, who, like Schlosser, were scholars and obviously knew their subject well. Whatever reservations one may have in detail, this selection, although it comprises less than half of Swift's complete works, is easily not only the most representative anthology of his writings in German but also the most reliable in terms of accuracy. While the first volume chiefly groups the religious and literary satires and pamphlets together (A Tale of a Tub, The Battle of the Books, An Argument against Abolishing Christianity, A Letter to a Young Clergyman, among others), the second contains the political writings, such as The Discourse of the Contests and Dissensions . . . in Athens and Rome, The Conduct of the Allies, the Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufacture, and A Modest Proposal, and the third, Gulliver's Travels. Swift's poetry is fittingly represented by two charming verse translations of The Beasts' Confession to the Priest and Verses on the Death of Dr Swift (by Roland Arnold). The most notable omissions are Polite Conversation and the Journal to Stella, and there are no samples of Swift's correspondence, either. With the exception of Gulliver, whose translation is based on Kottenkamp's nineteenth-century version which was revised for the purpose, all texts were newly translated, some even for the first time, and in all cases into fluent and idiomatic German. This is no mean feat since the peculiarities of Swift's diction and syntax are at variance with the German language at times (1: 9— 10). Not surprisingly, Jonathan Swift: ausgewahlte Werke has been a commercial success. The three volumes were reissued by Insel Verlag in the Federal Republic of Germany soon after their appearance, in a handsome clothbound edition in 1972 as well as a moderately priced paperback set in 1976, and supplemented with an essay on 'The Necessary Steps' ('Die notwendigen Schritte') by the eminent German novelist Martin Walser (1972: 3: 441-66). If there is a criticism to be voiced on this 'industry', it is that Schlosser's original, dyed-in-the-wool Marxist introductions and annotations, which reflect the state of Marxist criticism in the 1960s, were not revised and updated for the 1991 third edition published in Berlin and Weimar by Aufbau Verlag. At least, Walser's uninformed and pretentious essay was no longer included in it. However, Walser is an Insel author, and this publisher seems determined to continue selling it to its readers as 'great' (Kohl 1995). It is most certainly not.62

62

Within the scope of this essay, there is no room to comment on smaller, onevolume selections, however knowledgeably chosen, such as Michael Freund's 1957 Menschliche Komodie: Schriften, Fragmente, Aphorismen, Stuttgart: Alfred

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V The Winterthur deacon is bound to have been gratified by the immediate contemporary reception of his Satyrische und ernsthafte Schriften. Good friends like Wieland and Herder praised Waser's efforts on the Dean's behalf warmly, even enthusiastically. 'One can tell from this translation, which I am bold enough to call a masterpiece, that he is accomplished in both languages, and particularly in that of his original; he seems to have painted his copy con amore; one notices that he thinks and feels with his Swift, and that he aims at the same target . . . . I doubt that it is possible to translate Swift more faithfully, more naturally, and more forcefully', Wieland exclaimed in a review for the Freymuthige Nachrichten of 1756 (Steinberger 1915, 22: 675),63 and Herder concurred, describing Swift's 'Swiss translator' as somebody 'who had recognized the Dean's value' and 'who tried as well as he could to recommend him to German readers' (Suphan 1885, 23: 183).64 All this acclaim notwithstanding, it is doubtful that Waser's success was in any way abiding. Certainly, the collection was never reprinted in its entirety, and only the first and fifth volumes went into a third edition (Fabian and Spieckermann 1997, 12: 10—11). The reasons for this state of affairs are manifold. Most importantly, perhaps, English was no longer the foreign language that it had been in the first decades of the century, and German readers may have preferred to study Swift in the originals in its latter half. Moreover, since the late 1780s, those German readers who still had to rely on translations are likely to have resorted to the more recent, and widely praised, versions (Spieckermann 2002, 37) ofjohann Kaspar Riesbeck (1754—86), who had become a national celebrity as Verfasser der Briefe eines reisenden Fmnzosen durch Deutschland (Author of the Letters of a Travelling Frenchman in Germany), at least as far as Swift's masterpieces, A Tale of a Tub and Gulliver's Travels, were concerned: Riesbeck's Lemuel Gullivers Reisen zu verschiedenen entfernten Nationen, published in Zurich by Orell, GeBner, and FiiBli in 1788, followed on the heels of DrJonathan Swifts Mdhrchen von der Tonne, which had been brought out by the same firm a year previously (Teerink-Scouten 277, 433; Fabian and Spieckermann 1998, 13: 9, 17). But then, in a note preceding Ein Mdhrchen von der Tonne, Riesbeck confessed that he had hesitated to embark on a new translation because that 'by the late deacon Waser was ever so faithful', if somewhat dated: 'In it, I did not miss anything but the

Kroner; or handsomely produced, such as Robert Schneebeli's 1993 Jonathan Swift: Satiren und Streitschriften, Zurich: Manesse. The fact that such selections apparently sell, too, is certainly indicative of the great reputation Swift is currently enjoying in Germany. 63 'Man siehet in dieser Uebersetzung, welche ich mir . . . fur ein Meisterstiick auszugeben getraue, daB er nicht nur beyder Sprachen, sondern vornehmlich seines Originals in einem hohen Grad machtig ist; er scheinet . . . seine Copie con amore nachgezeichnet zu haben; man merkt es, daB er mit seinem Swift denkt und empfindt, daB er nach dem gleichen Zweck zielet . . . . Ich zweifle, ob es moglich sey, den Swift getreuer, naiver und starker zu iibersetzen'. 64 'Sein Schweizer-Uebersetzer flihlte seinen Werth und suchte ihn nach Vermogen der Deutschen Lesewelt zu empfehlen'.

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fashionable garb in which many second translations are dressed today: modern language and style' (1787, 2).65 As a result, Riesbeck followed the Waser versions rather closely, improving them stylistically rather than substantially (Rossi 1959, 25: 86), and Waser, thus, did continue to flourish in his afterlife, if in a new outward identity. VI

The two German luminaries most kindred in spirit to Swift in the eighteenth century are Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) and Jean Paul (1763-1825), impressive in their encyclopedic erudition and extensive knowledge of the Dean of St Patrick's. Herder began to study English literature and history during his stay at Konigsberg (1762—64) under the guidance of his friend and teacher, Johann Georg Hamann (Loffler 2002, 236), and although in the course of his career he became familiar with all major English authors (Schork 1928, 228—33), he felt an almost natural attraction to Swift throughout his life, believing that he had a great deal in common with this 'Irish Dean with the whip' (Spillane 1959, 6: 141-43; Arnold 2000, 1082; Loffler 2002, 236-38). Herder not only owned one of the issues of the 1768 multi-volume Hawkesworth edition of Swift's Works (see the diagram in Teerink-Scouten, p. 104) and Waser's eightvolume collection of Satyrische und ernsthafte Schriften, as well as various editions and translations of single works (Schork 1928, 29n2),66 he is also known to have read Swift closely and to have quoted him frequently. In fact, excepting Shakespeare, there are in Herder's writings 'more allusions to Swift than to any other foreign author' (Spillane 1959, 6: 140). His far-ranging literary and cultural journal Adrastea, which he edited almost single-handedly from 1801 to 1804 (Arnold 2000, 965-67) and in which Herder shows himself motivated 'by missionary endeavours to lead man to a higher form of reason and to moral improvement' (Loffler 2002, 242), is even studded with references to Swift's biography, his personality, and his works (Suphan 1885, 23: 180-89, 292-93).67 In addition to his favourites, A Tale of a Tub and Gulliver's Travels, both of which he knew intimately (Spillane 1959, 6: 141), Herder's reading also covered The Battle of the Books, the Argument against Abolishing Christianity, the 65

66

67

'Die Uebersetzung von Swifts samtlichen Schriften, die der seel. Diakon Waser . . . im Jahre 1756 angefangen und bis 66 mit 8 Banden beendigt hat, ist so getreu, daB ich lange Bedenken trug, Hand an eine neue Uebersetzung zu legen. Ich vermifite da nichts als das Modekleid, das heut zu Tage vielen zweyten Uebersetzungen angezogen wird: namlich neuere Sprache und Styl'. We have been unable to identify the Hawkesworth edition with any degree of certainty, partly because of the self-contradictory evidence supplied by Schork (1928, 29 and n. 2), and partly because this evidence conflicts with that provided by Spillane (1959, 141 and n. 7). The majority of these references are also to be found in the 2000 edition of Adrastea by Giinter Arnold, Frankfurt/M.: Deutscher Klassiker Verlag, which, though not complete, is more easily available than Suphan's nineteenth-century edition.

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Drapier's Letters, Swift's correspondence and sermons, and the History of the Four Last Years of the Queen, not to mention Polite Conversation, Directions to Servants, and others. Herder also took notice of Swift's poems. He not only translated two of them, To the Earl of Peterborough (Mordaunt, Graf von Peterborough, 1726) (Suphan 1885, 23: 173-74; Arnold 2000, 165-67) and Verses on the Death ofDr Swift (Ueber den Tod des D. Swifts, 1731) (Suphan 1881, 27: 372—82), but also creatively 'responded' to them by composing poetical 'counterparts (Gegenstiicke)', one to Verses on the Death of Dr Swift entitled 'Das Mitgefuhl: ein Gegenstiick zu Swifts Versen iiber seinen Tod' (1801) (Compassion: a Companion Piece to Swift's Verses on his Death) and another called 'Himmel und Holle' (Heaven and Hell) in response to The Place of the Damned (Suphan 1881, 27: 383-91; Spillane 1960, 7: 156-64). In the same way, Herder had earlier drafted 'counterparts' to A Tale of a Tub (Das Mahrchen vom Spiegel: ein Gegenstiick zu Swifts Mahrchen von der Tonne; Suphan 1886, 24: 425—35) and 'afterthoughts' on (selected) Thoughts on Various Subjects (Arnold 2000, 892-93). Herder is likely to have become acquainted with Swift's writings first through Waser's translation. But unlike Waser, he judged Swift within the framework of an original and coherent theory of literary criticism. Herder's 'natural method' demanded 'empathy (Einflihlung)' as the faculty most essential to the literary critic. In his view, critical assessment had to be based on a 'living reading', the 'divination of the soul of an author'. A work of art, therefore, had to be interpreted in its historical contexts and the circumstances in which it was rooted: 'The most indispensable explanation especially of a poet is the explanation of the customs of his age and nation' (Wellek 1955, 1: 181—85). Consequently, a writer's biography and personality played a prominent part in Herder's approach. This, however, differed considerably from the biographical approach practised by many of his contemporaries, because it contained, in addition to its historicist element, a psychological factor. Herder was interested in why Swift acted and thought the way he did (Arnold 2000, 174). Herder's hermeneutical practice chimed in with these theoretical postulates in two essays contributed to Adrastea and entitled 'Jonathan Swift' and 'Jonathan Swift: Gegenseite' (Suphan 1885, 23: 180-85; 186-89; Arnold 2000, 173—83). In these, he came to conclusions which differed vastly from those of Orrery and his German followers. Herder saw in Swift a rational genius rather than an imaginative one, a man of great analytical powers and high moral standards: 'In everything Swift could do by himself, Herder extolled his role model, 'he not only acted strictly and scrupulously, he also personified Order and Justice' (Suphan 1885, 182; Arnold 2000, 174).68 In Herder's view, all of Swift's writings served a purpose. Unlike some of his distinguished contemporaries, however, Herder always insisted on art's moral and social function (Loffler 2002, 244-45), and he therefore admired Swift's active immersion in the concerns and affairs of his age as exemplary:

68

'In Allem, was Swift durch sich tun konnte, handelte er nicht nur strenge und rein, sondern war die Ordnung und Gerechtigkeit selber'.

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All writings by Swift are active; not futile declamations. Just as his best papers are based on real occasions and on real persons, so too each of them aims at a clear ultimate purpose . . . . Even Swift's most trifling letters show that he was incapable of using empty words. Whenever Swift sees an opportunity to act and to attain a certain end, he seizes it - in The Drapier's Letters as well as in each of his political pamphlets. (Suphan 1885, 23: 181; Arnold 2000, 173-74)69 According to Herder, Swift was always a philanthropist, 'an active friend of humankind' (Arnold 2000, 174)70 in his intentions, but his philanthropy would occasionally masquerade as misanthropy: 'He felt a deep hatred towards human society so that even his philanthropy, his great concern for all those unhappy people who had been neglected by nature and by the commonwealth, was disguised beneath a coarse garb; he appeared to be a taskmaster, although he was a well-meaning friend' (Suphan 1881, 17: 189).71 The follies and vices Swift witnessed and the injustice he experienced, Herder continues, at times distressed him so much that he went too far in his satirical attack, and, instead of correcting vice, caused havoc (Suphan 1881, 17: 189-90). Gulliver's Travels provided a particularly instructive example. But if in this case Swift had erred, he deserved pity rather than censure. When Swift was writing Gulliver's Travels, Herder explained, he felt sick at heart. In this 'emotional torment (Geistes- und Herzenskrankheit)', he wanted to hurt because he himself had been hurt and his belief in justice badly shaken. To Swift, Man was a Yahoo, and he could do nothing but choose beasts to represent the ideal which he wanted to hold up against reality (Suphan 1885, 23: 187; Arnold 2000, 179). By no stretch of the imagination could Swift be accused of misanthropy. Regarding that vexed issue of the satiric norm in Gulliver's Travels, Herder came to the same conclusion as Waser before him: 'Swift's horses are rational, honest creatures, as men should be' (Suphan 1885, 23: 187; Arnold 2000, 179).72 But like Gottsched and Haller, he also felt that, in this respect, Gulliver's Travels was not a satisfactory work of art. The idea of animals endowed with reason seemed a contradiction in itself and therefore unconvincing. Swift had carried his satire so far that it became pointless. He therefore, Herder concluded, deserved more credit as a moralist than as a creative writer (Suphan 1885, 23: 292-93).

69 'Tatig sind alle Schriften Swifts; nicht miiBige Deklamationen. Wie seine besten Aufsatze aus wirklichen Anlassen hervorgehn und auf wirkliche Personen sich beziehen; so strebt jeder zu einem bestimmten Endzweck . . . . Leerer Worte war Swift unfa'hig bis auf den kleinsten seiner Briefe. Wo aber zu handeln, wo ein bestimmter Zweck zu erreichen war, da kampft Swift, in den Tuchhdndlerbriefen, wie in jedem politischen Pamphlet.' 70 'ein tatiger Freund der Menschheit'. 71 'Er hatte einen so tiefen Groll gegen die menschliche Gesellschaft gefaBt, dafi selbst seine Menschenfreundschaft, seine strenge Sorge fur die von der Natur und dem Staat verwahrloseten Unglucklichen sich in dies rauhe Gewand kleidete; er schien ein Zuchtmeister, auch wenn er ein wohlwollender Freund war'. 72 'Swift's Rosse aber sind vernunftige, billige Geschopfe, wie Menschen es sein sollten'.

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This criticism applied to most of Swift's writings. His moral genius was apparent in all his works: Closer to the complaints, the pressure, the misery of the nation, provoked by the hatred and envy, the follies and scandals of undignified great ones, the Dean of St Patrick's became what in other circumstances he would hardly have become, an adviser of all active classes, a father, a friend and saviour of Ireland, as far as his reason reached, far beyond his power, his office, and his duties. (Suphan 1885, 23, 182-83; Arnold 2000, 175)73 But at the same time Herder, like Waser, wondered whether Swift the satirist had not too often dealt in matters too ephemeral to solicit lasting interest. 'Who, in days to come', Herder asked, 'will attempt to disentangle a confused mass of petty factions, ambitious noblemen, female and womanish courtintrigues? And since most of Swift's great spirit is sunk in it, how little of all he has written remains to redeem that spirit sunk in mud!' (Suphan 1885, 23: 188-89; Arnold 2000, 181).74 While Herder did not arrive at conclusions radically different from those of earlier critics, it is true, he helped create the climate for a more sympathetic assessment of Swift. In practice, he lived up to Waser's request: 'Do not judge before you understand'; a request, incidentally, that was to be carried over into the nineteenth century, and established as a principle, by two encyclopedic histories of learning and literature, Johann Gottfried Eichhorn's Geschichte der Litteratur von ihrem Anfang bis aufdie neuesten Zeiten (History of Literature from the Beginnings to the Most Recent Times), published in Gottingen in six volumes between 1805 and 1811, and Friedrich Bouterwek's Geschichte der Poesie und Beredsamkeit seit dem Ende des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts (History of Poetry and Rhetoric since the End of the Thirteenth Century), also in Gottingen from 1801—19, in 12 volumes. Both Eichhorn and Bouterwek endorsed Herder's view that 'it was impossible to understand Swift's writings without being acquainted with his character' (Spieckermann 2002, 36).75 The last, and presumably strongest, contender for the title of 'German Swift' in eighteenth-century Germany (and beyond) is Johann Paul Friedrich Richter (1763—1825), better known to literary history as Jean Paul. This was adumbrated as early as 1803 when Herder, in a dialogue between Satire, Criticism, and Irony ('Satyre, Kritik und Ironic'), which he contributed to Adrastea and in which he made Satire defend her ungrateful art against the

7

~

74

75

'Den Klagen, dem Druck, dem Elend der Nation na'her, vom HaB und Neide unwiirdiger GroBen, von ihren Torheiten und Argernissen gereizt, ward der Dechant von St. Patrick, was er sonst kaum geworden ware, Ratgeber aller geschaftigen Stande, Vater, Freund, Retter Irlands, so weithin sein Verstand, weit iiber seine Macht, weit iiber sein Amt und seine Pflicht reichte.' 'Wer wird sich einst die Miihe geben, ein Gewirr niedriger Parteien, Rangsiichtiger Edlen, weiblicher und weibischer Hofkabalen zu entratseln? Und da Swifts groBer Geist groBtenteils darin versenkt ist, wie wenige Stiicke konnen den in Schlamm gesenkten Geist erlosen!' Another account that is largely indebted to Herder's view is Friedrich Carl Gottlob Hirsching (1810) Historisch-littemrisches Handbuch beruhmter und denkwurdiger Personen, vol. 14, Leipzig: Schwickert, pp. 43—58.

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reservations of Criticism and Irony, at one point had Irony invoke her illustrious progenitors: 'However, I will not forget my Jean Paul, in whom, in addition to his own, the spirits of Swift, Fielding, and Sterne go about their business' (Arnold 2000, 738).76 While the sequence of the names may simply be chronological, given 'the high esteem in which [Jean Paul] held Swift from the time of his first acquaintance ... to the end of his life' (Walden 1940, 33), however, the fact that the Dean's name should be the first in the trio does not seem accidental. Jean Paul matriculated at the University of Leipzig in May 1781. By that time, he was apparently still unable to read English writers in the original (Freiburg 2002, 270). In November of that year, he told one of his mentors, Pfarrer Vogel, in a letter that he had taken up the study of the English language, and his further correspondence from Leipzig suggests that he read Addison, Pope, and Young before he took on Swift. What progress Jean Paul actually made in his reading of English literature in the following years is not entirely clear. What 15 certain is that from 1782 on he became increasingly preoccupied with the Dean of St Patrick's after having been introduced to Swift's works, in Waser's translation, in the shop of a Leipzig bookseller. Subsequently, the impoverished young student repeatedly tried to borrow Waser's Satyrische und ernsthafte Schriften from friends, Herder among them, being unable, as he told a Hof bookseller in May 1786, 'to think of anybody but Swift the whole day'. Although Jean Paul owned an English edition of the Dean's works at the end of his life, by the time he came to write the Vorschule der Asthetik, between the autumn of 1803 to the summer of 1804, he was still in the habit of reading Swift in Waser's translation, which he continued to regard as 'superior' to that by Degenhard Pott, which was also known to him (Walden 1940, 21—41). However, Jean Paul not only studied Swift's works, more particularly A Tale of a Tub, Gulliver's Travels, The Battle of the Books, the Argument against Abolishing Christianity, the Letter to a Young Clergyman, and A Modest Proposal, with dedication and care, he also familiarized himself with Swift's most influential eighteenth-century biographers, such as Orrery, Johnson, and Sheridan (Williams 1949, 114—28). As a result, one of the most perceptive critics of the affinity between Jean Paul and Swift has concluded: 'Jean Paul had Swift constantly before him as a guide, a model, and a source' (Walden 1940, 89). Unlike Herder, Jean Paul was not so much a critic of Swift as an imitator, or, more precisely, a creative imitator. More than anything else, he admired Swift, this 'unparalleled master of irony', with whom, he declared, it was impossible to find fault (Walden 1940, 32; 52), and this admiration led to imaginative emulation and competition throughout Jean Paul's life. In his last novel, Der Komet (1811—22), he jocularly described himself as 'a thief who had freely 'pilfered' from the Dean's quarry. But at the same time, he insisted on his distinct!veness, the signature that made his literary architecture markedly his own (Walden 1940, 144). Of course, this distinctiveness grew at

76

'Meinen Jean-Paul indes vergesse ich nicht, in dem, nebst seinem eignen, Swift's, Fielding's und Sterne's Geist mit einander ihre Wirtschaft treiben.'

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least partly out of the fact that Jean Paul and Swift, temperamentally as well as emotionally, were no kindred spirits (Freiburg 2002, 263—67). Although Jean Paul encapsulated many of Swift's subjects and themes, motifs and metaphors, not to speak of rhetorical and satirical strategy, the patterns of intertextual relationship differ considerably in his works. In the early satires, perhaps predictably, Jean Paul's reliance on the Dean is more pronounced than in those of his maturity. Die Gronldndischen Prozesse of 1783, written when Jean Paul was barely 20, is a case in point. Here, the young satirist freely draws on Swift's Tale, on its choice of victims and its employment of the speaker, its irony and paradoxes, as well as its combination of strange ideas and juxtaposition of heterogeneous elements (Clark 1970). Like the Tale-teller who perpetually voices views he never knew he had (Real 1998, 80—81), Jean Paul's speaker feels at liberty to invent as he likes, extolling as truly useful 'to jump from one subject-matter to another when one does not know much about either' (Berend 1927, 1: 49—50).77 One of the highlights of Die Gronldndischen Prozesse (The Greenland Trials) is 'The German Satirists' Humble Petition to the German Public: Containing a Modest Demonstration of its Current Lack of Follies, with Requests and Proposals of the Same for the Best of German Satire' (Berend 1927, 1, i: 163— 99) ,78 which with devastating irony reminiscent of the Tale encourages its addressees to be more corrupt. Thriving on folly, so the argument runs, satirists are dependent on it if they want to survive: 'In the boredom of a (e)utopia, satirists would be the first to die; paradise is living hell for them' (Freiburg 2002, 278-81). Jean Paul was to revert once again to the Tale a few years later, appropriating the most celebrated of all its leitmotifs for his best-known satire, 'Leben des vergniigten Schulmeisterlein Maria Wutz in AuenthaT ('Life of the Cheerful Little Schoolmaster Maria Wutz in Auenthal'), written in the winter of 1790—91 and published as part of his first novel Die Unsichtbare Loge (The Invisible Lodge) in March 1793 (Walden 1940, 91-92). In it, Jean Paul describes the life of a naive, penniless village teacher who is utterly selfcontent in all his ways of life (Berend 1927, I, ii: 408-46). As a result, Wutz wills himself to accept all things as they are. Self-invented simpleton that he is, the teacher does not feel the need to learn, for example. If he cannot afford to buy a book, he sits down to write it himself. Like the Hack in Swift's Tale, he 'creates' from the nothing he knows objects full of emptiness (Real 1998, 87— 88), a being 'doomed', as a most astute recent reader has recorded, 'to reproduce his own way of thinking whatever object may be tossed his way' (Freiburg 2002, 289). Thus, Wutz perfectly exemplifies the Hack's definition of happiness as 'a perpetual Possession of being well Deceived' (Prose Works 1: 108). After his turn to philanthropy in the wake of his well-known 'epiphany' at the age of 27, Jean Paul was to vary, and reshape, this theme of 'happiness in

77 'Denn das immerwahrende Springen von einem Gegenstande zum andern ist von wahrem Nutzen, wenn man von keinem viel weifi'. 78 'Bittschrift aller deutscher Satiriker an das deutsche Publikum, enthaltend einen bescheidenen Erweis von dessen jetziger Armuth an Thorheiten, nebst Bitten und Vorschlagen, derselben zum Besten der deutschen Satire abzuhelfen'.

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dullness' ('Vollgliick in der Beschrankung') in a remarkable 'gallery of odd characters', of which Quintus Fixlein and Fibel are perhaps the two most prominent members (Freiburg 2002, 286-92). While the majority of Jean Paul's early satires lean heavily on A Tale of a Tub, at least one other entitled 'Of the Manufacture of Human Skin' ('Von der Verarbeitung der Menschlichen Haut') (Berend 1963, 18: 79-90) requisitions the Irish tract, A Modest Proposal for Preventing the Children of Poor People in Ireland from Being a Burden to their Parents or Country, as pre-text. Among the collateral economic advantages Swift's Modest Proposer, a Mr Mercantilism Misapplied, attaches to his proposal 'to render [the babies of Ireland] plump and fat for a good Table' is the suggestion to 'flay the Carcase, the Skin of which, artificially dressed, will make admirable Gloves for Ladies, and Summer Boots for fine Gentlemen (Prose Works 12: 111—12). Jean Paul seems to have been so taken with this idea that he made his speaker, J. P. F. Hasus, reiterate it with a vengeance: Firstly, that the sovereign on occasion of his hunting on horseback shoot some or several peasants instead of useless deer; the peasants will not be displeased to be torn by a quick death out of the past, present, and future ordeal of the hunting. The main advantage, however, would be that their skins — if dressed deftly — would provide dancing shoes for the whole Court. (Berend 1963, 18: 81)79 Unlike Swift, however, Jean Paul fails to situate Hasus within a comparably sophisticated rhetorical structure (Real 2001, 184—87), with the result that a proposal Swift wrote in utmost despair about the economic 'plight of his nation' (Ehrenpreis 1983, 627) in Jean Paul's hands peters out as a specimen of comic humour (Freiburg 2002, 283—84). The one text which is most eminently Swiftian and at the same time most markedly Jean Paul's own in theme, tone, and intent is an apocalyptic vision entitled 'Rede des todten Christus vom Weltgebaude herab, dass kein Gott sei' ('Speech of the Dead Christ that there is no God') (Schreiner 1928, 1.6: 247—52). This 'Speech of the Dead Christ', as it was translated by Carlyle, who was one of its many admirers (Freiburg 2002, 295), is a subversive scrawl which is based on one of Swift's most notorious and most contested poems, '(On) the Day of Judgement' (c. 1731/2). How Jean Paul came to know of it is unclear. Having first appeared in The St James's Chronicle in April 1774 as well as Lord Chesterfield's Letters, also of April 1774, it was reprinted several times after that in rapid succession (Williams 1958, 2: 576—78). Presumably, Jean Paul stood a good chance of seeing one of these texts. '(On) the Day of Judgement' is not subversive in the sense that it sabotages the religious convictions of Swift and the teachings of his Church. Rather, the Dean's target is the presumptiousness of contemporary eschatology, both 79

'Erstlich schieBe doch der Fiirst auf der Parforcejagd statt des unbrauchbaren Wildes mitunter einige oder mehrere Bauern, denen es wol nicht misfallen kann, daB sie aus den vergangenen, gegenwartigen und nachfolgenden Miihseligkeiten der Parforcejagd durch einen schnellen Tod gerissen werden. Der Hauptvortheil aber ware, daB ihre Haute, wenn sie geschickt gegerbet wiirden, einen ganzen Hof mit Tanzschuhen versorgen konnten.'

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sacred and profane. Faced with such arrogance, Swift 'vexes' his fellow eschatologists with the one 'solution' which no one had thought of before: the Day of Judgement will be a day without a judgement. The concluding lines of the poem state why this should be so. The fools who make a show of being in the know about God's final plan deserve neither God's laughter nor his indignation. The truth is that there was nothing left for God to say: the 'World's mad [eschatological] Business' was beneath his contempt (Real 1989, 79—84). Of course, this outcome, having been presented in a dream vision, is not the 'message' of the poem but a provocation, a kick against the pricks of philosophical and theological self-complacency, of whatever kind, an argument contra opinionem. The same may be said of Jean Paul's 'Speech of the Dead Christ', if with a pinch of salt. Jean Paul retains many elements of Swift's poem — most significantly the narrative device of the vision —, while allowing them to reconfigure themselves in his mind. The most distinctive difference is that what may be seen as the 'satire on Mankind' in Swift's poem in Jean Paul becomes an 'existential lament'. Jean Paul makes Christ appear and 'answer the question whether there is a God'. What is taken for granted in Swift is called into question here. Christ replies 'that he could not find Him on his journeys through space and time', and that 'where he sought for the divine eye he only found "an empty, black, bottomless Eye-socket"'. In the end, Christ the Redeemer collapses into a prophet of despair: 'How is each so solitary in this wide grave of the All! I am alone with myself! O Father, O Father! where is thy infinite bosom, That I might rest on it?' Swift's tantrumloving divine satirist, then, who rules by indifference and fails to administer justice by refusing to make distinctions, in Jean Paul 'metamorphoses' into 'a deus absconditui, a God that may never have existed and never will (Freiburg 2002, 295—97). But in the end, the difference is minimal nonetheless: in Jean Paul, as in Swift, the outcome is not the 'message' but an experiment in scepticism.

VII

Compared with the critical and creative energy of Enlightenment Germany, the following century and a half curiously lacks exuberance and elan vital. This is not to suggest that there is not a continual flow of German publications on Swift the man and his works between, say, 1800 and 1950. There is, most particularly in the field of children's versions of Gulliver's Travels, of which almost two hundred have been recorded since the 1830s (Wegehaupt and Fichtner 1979, no 2110), in all sizes and formats, in poetry80 and prose, and for all age groups (Klotz 1996, 4: 551-59), and of which some have gone into as many as forty-five editions,81 each seemingly sold in thousands of copies. As in 80 81

Gulliver's Reise nach Lilliput, n.p., n.d. The Ehrenpreis Centre owns a copy of a 1931 version by Fritz Kamberg, Gullivers Reisen und Abenteuer im Lande der Zwerge und Riesen, Stuttgart: Loewes Verlag Ferdinand Carl, which proudly declares on its title-page: '45. Auflage' (45th edition).

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the other national literatures of Europe, Swift's original was (and continues to be) abbreviated, in varying degree, in three respects: 'in the field of allegorical parallels and references to the conditions of Swift's own time, in the field of satire on contemporary institutions, and in the field of philosophical and speculative digression'. The consequences of such reductionism are as farreaching as they are disastrous: 'The abbreviation becomes a re-interpretation that changes the book as a whole into one much more harmonious and optimistic than the original' (Kosok 2002, 360). While publications are not as abundant between 1800 and 1950 (and sometimes beyond) in two other areas in the reception of Swift, creative imitation and criticism, they are nonetheless regular and steady. At the same time, the majority of them appear as derivative and repetitive as they are uninquiring and uninspiring. The exception to the rule is the field of translation. The productive reception of the Dean, which was so vibrant throughout the eighteenth century, virtually ceases after Jean Paul's virtuoso performances, and what little there is seems lacklustre and negligible. This is rather a cause for surprise since Swift's life and works continued to be appropriated as source-material for fiction and drama in other national literatures of nineteenth-century Europe (and the United States) (Mahony 1995; Kelly 2002; Kosok 2002, 17: 88-99). However, nothing of this creativity seems to have fed into German literature of the time, with one or two exceptions. One of these is Levin Schiicking (1814—83), the Munster poet, novelist, and journalist, who in the late 1830s was engaged in a fictional biography, or novel, of Swift (Rasch 1998, 139—40), which has survived in only two fragments. While the first, 'Of Swift's Youth' ('Aus Swifts Jugend') centres on Swift's student days at Trinity College, Dublin, and his love relationship to Varina (serialized in Telegraph fur Deutschland 1840, 75: 299-300; 76: 302-4; 77: 305—7), the second, 'Swift in Moor-Park' ('Swift at Moor Park') describes life at Sir William Temple's country estate in the 1690s (serialized by Kottasches Morgenblatt 1840, 136-47: 6-9 June) (Hagemann 1911, 127-43). A decade earlier, Schiicking had been preceded, if in a different area, by Karl Christian Ludwig Starklof (1789—1850), an official in the service of the Duke of Oldenburg, who in 1829 published Rouge et Noir: oder, Die Geschichte von den vier Konigen (Rouge et Noir: or, The Story of the Four Kings). Though ostensibly dealing with playing cards, this book is based on Swift's story of Lilliput and Blefuscu, which is here transformed into 'a critical reflection of the German aristocracy and ruling princes at the worst time of political reaction' (Mertner 1996, 11: 137-39). The vistas afforded by the twentieth century are almost equally cheerless, apart from a few 'Swift' poems by distinguished German poets, such as Giinter Eich (1907-72) and the satirist and artist Robert Gernhardt (b. 1937). While Eich, in 'Weltansichten' (World Views) paradoxically visualizes Gulliver as a counsellor-expert in philosophical optimism (Eich 1981, 46), Gernhardt, in 'Ein Erlebnis Swifts' ('An Experience of Swift's') playfully 'dramatizes' the 'true-lie' motif of the Travels in an encounter of the Dean's with a gypsy 'soothsayer' (Gernhard 1996, 18-19). In the field of drama, likewise, there are only two plays deserving an honourable mention. The first, which is entitled Bickerstaff, is by the noted

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Hamburg antiquarian bookseller and Swift collector, Paul Henmngs (1893— 1965) (Real 1994, 9: 188-23). Bickers toff was first staged and published in Hamburg in 1947, and seems to have been intended as a kind of'comic relief at a time of economic hardship and moral shame in Germany.82 Although Hennings, on the whole, adhered to the chronology of the BickerstaffPartridge controversy, he reconstructed the plot, enriching it with a subplot and inventing a few fictitious scenes and characters, among them, an escaped convict, James Plummer, who appears under the pseudonym of Lemuel Gulliver. In a pivotal scene, in which Swift arrives as an undertaker to condole with Partridge's widow and to discuss details of the funeral, Partridge, who is both an exemplar of self-delusion and the victim of a cruel joke, fails to penetrate Swift's disguise, mistaking Swift for the one person able to assist him in unmasking Bickerstaff. However, at the end of the play, Swift recognizing the success of his campaign against the astrologer acknowledges to have underestimated the stupidity of the gullible masses: 'In destroying this selfappointed apostle of astrology, [he] made the evil [he] attacked worse than it was before' (Nocon 1993, 8: 109-12; Nocon 2002, 345-50). The second play, by Heinz Kosok, a Wuppertal Professor of English and an international authority on Anglo-Irish literature, is an unusually imaginative stage version of Gulliver's Travels. Entitled Gullivers Reisen mit seinem Schiffsjungen Pip (Gulliver's Voyages with his Cabin Boy Pip), it premiered at the Schillertheater, Gelsenkirchen, on 11 November 2000. The play features an obscure 'Cabbin-Boy', who is briefly mentioned in Book Four (IV, i, 1) and is here named Pip, after having been arrested, in the National Library of Ireland, with his hands on the manuscript of Gulliver's Travels, thus clearly evoking the sensational newspaper reports about the robbery of Swift's own annotated copy of Gulliver's Travels from Armagh Public Library the previous year. Taken before a Juvenile Court, Pip explains that he has catapulted himself into the year 2000 by means of a time-compass in order to find out whether people are still reading Captain Gulliver's book about their adventures. As the plot develops, quick-witted, pragmatic, and humorous Pip is bound together in friendship with Gulliver. Jointly, they try to cope with 'the terrors of an increasingly incomprehensible world', which, like the members of the Juvenile Court, seems 'to be composed of Yahoos' (Kosok 2002, 17: 93, 99). In fiction, three novels are on record, all of them relatively obscure and unknown. While of these, Edmund Hoehne's Die Rache durch Gulliver: ein Jonathan Swift Roman (Gulliver's Revenge: A Novel about Jonathan Swift) of 1941, is a fictional biography, the two others, Justus Franz Wittkop's Gullivers letzte Reise: die Insel der Vergdnglichen (Gulliver's Last Voyage: The Island of the Mortals), also of 1941, and Felix Gasbarra's Schule der Planeten (School of the Planets) of 1968, and reprinted in 1978, are Gulliveriads.

82

The same seems to be true of Peter Siefert's all but forgotten Gullivers Reisen zu mehreren Volkern der Erde: Szenenfolge mit Musik (Gulliver's Voyages to Several Nations of the World), a musical entertainment, presumably performed and published in Cologne shortly after World War Two, which came to our attention too late to be analysed in detail (Ehrenpreis Centre EC 6144).

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In his story of Swift's life from the political crisis of 1714 to the Dean's final return to Ireland, Edmund Hoehne, about whom no information seems to be available, mixes fact with fiction, flouting chronology and concentrating on central issues like Queen Anne's death, Oxford and Bolingbroke's squabble for leadership, Walpole's ascent to power, and, predictably, Swift's entanglement with Stella and Vanessa. In his version of these biographical and historical events, however, Hoehne proves himself most fanciful. Not only has Swift become Stella's husband but also Vanessa's lover (if only for one night). In the most improbable scene, Vanessa 'gangs up' with Walpole to stop Swift from meddling with politics for good: 'Vanessa becomes [Walpole's] accomplice because she loves Swift; Walpole because he fears Swift's poison pen'. But as it turns out, the Prime Minister has underestimated the Dean. Swift's promise not to engage in politics any longer applies to England only. His 'spirit may be fettered', but it is 'not broken', and he will continue to fight for Irish freedom. That will be Gulliver's 'revenge' (Nocon 1992, 7: 71-74; Nocon 2002, 328-31). In retrospect, Hoehne's seems a harmlessly entertaining book about a historical figure always popular with the German public. Written in the middle of World War Two, it voices no explicit criticism of ruling Nazi ideology, but then, it exhibits no traces of ideological collaboration, either. The same is probably true of Justus Franz Wittkop's Gullivers letzte Reise, which as an account of hitherto unknown lands belongs to the subgenre of the Fifth Voyage. In it, Wittkop (b. 1899) supplements Swift by supplying a perspective missing in Gulliver's Travels: as counterparts to the immortal Struldbruggs of Gulliver's Third Voyage (III, x), the inhabitants of the island contract a lifetime into the span of thirty days. Gulliver could not have arrived at a more inauspicious moment, a time of the deepest social and political upheaval, which is perpetually aggravated by an ever-accelerating cycle of revolutions and blighted by natural catastrophes of apocalyptic dimensions. Eventually, Gulliver is elected king, but even as king he is unable to effect anything against the prevailing forces of unreason, terror, and war. However veiled, these pointers seem too tempting as not to encourage an allegorical reading of contemporary political history, but any such reading, as has justly been pointed out, 'has the benefit of hindsight and is by no means unavoidable' (Nocon 1992, 7: 75-76; Nocon 2002, 335). Analogously, Felix Gasbarra's science-fiction Gulliveriad Schule der Planeten (School of the Planets), which is set in the context of the 1968 protest against the Vietnam War, reiterates Wittkop's (and Swift's own) scepticism about the moral and intellectual perfectibility of the human race. On an interstellar voyage with the spaceship Stella, as an omniscient narrator reports, Jonathan Swift and Lemuel Gulliver explore diverse planets in the infinity of the unexplored cosmos. Like Swift's own Gulliver, who never leaves the 'real' world, either, 'Swift' and 'Gulliver' are aliens who visit their own country in outer space. They become familiar with the various societies there and their 'wondrous civilizations', such as that of the Yahoo-like Mnus, who are as hedonistic as they are degenerate, and the Houyhnhnm-like Mecs, who are as soulless as they are 'inhuman'. However different these civilizations may appear, they are never so in the sense that human characteristics do not make themselves manifest: like any good satirist, 'Gasbarra uses the technique of

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alienation and distortion to hold the mirror up to human nature', and is aghast at the destructive potential he discovers there. At times, man appears to him like a lusus naturae, an error of Nature that needs to be rectified: 'There is really no reason for humankind to be inordinately proud of itself'. On their intergalactic voyages, Gasbarra made 'Swift' and 'Gulliver' encounter 'the grotesque distortions' our own civilizations have already undergone, or about to undergo (Nocon 2002, 344—45), just as Swift made Gulliver experience, on his three allegorical journeys into the past, the vast discrepancy between man's assessment of himself as a rational being and the historical record (Real 2001, 289-90). Of course, this is also the theme of Giinter Grass's 1986 novel Die Rattin, structurally 'a dialogue between a narrator and a she-rat' which, superficially, creates a world 'in which it is possible for a man to have a meaningful discourse with ... creatures of the imagination' (Thomas 1988, 70: 81—82), but the correspondences established — narrative perspective, ironical style, and theme of reason — seem to point to a context of generic commonplaces rather than a specific model like Gulliver's Travels. With a pinch of salt, this critique also applies to the 'affinities', both biographical and literary, that have been detected between Swift and Kafka: 'Both writers use animal imagery to convey their disgust with the human condition.... Both men stand outside the range of "normal" humanity.... Both men betray a shuddering horror of domestic intimacy... . Both are extraordinarily nice men with extraordinarily nasty m i n d s . . . . The sort of freedom in which they are interested is, typically, desperate, frigid, and self-absorbed to the verge of being suicidal' (Adams 1958, 168). One feels tempted to be amused by such majestic tam-tam. Finally, there is a type of productive reception once removed. This refers to translations of creative imitations which originally appeared in languages other than German, such as English and, more recently, Polish or Russian. Not to mention Terence H. White's 'fairy tale' Mistress Masham's Repose of 1947, which was published in German translation in 1951, and in a second edition again in 1982, under the misleading, if commercially promising, title Das Geheimnis von Liliput: auf Gullivers Spuren (The Secret of Liliput: Following Gulliver's Traces),83 the two most remarkable cases, perhaps, are Edith Sitwell's successful 'novelized biography' of Swift, / Live under a Black Sun, originally published by Gollancz in 1937 and reprinted on the Continent the following year, and Winston Clewes's The Violent Friends of 1944, which was reissued in 1945 (Kelly 2002, 121, 138). Both were translated into German soon after the War, Sitwell under the title Ich lebe unter einer schwarzen Sonne in 1950 (the booklabel, interestingly, reading 'Stella und Vanessa') and Clewes as Eines Mannes Teil, an allusion to Swift's epitaph in St Patrick's Cathedral 'Et imitare . . . Strenuum pro virili [scil. parte] Libertatis Vindicatorem'. For what reasons the translations were published is not entirely clear. Of course, in 1948, Monty Jacobs, the influential literary critic of the Berlin Vossische Zeitung, in an engaging new biography of the Dean for the general reader (Jonathan Surifi), had revived the old idea, usually popular in and after times of 83

For the second edition, the German tide was changed into Malplaquet: oder Lilliput im Exil (1982).

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war (Real and Vienken 1984, 13—14), that Swift had a message to convey and that his allegedly 'mad' analysis of the human condition was not so mad, after all. Consequently, almost any title helping readers 'to shore the fragments of a collapsed world up against their ruin' (Kelly 2002, 138—39) would have been welcome. More recently, even if there frequently seems to be an element of sheer popularity in the reception of the Dean in Germany,84 this philosophical dimension in Swift has also been emphasized by the Polish writer Jerzy Broszkiewicz in his two-act play Dune przygody Lemuela Gulliwera (Two Adventures of Lemuel Gulliver), which was translated into German under the title Zwei Abenteuer des Lemuel Gulliver (Kosok 2002, 17: 98) and which, in 1961, flew in the face of dogmatic Socialist Realism by advocating the modernist principle of epistemological indeterminacy.85

VIII The light of nineteenth-century German biographies of Swift tends to be eclipsed by the towering shadows of Sir Walter Scott's Memoirs (1814) (Hettner 1913, 3.1: 287-313) and, in the latter half of the century, W. M. Thackeray's English Humourists of the Eighteenth Century (1853), the bete noir of modern scholarship (Miindel 1913, 88—138), as well as W. E. H. Lecky's The Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland (1861) (Meyer 1886, 2), both of which were translated into German: Thackeray's lecture series by K. v. Miiller only a year after their London publication in 1853 under the title England's Humoristen, accompanied by the preface of a certain Dr J. Henning praising Thackeray's portraits as sketches of 'lovely, gemuetlich personalities' — with the 'possible exception of Swift' (Thackeray 1854, iii), and Lecky's Leaders by H. Jolowicz in 1873 as Vier historische Essays: Swift, Flood, Grattan, O'Connel, which even went into a second edition in 1879. Of eighteenth-century British biographers of the Dean, only Samuel Johnson's 'Swift' (Birkbeck Hill 1905, 3: 1-74) seems to have left an impression on German literary historians (Gosche 1865; SchultheiB 1875). Biographers preceding Scott, such as Samuel Baur, a village priest near Ulm, Bavaria, who in 1803 brought out six volumes of Interessante Lebensgemalde der denkwurdigsten Personen des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts (Interesting Lives of the Most Memorable Persons of the Eighteenth Century), including a chatty, anecdotal biography of Swift (Baur 1803, 1: 61-98), are largely indebted to The British Plutarch (1762), which had come out in H. E. v. T's German translation, Der Brittische Plutarch oder Lebensbeschreibungen der groflten Manner in England und Irland, as early as 1764—68, in six volumes (see 1768, 6: 149—70). By contrast, the few isolated biographers who either provided factual correctives to Scott, such as W. Monck Mason (1819) and Sir William Wilde (1849), or who 'had a concern for fact and evidence', such as John Forster (1875) and Sir Henry Craik (1882) (Voigt 1964, 4; 22-23; Schuhmann and Moller 1981, 21-23), do not seem to have made a noticeable 84

85

A good case in point is Peter T. Schulz (1987) Guten Tag! Eine Gullivergeschichte, 3. Auflage, Koln: DuMont, a 'plotless' pictorial miscellany, laced with legends and poems, of 'experiences' which have but the remotest relationship with Gulliver. See also Michael Diiring's essay in this collection (Chapter 7).

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impact, partly of course because they only appeared after the first wave of nineteenth-century German biographies of the Dean had ebbed away. In addition to being derivative and eclectic, the major weakness of all these German accounts — from August Lewald's unsatisfactory 'Note on J. Swift, after Walter Scott', contributed to Franz Kottenkamp's new translation of Gulliver's Travels of 1839 (Kottenkamp 1839, 1: v-lv; Mertner 2002, 321-22) and Richard Gosche's early life, 'Jonathan Swift', published in the newly founded Jahrbuch fur Litteraturgeschichte, to Albert SchultheiB's 'literaryhistorical' study of 1875, Jonathan Swift: eine literar-historische Studie, Adolf Stern's biographical 'portraits' in the 1870s and 1880s,86 and Richard M. Meyer's 'Jonathan Swift' of 1886 (in Jonathan Swift und G. Ch. Lichtenberg: zwei Satiriker des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts) — is that they tend to be situated in a contextual vacuum. With rare exceptions, such as when Lecky, an Irish historian, enlarges on Swift's Irish contexts (Lecky 1879, 31—40), German nineteenth-century readers are treated to liberal doses of Swift's life, including all the cliched accusations of cynicism and pride, egoism and apostasy (Hettner 1913, 3.1: 288-94; Stern 1882, 304-9), melancholy and madness, misogyny and misanthropy, malice and wit (Gosche 1865; SchultheiB 1875), as well as to equally lavish paraphrases of his works (SchultheiB 1875, 33—41; Meyer 1886, 21—45), but there is little as a rule beyond a work's immediate occasion and genesis. Still uncommitted to the Ehrenpreisian hermeneutics of The Man, his Works, and the Age (Schuhmann and Moller 1981, 29—30), German nineteenth-century biographers of Swift follow the dichotomous pattern of Life and Works (Meye 1903), and as a result they pass over the 'whole' of Swift, the Dean's convictions and principles, the intellectual, social, and public fabric to which he belonged (Ehrenpreis 1962, 1: ix—x), at the risk of blowing up the parts, or rather isolated parts, like Swift's mysterious yet intriguing love life, no matter whether chaste or scandalous (Frenzel 1866, 3: 187—243; von Noorden 1884, 105—9). It does not seem a coincidence that Elise von Hohenhausen's romanticizing tittle-tattle about 'Swift und Stella', in her Beruhmte Liebespaare (1870), went into at least four editions in the course of the nineteenth century. At this stage, it was to take another fifty years before the first German monographs, Max Armin Korn's Die Weltanschauung Jonathan Swifts, Hans R^eimen s Jonathan Swift: Gedanken und Schriften tiber Religion und Kirche and Lilli Handro's Swift, 'Gulliver's Travels': eine Interpretation im Zusammenhang mit den geistesgeschichtlichen Beziehungen, to subscribe to the Ehrenpreisian programme of reading Swift within his own distinct contexts of relevant knowledge, 'the totality of his thoughts and intentions' (Korn 1935, 4; Reimers 1935, 2—3; Handro 1936, 8), came out, and almost another one

86

See Adolf Stern (1874) Aus dem Achtzehnten Jahrhundert: biographische Bilder und Skizzen (Biographical Portraits and Sketches from the Eighteenth Century), Leipzig: Luckhardt'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, pp. 21—44; first published in 1866 as the Introduction to Claire von Gliimer's translation of the Journal to Stella: Swift's Tagebuch in Briefen an Stella, Berlin: Albert Eichhoff, pp. vii-xxviii. See also Stern's (1882) 'Jonathan Swift und die englische Satire', Geschichte der neuern Litteratur, IV: Klassizismus und Aufkldrung, Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut, pp. 296-318. Stern (1835-1907) was one of the leading literary historians of his age.

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hundred before the first German post-Ehrenpreis biography was published, Philipp Wolff-Windegg's Swift, a contribution to the tercentenary of 1967, for that enigmatic entity, the general reader, it is true, but rooted in the historical discourses of Swift and his age nonetheless. At the same time, to be sure, other critics continued to be preoccupied with 'parts' treated in comparative isolation, like Gertraut Zickgraf in Jonathan Swifts Stilfordemngen und Stil (Jonathan Swift's Stylistic Precepts and Style) of 1940 and Justus Franz Wittkop in Jonathan Swift in Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten in Rowohlt's popular monograph series (1976), or, more notoriously, Adolf Heidenhain, whose Uber den Menschenhass (On Misanthropy), in line with the fashionable psychoanalytical effusions of the day (Real and Vienken 1986, 1: 127—41), dissolved Swift's texts into evidence of an 'infinite, boundless misanthropy', in Heidenhain's judgement clearly a 'diseased', or psychopathological, condition (Heidenhain 1934, 11—13, 96— 106). However, even if it paraded as new and original at the time, this tendency to see Swift (and at least some of his works) as beyond the ordinary, as extra-ordinary and superhuman, may well be rooted in the nineteenth century. Here, Swift especially appealed to the German mind, which after the unification of 1870/1 became increasingly obsessed with notions of national grandeur, because he appeared to be an exemplar of grandeur and heroism himself (von Noorden 1884, 108), reminiscent, as one biographer mused, 'of the titanic figure of Satan in Paradise Lost, miserrimus homo' (SchultheiB 1875, 41; Voigt 1964, 8-9). IX

In the last two decades of the nineteenth century, such impressionistic criticism, which only too often seems intoxicated with its own rhetoric, began to be superseded by more 'scholarly' approaches. To what extent this development had been prepared by German publications earlier in the century (Caro 1869) or was brought about by the more exact and penetrating analyses of contemporary English critics like Forster (1875) and Craik (1882), not to mention Sir Leslie Stephen (1882) and John Churton Collins (1893), is still unclear, but it is a fact that from the 1880s onward a paradigm change was initiated in German criticism that is 'suffering a not wholly deserved disrepute' today (Voigt 1964, 65). This disrepute is usually associated with what was called 'source studies' (Quellenstudieri) at the time. In principle, there is nothing wrong with 'source studies', of course. In fact, as Arthur O. Lovejoy was to formulate in 1938, in order to recognize 'what is distinctive of [an author's] thought as distinctive, it is necessary to have both an extensive and a fairly intimate acquaintance with manifestations of the same ideas elsewhere' (Lovejoy 1960, 4). Rather, it was the dull and mechanical way source studies were handled by their positivist practitioners that has come under fire. Thus, in a representative example, Borkowsky's 'Quellen zu Swift's Gulliver (1893), the author assembles and examines what he takes to have been (some of) Swift's sources, such as Cyrano's Voyages comiques, Rabelais's Gargantua and Pantagruel, and More's Utopia, to name but a few (Borkowsky 1893, 15: 345— 89). But in doing so, Borkowsky never asks himself, first, whether Swift is known, or can be presumed, to have been acquainted with any of these

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predecessors, and, second, what (inter)textual functions his 'parallels' might serve. Instead, he shows himself eager to destroy 'what he considered to be Swift's undeserved reputation for originality' (Voigt 1964, 66—67). Although Borkowsky's contemporary fellow critics do not expressly share this concern, the same criticism also applies to E. Honncher, who, in 'Quellen zu Dean Jonathan Swift's Gulliver's Travels' and 'Bemerkungen zu Godwin's Voyage of Domingo Gonzales to the Moon (both 1888), enlarged on Cyrano and Godwin, respectively, and Paul Thierkopf, who, in 'Swifts Gulliver und seine franzosischen Vorganger' (1899), enthusiastically played 'the game of parallels' with Rabelais and Swift. In each of these cases, however, the 'parallels' lead on to mistaken assumptions about satirical intentions, rhetorical strategies, and intertextual relationships. The one bright spot in the reception of Swift in nineteenth-century Germany (and beyond) is Franz Kottenkamp (b. 1807), easily the most influential figure in the dissemination of the Dean during the past 150 years or so, especially as regards Swift's masterpiece, Gulliver's Travels.9"1 Educated at the universities of Halle, Saale, and Heidelberg, Kottenkamp, who was well versed in French, Spanish, and English, appears to have worked as a freelance translator, historian, and journalist, with a personal bibliography of more than eighty publications to his credit (Mertner 2002a, 308—10). However, the achievement on which his fame is likely to rest is his Gullivers Reisen in unbekannte Lander of 1839. This was brought out by Adolph Krabbe in Stuttgart in two volumes, adorned with the 450 illustrations and vignettes by Grandville (Jean Ignace Isidore Gerard [1803-47]), which had been published in Paris the previous year, with sensational success (Renonciat 1985). We do not know precisely what led Kottenkamp to take on Gulliver's Travels, nor do we know for certain on what edition of the text his rendering is based (Mertner 2002a, 318—19). What we do know is that Kottenkamp was exceptionally well equipped for his challenge. His command of English was considerable, and 'the detailed knowledge of English history, politics, [and] literature', which he had already displayed on an earlier occasion, suggest that Kottenkamp had lived in the country, at least for a while (Mertner 2002a, 309-10). As a translator, Kottenkamp, he explained later in the Preface to Swift's humoristische Werke, plumped for the 'general sense' rather than 'a merely literal translation' (1844, 1: iv), a practice which was always highly regarded in Germany, it is true, but which almost inevitably leads to inaccuracies. Indeed, Kottenkamp's principle of preferring the 'general' to the 'literal' sense made him opt for the idiom of the target language whenever English and German 'conflict', even at the cost of changing the original's meaning. However, given the length and complexity of the Travels and also considering that the quality of contemporary dictionaries was hardly that of the Oxford English Dictionary, such criticism seems carping. As a rule, Kottenkamp succeeded in rendering Swift's text correctly, and into agreeable, readable German, too, and thus he deservedly won and maintained 'a place of particular respect' (Mertner 2002a, 87

For Kottenkamp's anthology of Swift's humoristische Werke (1844), see pp. 118—19 of this essay.

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312—13). Despite considerable competition since the beginning of the twentieth century, when new translations of Gulliver by Fritz Thurow (1909, 1916, 1948), Carl Seelig (1935, 1945), Richard Mummendey (1951, 1964), and Kurt Hemrich Hansen (1952, 1958, 1974, 1975, 1990) became available, Kottenkamp held his ground, including the former German Democratic Republic (Nocon 1991, 6: 115—16). To this day, there is no German translation of Gulliver's Travels which has been more frequently reprinted and reissued (1938, 1948, 1954, 1956, 1960, 1964, 1974, 1985), even if in a revised form at times (Schlosser 1967, 3; 1974, 1992, 1999), and transformed into a children's version (1958, 1960, 1966, 1980, 1983, 1987, 1991). It may still take some time before it is finally replaced by the more recent, more accurate, and more idiomatic version of Hermann J. Real and Heinz J. Vienken of 1987, now in its third edition (2003). X

In the second half of the twentieth century, German Swift scholarship began to benefit from the remarkable renaissance in Swift studies world-wide, which had been largely inspired by the ground-breaking researches of Irvin Ehrenpreis after 1945 (Stathis 1967; Lament 1967, 356-91; Rodino 1984; Rodino, Real and Vienken 1987, 2: 77—96). Not to count individual articles and essays on individual subjects,88 the first German monographs offering close and sensitive readings of specific Swiftian contexts and concerns came out in the 1970s. The first was Hans Ulrich Seeber, whose 1970 Tubingen doctoral dissertation, Wandlungen der Form in der literarischen Utopie: Studien zur Entfaltung des utopischen Romans in England (Transformations in Literary Utopias: Studies in the Evolution of the Utopian Novel in England), perceptively as well as painstakingly compared the Utopian worlds of More and Swift, enlarging on the dialogic structure of Book Four, Gulliver's conversations with his Houyhnhnm Master.89 In 1974, Johannes N. Schmidt followed suit with another brilliant thesis, submitted to the Faculty of Arts at Munich's Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat, entitled Fiktionalitdt und Wirklichkeitsbezug: Studien zur satirischen Schreibweise Jonathan Swifts (Fiction and Reality: Studies on Jonathan Swift's Satirical Mode of Writing), in which he presented extended analyses of Swift's satirical strategies, focusing on the Tale, the Irish tracts, and Gulliver's Travels, and whose insights were also made 88

89

Since it is impossible for reasons of space to list them all, we refer interested readers to the bibliographies of Rodino (1984) and Rodino, Real and Vienken (1987, 2: 77-96) as well as to Schuhmann and Moller's research report (1981). A selection of articles which, in our view, are valuable and to be recommended would include the following names (in chronological order): Ahrends (1968, 18: 360-80); Zirker (1969, 87: 34-63); Fabian (1970, 3: 421-34); Kosok (1976); v. Koppenfels (1977, 51: 27-54); Schnackertz (1982, 14: 45-69; Hdlter (1995, 923); Moller (1996, 143-55). Strictly speaking, Seeber was preceded in 1969 by Friedrich Krey's Interpretationskommentar zu 'Gulliver's Travels': Vorspann und Buck I, also a doctoral dissertation which carefully summarized five decades of Swift scholarship on Book One and the preliminaries.

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available in 1977, if in an abbreviated form, to a more general audience in Satire: Swift und Pope. The following year saw the publication, by Wilhelm Fink, of Dieter A. Berger's detailed sociolinguistic study of 'the art of conversation', Die Konversationskunst in England, 1660—1740, which examined conversation as a cultural and literary phenomenon cultivated between 1660 and 1740 at Court, in coffee-houses, clubs, and salons litteraires, and which supplies contexts germane to Swift's Polite Conversation, as well as Hermann J. Real's annotated critical edition of The Battle of the Books: eine historisch-kritische Ausgabe mit literarhistorischer Einleitung und Kommentar, published by Walter de Gruyter in Berlin and New York. These endeavours gathered momentum in the 1980s. In 1981, after the completion of his 'magisterial' biography of the Dean, Irvin Ehrenpreis first visited Munster. There, he became friends with Hermann J. Real and Heinz J. Vienken (1939—2004), who were colleagues at Munster and who were collaborating on a number of Swift projects, among them, a monograph on Gulliver's Travels, published by Wilhelm Fink in 1984, and a new translation of Swift's masterpiece, commissioned by Philipp Reclam, with a commentary and a literary-historical afterword (1987). Together, Real and Vienken convened the First Munster Symposium on Jonathan Swift in 1984 and co-edited its Proceedings (1985). When Ehrenpreis died at Munster from an accident in 1985, his son, David, encouraged Real and Vienken to institute the Ehrenpreis Centre for Swift Studies at the Westfalische Wilhelms-Universitat, facilitating this decision by generously donating 'most of his Father's seventeenth- and eighteenth-century books, including a most valuable collection of editions of Sir William Temple and Swift, a unique collection of offprints, as well as Ehrenpreis's working papers, to the Centre' (Real and Vienken 1986, 1:1). At the same time, Real and Vienken founded a Society of Friends and launched its annual, Swift Studies (1, 1986, 19, 2004). Vienken left the partnership in 1987 to complete, together with Dirk F. Passmann, what has justly been termed his 'career work': The Library and Reading of Jonathan Swift: A BioBibliographical Handbook, published by Peter Lang in four impressive volumes in 2003 (May 2004, 18.2: 45), which will be consulted for many decades to come. Real, meanwhile, supported by Helgard Stover-Leidig, developed the resources of the Ehrenpreis Centre, focusing on three objectives: to reconstruct (a replica of) Swift's library and reading, to assemble the history of Swift criticism from its beginnings to the present day, and to build up an electronic data base. Real also convened three further Munster symposia on Jonathan Swift (in 1989, 1994, 2000), and co-edited their proceedings, with Richard H. Rodino and Helgard Stover-Leidig, respectively, under the title Reading Swift, in three substantial and handsome volumes published by Wilhelm Fink in 1993, 1998, and 2003. Last but not least, since its inception, the Ehrenpreis Centre has attracted bright young scholars. In line with the historicist principles the Centre advocates and propagates, their research has resulted in a number of impressively learned and informative studies (increasingly written in English, too) of Swift's generic horizons,90 such as travel literature (Passmann 1987),

90

Interest in genre poetics is a traditional German concern (see Dege 1934).

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eschatological poetry (Pago 1992), and secular prophecy (Miihle-Moldon 1993), and his political contexts (Baltes 2003; Baltes 2004), as well as in lavishly annotated critical editions of Swift's own texts (Just 2004) and those of his mentors (Kamper 1995). However, it would be presumptuous to claim that 'Swift in German criticism during the last quarter of the twentieth century' is identical with the history of the Ehrenpreis Centre, successful though this has been. Swift was studied throughout the country, and publications, both for a general readership and an academic audience, thrived on the challenges 'the enigmatic Dean'91 and his works pose(d). In 1988, Joachim Moller introduced his twovolume paperback anthology of Swift's less well-known satires in German translation, including The Battle of the Books, the Argument against Abolishing Christianity, The Conduct of the Allies, Thoughts on Various Subjects, and a selection of the Irish tracts, among other things, -with this telling remark: 'Jonathan Swift is a good name in these parts of the world as well' (Moller 1988, 1: 7),92 and in 1994, Ulrich Horstmann, a poet and aphorist in addition to being a Professor of English, did his utmost to produce a new translation of the Tale which in its idiomatic raciness and linguistic brilliance is likely to remain unsurpassed in German for many years to come (Horstmann 1994). The same decade saw the publication of two monographs, both originally submitted as habilitation theses, which helped the renaissance of Swift's poetry initiated in the 1970s on its way. In 'The Rebel Muse': Studien zu Swifts kritischer Dichtung ('The Rebel Muse': Studies in Swift's Critical Poetry), Arno Loffler confirmed on a larger scale what had merely been demonstrated individually until then, that the Dean's major satires, the Description-pieces, the scatological poems, On Poetry: A Rapsody, and Verses on the Death ofDr Swift, among them, were double-edged. These poems, Loffler convincingly argued, never expose the deceptiveness of surface appearances alone; they also lambast the cliches and stereotypes of the poetic tradition, in particular those of the genus sublime, as vehicles of delusion. As a satirist, Swift felt committed to the description of empirical reality as he saw it and, simultaneously, to the debunking of all sorts of poetic cant, literary illusion, and myth-making. Loffler's findings were endorsed by Peter Wagner (1992), among others, who, in 'Swift and the Female Idol: The Dean as Iconoclast', vigorously explored 'the iconoclastic dimension of Swift's radical aesthetics and ideology' (p. 347).93 In 1989, Michael Gassenmeier, in Londondichtung als Politik, followed suit, submitting the most painstakingly meticulous analyses of Swift's multilayered 'A Description of the Morning' (1709) and 'A Description of a City Shower' (1710) within their political and generic matrixes (Gassenmeier 1989,

91

92 93

Swift, the Enigmatic Dean is the title of a collection of essays, ed. Rudolf Freiburg, Arno Loffler, and Wolfgang Zach, Tubingen: Stauffenburg Verlag. 'Jonathan Swift ist auch hierzulande ein guter Name'. Wagner has also explored the provocative nature of Gulliver's Travels with regard to its intertextuality and intermediality in two (deconstructivist) essays (Wagner 1992; Wagner 1995, 37-74).

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251—78).94 In the same year, Klaus Zollner investigated the generation of meaning within the reading process. Applying 'quotation analysis', in 'As you can see in the text . . . ': Which Passages Do Literary Scholars Quote and Interpret in 'Gulliver's Travels', to 74 interpretations of Gulliver's Travels, he came to the conclusion that the notion of its celebrated 'polyvalence' is not rooted in 'objective scholarly knowledge'. As interpreters thought they were analysing a text, they 'did not realize that they were analysing their own receptions of a text' (Zollner 1989, 288-89). This was a result that could not be taken for granted at the time. Since then, generic and rhetorical studies have flourished. The two most widely ranging and sharply focused of these are by Wolfgang WeiB and Heinz-Joachim Miillenbrock. In Swift und die Satire des 18. Jahrhunderts, while not being strikingly original, WeiB factually and reliably presents Swift's bestknown satires, such as the Bickerstaff hoax, the Argument against Abolishing Christianity, A Modest Proposal, the scatalogical poems, and Gulliver's Travels, within the contexts of the Dean's life and times as well as his genres and modes, with some fruitful hints and suggestions for student readers. Miillenbrock's erudite and scrupulous Culture of Contention, by contrast, which provides an exhaustive 'rhetorical analysis of the public controversy about the ending of the War of the Spanish Succession, 1710—1713', calls for a scholarly reader, who will come away richly rewarded with new ideas not only on Swift's Examiner (1710—11) and the Conduct of the Allies (1711) but also on 'the participation of the public in the opinion-forming and policyshaping process' during the reign of Queen Anne (Miillenbrock 1997, 85— 114, 140-42, 186-88). The same is true of Jens Metzdorf's study of a man Swift loved to hate, Politik — Propaganda — Patronage (2000), an impressively learned and perceptive biography of Francis Hare, Marlborough's ChaplainGeneral and Swift's journalistic antagonist between 1710 and 1713. Vivant sequentes\

94

The same is true of Horst Meller and Helmut Slogsnat's thoughtfully annotated and contextualized anthology of 1987-91 London: The Urban Experience in Poetry and Prose, 2 vols, Paderborn: Ferdinand Schoningh, which includes Swift's Description-pieces.

6

Swiftian Presence in Scandinavia: Denmark, Norway, Sweden Nils Hartmann

I Introduction Up to the present day, Jonathan Swift's reception in Scandinavia has not been investigated. Teerink and Scouten's standard bibliography of Swift lists only three early Scandinavian translations of Gulliver's Travels, all of them from the second half of the eighteenth century (nos 443-445). However, this bibliography is not complete; there are more translations of the Dean to be found in Scandinavia, in particular translations of the Travels. As for Scandinavian Swift criticism, there is none, neither any dealing with Scandinavian translations of Swift nor extensive literary studies on him.

II Works in translation

Denmark New translations of Swift appear regularly in Denmark, especially children's versions of Gulliver's Travels, which was the first of Swift's works to be translated into Danish and published in Denmark. The first translation by Sejer Olrog was a rendering of A Voyage to Lilliput, which came out in 1768 (Kapitain Lemuel Gullivers Reise til Lilleput eller til de smaae Folk, skreven paa Engelsk og deraf i det Danske oversat [af Sejer Olrog] {Captain Lemuel Gulliver's Voyage to Lilliput or to the Small People, written in English and thence translated into Danish (by Sejer Olrog)], K0benhavn: August Friedrich Stein). A version of A Voyage to Brobdingnag followed seven years later, translated from the English by C. Hamming (Capitain Lemuel Gullivers Reise til Brobdingnag eller de Store Folk, skreven paa Engelsk og deraf i det Danske oversat ved C. Hamming [Captain Lemuel Gulliver's Voyage to Brobdingnag or to the Tall People, written in English and thence translated into Danish by C. Hamming], K0benhavn: August Friedrich Stein). Likewise, the next edition to appear in Denmark was a German adaptation of the first part of Gulliver's Travels by Carl Heinrich Krogen, published in Copenhagen in 1786 (Lemuel Gullivers Reise nach Lilliput, aufs neue frei verdeutscht von C[arl Heinrich] K[roge]n, Kopenhagen: Ole Hegelund; Flensburg: in Kommission bey Korte). In his Preface, Krogen elaborated on his principles, freely admitting to

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his readers that he not only left out things he considered unnecessary, but also added elements that he thought would improve the understanding of the text. The first translation to contain all four parts of Gulliver's Travels was published in Copenhagen as late as 1836, the translator being C[arl] Jansen (Gullivers Reiser til adskillige jjerne Folkeslag i Verden, oversat af Engelsk ved C[arl] Jansen [Gulliver's Travels to Various Remote Peoples in the World, translated from the English by C(arl) Jansen], K0benhavn: C. Steens Forlag). Gulliver's Travels has been regularly published ever since, either in reprints or new translations, many of them in classics-of-world-literature series. However, it is most frequently published in (illustrated) editions for children containing only the first or the first two parts. There has even been a veritable boom of such versions in Denmark since the 1990s.1 Among twentieth-century translations of the entire Travels, Hans Christian Huus's version is both the first and the last to have appeared since Jansen's of 1836 (Gullivers Rejser, oversat af H[ans] C[hristian] Huus, med forord af Kai Friis M011er [Gulliver's Travels, translated by H(ans) C(hristian) Huus, with a preface by Kai Friis M011er], Kobenhavn: Povl Branners Forlag). It was first published in Copenhagen in 1943, and reprinted in 1947, 1964, 1966, and 1972. A multilingual librarian and schoolteacher, Huus (1893—1967) is best known for his translations from German, French, Latin, and English, with Gulliver's Travels as one of his early and highly acclaimed achievements. Other works by Swift to be translated into Danish did not appear before the latter half of the twentieth century (in chronological order of the English original): The Battle of the Books (B0gernes kamp, oversat af Niels Haislund, illustreret af Alex Secher [The Battle of the Books, translated by Niels Haislund, illustrated by Alex Secher], Kobenhavn: Forum, 1947), 'A Tritical Essay upon the Faculties of the Mind' ('Et klitisk essay vedrorende andens forskellige evner: 1707', oversaettelse og noter ved Tue Andersen Nexo, [translation and notes by Tue Andersen Nexo], Den bid port, 46: 1998, 69—76), selections from the Journal to Stella (Dagbog til Stella, i udvalg og oversat ved Niels Haislund [selected and translated by Niels Haislund], Kobenhavn: Hasselbalch 1946), and A Modest Proposal, which is usually anthologized (1961,2 1987).

1

The latest ones are: Gullivers rejser (2001), genfortalt af Maj Bylock, tegnet af Tord Nygren (Gulliver's Travels, retold by Maj Bylock, illustrated by Tord Nygren), Kobenhavn: Forum; Van Goal's Gulliver i Lilliput (2000), illustreret af A. Van Gool, dansk tekst ved Dorte Egbert Nielsen, frit efter Jonathan Swift (Van Gool's Gulliver in Lilliput, illustrated by A. Van Gool, Danish text by Dorte Egbert Nielsen, after Jonathan Swift), Kobenhavn: Peter Aschenfeldts nye Forlag; Gullivers rejse til Lilliput (2000), genfortalt af Arne Herl0v Petersen, illustreret af Erik Hjorth Nielsen (Gulliver's Voyage to Lilliput, retold by Arne Herlov Petersen, illustrated by Erik Hjorth Nielsen), Kobenhavn: Bogfan. 2 Et beskedent forslag (A Modest Proposal) in Vagn Grosen and Mogens Knudsen (eds) Engelske fortcellere fra Geoffrey Chaucer til Somerset Maugham (English Authors from Geoffrey Chaucer to Somerset Maugham), Kobenhavn: Cant Andersens Forlag, pp. 273-79; Et beskedent forslag (A Modest Proposal) in Dan Turell (ed.) Lutter latter: et udvalg af Dan Turells yndlingshumor (Pure Laughter: A Selection from Dan Turells Favourite Humour), Frederiksberg: J0rg Fiskers Forlag, pp. 141—50.

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Surprisingly, neither A Tale of a Tub nor any of the political pamphlets, nor any of the more celebrated poems, seem to be available in Danish.

Norway Norway was under Danish rule from 1397 to 1814. During this period, Copenhagen was the centre of politics and culture, with the predominant language, Danish, gradually displacing Norwegian from approximately 1500. However, Danish was chiefly a written language in addition to being the language of the cities and the Government, whereas spoken Norwegian was mostly limited to rural areas. After the Treaty of Kiel in 1814 it became a matter of language politics to develop a new official language for Norway, as a result of which Norway has had two languages since the second half of the nineteenth century: first, Bokmal (or, 'Language of the Books'), which was called Riksmal ('Language of the State') till 1929, and which is an assimilated Danish, a mixture of Norwegian and Danish, mainly differing in orthography and pronunciation; second, (anti-Danish) Nynorsk (or, 'NeoNorwegian'), which was called Landsmaal ('Native Language') till 1929, and which is a combination of rural Western-Norwegian dialects with a more complex grammar than Bokmal. Both Bokmal and Nynorsk are official languages today. Whereas the first remains the language of the cities, dominating the different spheres of public life, such as politics, economics, and science, the latter is spoken only by a minority. In the wake of the increasing urbanization of Norway, only some 15 per cent of today's students learn Nynorsk as their first language, with the figure on the decline. Thus it comes as no surprise that the first rendering of Swift to be published in Norway should appear as late as 1878: a translation into Bokmal of the first two parts of Gulliver's Travels. This version is often referred to as the first Norwegian translation, published in Kristiania, or Christiania, the name for Oslo till 1924 (Gullivers Rejser til Lilleput og Brobdingnag, oversatt av K[ristian] Afnastas] Winterhjelm, med illustrationer av T. Morten [Gulliver's Travels to Lilliput and Brobdingnag, translated by K(ristian) A(nastas) Winterhjelm, with illustrations by T. Morten], Kristiania). The translator was Kristian Anastas Winterhjelm (1843—1915), a well-known journalist and author of (naturalist) novels. As a journalist and editor, he worked for various newspapers and journals; he also edited literary anthologies. However, these data need to be modified. Gulliver's Travels was first published in Norway in an adapted version: a translation of A Voyage to Lilliput came out in 1869 (Gullivers Reise til Lilleput, Christiania: Falck Ytters Forlag), followed by A Voyage to Brobdingnag a year later (Gullivers Reise til Kjcempernes Land [Gulliver's Voyage to the Land of the Giants], Christiania: Falck Ytters Forlag). Both works appeared anonymously, and were translated as well as published by Oluf Vilhelm Falck Ytter (1832-1914), who as author, translator, journal-editor, and publisher became a central figure in the world of Norwegian children's literature in the second half of the nineteenth century. One of his works still known today is the robinsonade Haakon Haakonsen: En norsk Robinson (Haakon Haakonsen: A Norwegian Robinson), a Nordic version of Defoe's popular Robinson Crusoe, of which the best-

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known is the Swiss Family Robinson. Haakonsen was first serialized in 1868—69, and in book-form in 1873. Twentieth-century translations of Gulliver's Travels into Bokmal are mostly versions adapted for children, and as in Denmark several of these were produced in the 1990s. The only complete version of Swift's masterpiece in Bokmal is by Carl Fredrik Engelstad (1915-96), first published in Oslo in 1973 and reprinted several times since (Gullivers reiser, oversatt og med innledning av Carl Fredrik Engelstad [Gulliver's Travels, translated and introduced by Carl Fredrik Engelstad], Oslo: Gyldendal). Engelstad was a versatile figure in Norwegian literature; in addition to being a writer of literary studies, he worked as a journalist and became the author of novels and plays. By contrast, there are only three editions of Gulliver's Travels in Nynorsk (1906, 1948, 1982),3 all of them children's versions of the first and second voyages. Of Swift's other works, none seems to have made it into a Norwegian translation. Sweden The bibliography of Swift's works in Swedish translation is more extensive by far than those in Danish and Norwegian.4 The first Swedish Gulliver came out, in two volumes, as early as 1744—45,5 with a second edition in 1772.6 Olof Bidenius Renhorn (1706—64), the translator, followed Desfontaines's French adaptation of 1727 (Teerink-Scouten 383). Renhorn was a politician and member of the Swedish Diet, but apart from this translation of Gulliver's Travels he does not seem to have made an impact on the literary scene. The theologian, and writer of sorts, Julius Axel Kjellman Goranson (1811—69) was the first to have translated Gulliver's Travels into Swedish from the English original (Gulliver's resor uti afldgsna lander, ofversatt fran Engelskan af Julius Axel Kjellman Goranson [Gulliver's Travels into Remote Countries, translated from the English by Julius Axel Kjellman Goranson], 2 vols, Stockholm). His translation was published in the middle of the nineteenth century, containing — notwithstanding its title — only A Voyage to Lilliput (1840) and A Voyage to Brobdingnag (1841). 3 Ferdi til Lilliput-Land, fraa engelsk ved Severin Eskeland (The Voyage to Lilliput-

4 5

6

land, from the English by Severin Eskeland), Oslo: Norsk Barneblad; Gullivers ferder i Lilliput og Brobdingnag (Gulliver's Travels in Lilliput and Brobdingnag), Oslo: Samlaget; Ferda til Lilliput, nedkorta omsetjing fra engelsk av Jostein Krokvik (The Voyage to Lilliput, shortened translation from the English by Jostein Krokvik), Larvik: Norsk Barneblad. Per Erik Wahlund (1955, 23-25) gives an annotated, though incomplete, bibliography of Swedish translations of Gulliver's Travels. Capitain Lemuel Gullivers resor, till dtskillige Idngt hart beldgne land, talkad ifran Fransoskan (av Olof Bidenius Renhorn) (Captain Lemuel Gulliver's Travels to Several Remote Countries, translated from the French [by Olof Bidenius Renhorn]), 2 vols, Stockholm: H.C. Merckell & Koch. Not in Teerink-Scouten. Capitain Lemuel Gullivers resor, till dtskillige Idngt bdrt beldgne land, talkad ifran Fransoskan (av Olof Bidenius Renhorn) (Captain Lemuel Gulliver's Travels to Several Remote Countries, translated from the French [by Olof Bidenius Renhorn]), 2 vols, Stockholm: Joh. Laur. Horrn. See Teerink-Scouten 445.

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Since then, Gulliver's Travels has been published regularly in Sweden, both as a book for children and in complete versions. Commercially, the most successful twentieth-century translation has been that by Hugo Gyllander (1868—1955), A Voyage to Lilliput and A Voyage to Brobdingnag, with illustrations by David Ljungdahl (1870-1940) (Gullivers underbara resor till lilleputtarnas och jdttarnas land, bearbetning for svensk ungdom af Hugo Gyllander, med teckningar af David Ljungdahl {Gulliver's Marvellous Travels to the Lands of the Lilliputians and the Giants, adaptation for Swedish adolescents by Hugo Gyllander, with illustrations by David Ljungdahl], Stockholm: Lararetidnings fb'rlag). It was first published in 1902 and was reprinted fifteen times until 1992, with a paperback edition coming out in 1994. The journalist Gyllander is chiefly known today as the author of children's books, as well as a translator and reteller of works by famous authors, many of them included in the series Barnbiblioteket Saga ('The Child's Library Saga'). Gulliver's Travels is volume 10, an 'adaptation for Swedish adolescents', as the subtitle announces. The illustrator, Ljungdahl, is also well known in the world of Swedish children's literature. He illustrated several books for Barnbiblioteket Saga, with Gulliver's Travels as his first illustrated work to appear in the series. Other works by Swift to be published in Sweden include two German versions of Predictions for the Year 1708, both in the same year as the English original.7 There are also early translations of the Discourse of the Contests and Dissensions between the Nobles and the Commons in Athens and Rome (Afhandling om oenigheterne emellan adelen och folket uti republiquerne Athen och Rome, ofversatt ifran angelskan [translated from the English], Stockholm, 1768), and the Letter to a Very Young Lady on her Marriage (Ett href til en nygift fru, i anledning af hennes ingdngna giftermdl, ofwersatt af angelskan [Letter to a Newly Married Lady, on the Occasion of her Marriage, translated from the English], Gefle: Ernst P. Sundqvist, 1767), not to mention more recent ones of A Modest Proposal (Ett ansprakslost fbrslag, Bromma, 1974), and The Beasts' Confession to the Priest (Djurens bikt: poem foranlet av iakttagelsen att de fiesta manniskor felbedomer sin begavning [The Beasts' Confession: Poem on the Occasion of the Observation that Most People Misjudge their Talents], in Anders Burius [ed.] Ndgra hyll[nings]centimeter [Some shelfcentimetres], Stockholm: Kungliga Biblioteket, 1998, pp. 41-48).8 7

8

(a) Wundersahmes Prognosticon oder Prophezeyung, was in diesem 1708 Jahr geschehen soil, Wobey nebst dem Monath auch der eigentliche Tag, und bey einigen gar der Orth und die Stunden auszgedruckt, die Persohnen genennet, auch alle sonst vorfallende grosse Sachen desselben Jahrs specialiter erzehlet sind, so wie dieselbe kunfftighin sich zutragen werden, beschrieben durch Isaac Bickerstaff, Edelmann, [Stockholm]; not in TeerinkScouten; (b) Verkundigungen auf das Jahr MDCCVIII, Worinnen die Monate und Tage angezeiget, die Persohnen benennet, und die wichtige Begebenheiten des bevorstehenden Jahrs eigendlich bemercket werden, heraus gegeben, das Volck in Engeland furfernerem Betrug des gemeinen Hauffens der Calendertnacher zu verwahren, durch Isaac Bickerstaff, Ritter, Gedruckt in Londen, 1708. Aus dem englischen Original iibersetzet, [Lund]; not in Teerink-Scouten. I have ignored, for the purposes of this bibliographical survey, selections from A Tale of a Tub, the Drapier's Letters, the Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufacture, and other minor works included in anthologies. I have also omitted

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III Criticism There seems to have been little interest in research on Swift's life in Scandinavia. The only biography of Swift to be found there is that by Yrjo Hirn (1870-1952), published in Helsingfors (that is, Helsinki) in 1918. Hirn became Professor of Aesthetics and Modern Literature at Helsinki University in 1910. He was one of the most famous Finnish scholars in the first half of the twentieth century and renowned for his interdisciplinary studies in the fields of aesthetics, literature, psychology, sociology, history, art and culture. His biography of Swift is written in Swedish, following early biographers such as Orrery, Delany, and Deane Swift. Hirn justifies his not drawing on any more recent research with the argument that foreign literature on Swift was not available to him, due to the virtual breaking-off of communications with foreign countries (Hirn 1918, 120), the reason for which is to be found in the turbulent times of Finland's struggle for independence. Up to the present day, there is no further biography or monograph dealing with the Dean's themes and styles in any Scandinavian language. The need for this may never have been acute, since the knowledge of English has traditionally been excellent there. However, traces of some early biographical interest in Swift can be found in Sweden. Apparently in the wake of the 'biographical turn' in Swift criticism in the 1750s, Carl Nyren (1726—89) translated an article on Swift from The London Magazine into Swedish in 1760 (Lefvernes—beskrifning over den bekante doctorn och domprosten Jonathan Swift, ofversatt ur Londonska magasinet af Carl Nyren [The Life of the Well-Known Doctor and Dean Jonathan Swift, translated from the London Magazine by Carl Nyren], Gotheborg: Immanuel Smitt). Another early work dealing with Swift is by Jonas Magnus Stiernstolpe (1777—1831), who translated the German biography of Swift in Samuel Baur's Interessante Lebensgemdlde der denkwurdigsten Personen des achtzehntenjahrhunderts (Interesting Portraits of the Most Memorable Personages of the Eighteenth Century) of 1807 (Jonathan Swifts lefverne, af Samuel Baur, ofversatt af Jonas Magnus Stjernstolpe [Jonathan Swift's Life, translated by Jonas Magnus Stjernstolpe], Stockholm: C. S. Marquard). Stiernstolpe gained special fame as a translator of Voltaire, Cervantes, and Pope, whose Rape of the Lock he also rendered into Swedish in 1819.9 Swift did not become the object of critical studies until the end of the nineteenth century in Scandinavia. Adolf Hansen's (1850—1908) (Danish)

9

Harry Jarv (1970, 25-34), who falsely attributes to Swift Arbuthnot's Art of Political Lying (1710), which he translated, together with a short biographical introduction, into Swedish. Last but not least, Nordisk Familjebok (1904—22), vol. 27, 1300, lists an early rendering of'Verses on the Death of Dr Swift' ('Vid dr Jonathan Swifts dod', 1731) by Karl Rupert Nyblom (1832-1907)), which I have been unable to find. In addition to being a professor of aesthetics, art history, and literary history at Uppsala Universitet, Nyblom was a poet himself and translated many works into Swedish, among them Shakespeare's sonnets. See also Book (1907, 258—59), who, dealing with the early reception of Swift in Sweden, quotes contemporary reviews of Renhorn's 1744-45 translation of the Travels and its second edition of 1772. He calls Swift one of the most widely

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monograph on the Scriblerians of 1892, En engelsk Forfattergruppe: litteraturhistorisk Skildringfra det attende Aarhundredes f0rste Halvdel (An English Group of Writers: Literary-Historical Descriptions from the First Half of the Eighteenth Century) contains a long chapter on Swift (Hansen 1892, 175—285), whose biographical section is largely indebted to Craik's Life of Jonathan Swift (1889). Hansen, a literary historian and lecturer in English at Copenhagen University, also summarizes bibliographical facts, such as dates of composition and publication of Swift's works, and he comments on their contents and styles in general. Twentieth-century Scandinavian Swift criticism has been equally insubstantial. There are entries on Swift in all of the standard encyclopedias, both old and new, and all of the literary histories of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. Equally often, readers will find him dealt with in studies of Scandinavian children's literature. For the greater part, these entries and articles consist of derivative biographical sketches and ill-considered judgements on Swift's life and works. Stereotypical phrases that have long been proved wrong tend to recur, such as references to the Dean's 'misanthropy', 'misogyny', and 'mental derangement'. At the same time, Swift is unanimously praised as a master satirist, who is to be counted among the world's most famous authors, with Gulliver's Travels ranking among the 'classics' of world literature. By and large, the same facile, superficial judgements reappear in a number of essays on Swift, such as Goran Grimvall's analysis of the geometrical, physical, and physiological details in Gulliver's Travels and his conclusion that their dimensions, for example, the giants' height, the volume of their voices, the size of the dwarfs' brains, and the amounts of food, are scientifically improbable (Grimvall 1979—80, 5—8). By contrast, Daniel Ogden focuses on the Utopian traits of the Travels, in particular, Swift's concern with the question of what constitutes the ideal society and whether or not it is possible to attain it (Ogden 1999, 247). However, this focus was not Swift's major concern, as more recent scholarship has established (see Real 1998, 445—68). Likewise, Gitte Meyer and Mogens Dam see Gulliver's Travels from a medical point of view and draw attention to Swift's alleged epilepsy as expressed in Gulliver's experience in Lilliput and Brobdingnag, thus blurring the boundaries between fact and fiction. According to them, the frequent shifts in the dimensions of things and creatures can be interpreted as hallucinations written down after an epileptic fit (Meyer and Dam 1996, 130). The Danish theologian Tage Schack (1892—1945), to name only one further critic, focuses on Swift's 'misanthropy' and comes to the banal conclusion that the cause for his 'hatred of mankind' is the Dean's flawed relationship to his fellow human beings (Schack 1947, 146). Apart from these articles, translations of Swift will often include (biographical) prefaces or afterwords. An early piece of biographical criticism in Denmark, for example, isjansen's Preface to his translation of 1836, 'Skizze

known authors in Sweden at the time. According to Book, selections from Swift's works circulated as leaflets in the eighteenth century. He also mentions a Swedish translation (1770) of Samuel Brunt's 1727 Voyage to Cacklogallinia.

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af Dr. Jonathan Swift's Levnet' ('Sketch of Dr Jonathan Swift's Life'). More often than not, these prefaces and afterwords were written by well-known popular authors with no scholarly pretensions whatsoever. In Denmark, one case in point is Kai Friis M011er (1888—1960), who started his career as a poet, but who is mainly known as an essayist today. His article on Gulliver's Travels of 1926 was first published in a collection of essays in 1929 and reprinted in 1960 (Friis M011er 1960, 156—62). It introduced, with minor variations, the preface to Huus's translation of Gulliver's Travels of 1943, and it was reprinted in this edition in 1972. Friis M011er touches upon a few of the facts about Swift and the Travels, such as its contemporary reception. He also comments on the anonymous publication as a habit of those days (1960, 156), but fails to mention contemporary censorship. Even more popular Danish authors to have written about Swift are Hans Scherfig (1905—79), Johannes V. Jensen (1873-1950), and Hans Kirk (1898-1962). Scherfig, who has become a name through his satirical novels, wrote an article on Swift which became the afterword of the 1966 version of Huus's translation of Gulliver's Travels and which was subsequently republished in a collection of Scherfig's essays (Scherfig 1973, 15—23). In addition to providing some sparse biographical data, Scherfig parallels Swift with Hans Christian Andersen (1805—75), due to their being restricted to the world of children's books and their dependency on a rich benefactor. Of course, any such parallel between the two authors is rather incidental and therefore misleading. Whereas Swift did not write for children at all, Andersen wrote his fairy-tales for both children and adults. Even his 'fairy-tales told for children' always aimed at an adult audience as well. Johannes V. Jensen is an important figure in modern Danish literature, not least due to the fact that he was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1944. His essay on Swift of 1940, which was published in 1941, is based on nothing but his own reading experience of Gulliver's Travels and, consequently, often contains ill-considered judgements, for example, when contrasting Swift's and Holberg's use of fictitious names and languages. Thus, Jensen comes to the conclusion, not endorsed by Swift scholarship, that in the Travels names and languages are invented and meaningless (Jensen 1941, 123—41), whereas Holberg uses telling names (for example, in his play Don Ranudo de Colibrados [1745], with 'Ranudo' read backwards meaning 'O, du nar!' ['Oh, you fool!']. Jensen's essay was reprinted in his collection of essays on Swift and Adam Oehlenschlager (1779—1850), the central figure of Danish Romanticism. The title of the collection, Swift og Oehlenschlager (Swift and Oehlenschlager), is misleading, though. As Jensen points out in his Preface, there is no connection between the two authors apart from their being dealt with in the book because of his own interest in them (Jensen 1950, 11—45). The marxist Hans Kirk, famous for his critical social novels, also belongs among the best-known Danish authors of the first part of the twentieth century. Predictably, his focus on Gulliver's Travels is its harsh social and political criticism (Kirk 1978, 142—50). Scherfig's, Jensen's and Kirk's essays all demonstrate that Scandinavian criticism of Swift tends to be amateurish or writerly rather than scholarly. Whatever academic scholarship there is in Scandinavia has so far become manifest in theses for the degree of MA only.

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Ludvig Holberg, (1684-1754) The most telling example of Swift's creative impact on the literature of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden is his influence on Ludvig Holberg, whose Nicolai Klitnii Her subterraneum novam telluris theoriam ac historiam quintae monarchies adhuc nobis incognitce exhibens e bibliotheca B. Abelini (The Journey of Niels Klim to the World Underground Containing a New Theory of the World and the History of the Fifth Monarchy Hitherto Unknown to us from the Library of B. Abelin) of 1741 is often referred to as the first novel in Danish literature. Holberg, who was bom in Bergen, Norway, in 1684 and who died in Copenhagen in 1754, is the central figure of Danish-Norwegian eighteenthcentury literature. After having studied philosophy and theology at the University of Copenhagen, he travelled widely in Europe — the Netherlands (1704-05), England (1706-08), and Germany (1708-09). Holberg started his literary career with a mock-heroic poem, Peder Paars (1719—20), which took its inspiration from Boileau's Le Lutrin and Virgil's Aeneid. During the years 1722—28, he wrote numerous comedies, which earned him the name 'Moliere of the North'. His production of plays came to an abrupt end, however, when Christian VI (1699—1746) ascended the throne. Christian was a puritanical ruler who banned any kind of public amusement, including play-writing and theatre-going. During his intolerant reign (1730—46), which is also known as the 'dark' period of pietism in Danish history, Holberg was Professor of History at the University of Copenhagen. During this time, he was preoccupied with historiographical works, always excepting his Moralske Tanker (Moral Thoughts) of 1744 and the satire Nicolai Klimii iter subtenaneum, with which Holberg took a stand against the puritanism and intolerance of the day. To sidestep the pitfalls of censorship in Denmark, Holberg had the book published anonymously, in Latin, at Leipzig and Copenhagen in 1741. Whether Leipzig is the actual or a pseudonymous imprint, however, is still a controversial issue, but when the book became available in Copenhagen in 1741, its harsh criticism did create considerable stir. Nicolai Klimii iter subterraneum was written in Latin to ensure Holberg a wider reading abroad than the work would have received if written in Danish. It was soon translated into French (1741), as well as Dutch and German in the same year. Danish and English translations followed in 1742, and a Swedish one in 1746. In 1762, the first Russian version appeared, with even a Hungarian one in 1783. As a result, Holberg was read in numerous European countries, and he became well known throughout the Continent during the eighteenth century. Nicolai Klimii iter subterraneum, like More's Utopia (1516) and Swift's Gulliver's Travels (1726), is an imaginary travelogue. Its narrator, Nicolaus Klimius, returns to his hometown of Bergen after having finished his philosophical and theological studies at the University of Copenhagen. Being of an inquisitive nature, he starts to explore the area around Bergen. On one of these geographical outings, he falls through a hole into a cave and lands on the underground planet of Nazar. He first comes to Potu, that is, Utop(ia), the

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'ideal' country of reasonable, enlightened trees that are capable of speaking and moving, however slowly. Nicolaus's ability to move around swiftly is taken as a sign of superficiality and, consequently, of an irrational nature. He is therefore offered the little-regarded position of royal messenger. Having travelled Potu's neighbouring countries, which the narrator describes in some detail, Klimius commits the crime of project-making — or, in the language of Swift's time, he is a 'projector', or as we might say, an entrepreneur (or a schemer) — a character and social role often castigated by Swift. Klimius tries to improve his social status by proposing a new law to exclude women from administrative offices. This proposal is considered to be dangerous to the commonwealth since it opposes the principle that all offices are to be held in accordance with one's abilities rather than in accordance with one's sex. As a result, Klimius is 'expelled' to the firmament and arrives at Martinia, the land of corruption and superficiality, which is the habitat of vain, talkative apes. Klimius flatters the apes' vanity with his invention of wigs, and he is raised to the peerage. The Syndic's wife falls in love with Klimius, and after she has been rejected by him, she accuses him of violating the Syndic's marriage-bed. Klimius is made a slave on a galley, is shipwrecked, and eventually comes to Quama. This country is inhabited by a tribe of primitive hunters and gatherers, who outwardly resemble human beings. These see Nicolaus as a god-like creature sent from the sun. He teaches them the art of war, and after revealing the secret of producing gunpowder to the Emperor of Quama, Klimius is made a general. Having defeated Quama's neighbouring countries, he himself is made emperor. His lusting for power leads to despotism, however, and this, in turn, to rebellion. Klimius has to flee from his rebellious subjects, and while on the run falls into a cave and lands near Bergen, where thenceforth he lives as a sexton. The most extended monograph to deal with Nicolai Klimii iter subterraneum is that by Julius Paludan (1843—1926), who wrote his doctoral dissertation Om Holbergs 'Niels Klim' (On Holberg's 'Niels Klim') in 1878. Paludan went on to become Professor of Danish Literature at Copenhagen University. In his thesis, he considers, among other things, Klim's classical as well as English and French predecessors, firmly establishing in the chapter on 'Swift and his Imitators' ('Swift og hans efterlignere') Gulliver's Travels as Klim's closest model, which he describes as an unequalled masterpiece in the genre of fantastic travelogues (Paludan 1878, 119—64). Even though Paludan succeeds in outlining some similarities between the two works, his examination remains superficial at best, as does the brief survey by James I. McNelis in the Introduction to his English translation (1960, vii—xxxi). To what extent Holberg's reception of Swift is based on first- or secondhand knowledge is difficult to ascertain. Holberg obviously knew Swift, as he twice refers to him in his Moralske Tanker (Moral Thoughts), but he never explicitly connects Gulliver's Travels with Nicolai Klimii iter subterraneum (1943, 13 and 56). In his critical edition of Nicolai Klimii iter subterraneum, the (Danish) classical scholar Aage Kragelund (1894—1985), who is renowned for his translations from Greek and Latin, goes so far as to dismiss any direct impact of Swift on Holberg altogether (Holberg 1970, xl). Kragelund was echoed by the well-known Danish journalist and literary critic Jens Kruuse (1908—78) in his article 'Holberg og Swift' (Kruuse 1934, 48-67). These denials may perhaps be ascribed to respect for Holberg, the major national writer of Denmark.

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Although there has been no extended analysis of the intertextual relationship between the two works, the impact Gulliver had on Klimius is plainly asserted in any standard Danish literary history as well as the very few studies that deal with this particular work by Holberg. Indeed, some similarities between Gulliver and Klimius are striking: both works were conceived as satires, and both use the travelogue as the vehicle of their satires, affirming the authenticity of their accounts, for example, and confirming their 'truth' by 'factual' material like maps as well as geographical and topographical data. In Nicolaus Klimius, the narrator is a young adventurer whose curiosity and desire to discover drive him to remote, unknown worlds. Like Gulliver, he is an Everyman who observes the new worlds but who does not interpret them. Last but not least, an 'Apologetical Preface' added to the second edition (1745), in which Klimius's grandsons testify to their grandfather's reliability, evokes Gulliver's 'Letter to his Cousin Sympson' and the foreword of 'The Publisher to the Reader'. In addition to these narrative and structural correspondences, there are numerous similarities in themes and motifs: the conversations of the travellers with the monarchs of the foreign lands on the art of war, for example; Klimius's description of the philosophers' country, which conjures up the cloud-cuckoo-land of Balnibarbi, and the episode of the Syndic's wife falling in love with Klimius summons up memories of Gulliver being 'raped' by an amorous female Yahoo (IV, viii, 6). Other passages in Holberg to be linked with Swift (see Paludan 1878, 145-48) are the idea of waking philosophers with a flapper in the play Philosophus udi egen Indbildning (A Philosopher in his Own Estimation, 1754), the satire on project-makers in Republikken (The Republic, 1754), a play which clearly took its inspiration from the description of the Academy of Lagado, and the journey to the philosophers' land in Sganarels Reise (Sganarel's journey, 1754), another play which satirizes the absent-mindedness and indifference of philosophers.

Other authors

The issue as to what extent Swift has had an impact on Scandinavian authors other than Holberg leaves much room for further studies and can only be touched upon here. Many connections that critics see between Swift and specific authors are not explained or analysed, and thus the actual influence the Dean had on these often remains open to question. A case in point is Olof von Dalin (1708—63), who was a central figure of the enlightenment in Sweden and whose inspiration by Swift has been emphasized by many literary historians. More particularly, four works by Dalin may be assumed to be linked with Swift: first, the 'Saga om Erik hin Gotske' ('Tale of Erik the Goth'), ostensibly an imitation of Gulliver's Voyage to Brobdingnag (Book 1907, 80—81); second, 'Afwentyr om Rikzens upkomst och tilstand fran de aldsta tider' ('Tale of the Origin of the Empire and its Condition from the Oldest Times'), which was inspired by A Tale of a Tub (Lamm 1908, 204—06); third, 'Spadomar: Bref angaende den skadeliga Petitmaitre-Secten' ('Predictions: Letters Concerning the Harmful Fops-Sect'), clearly modelled on 'Predictions for the Year 1708' (Lamm 1908, 206-08), and, finally, 'En resa til GlysiswalT ('A Journey to GlysiswalT), whose

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dialogues of the dead, all personalities from Swedish history, have reminded readers of the Glubbdubdrib-episode in the Travels (Book 1907, 81-83). Dalin wrote all these texts (anonymously) for his Then Swdnska Argus (The Swedish Argus, 1732—34), which was the first moral periodical to appear in Sweden and which was enormously popular in the eighteenth century. Dalin's political allegory Sagan om hasten (The Tale about the Horse, 1740) is said to have been inspired by Swift, too (Book 1907, 104).10 It is his most famous work, in which a horse stands for the Swedish people and its masters represent various Swedish kings. Traces of Swift are also in evidence in the first Danish moral periodical, Den Danske Spectator samt Sande- og Granskningsmand (The Danish Spectator, together with Truth-Tellers and Scientists, 1744-45) byjorgen Riis (1717-49): 'Brev til et nygift Fruentimmer' (no 31), with its subtitle 'efter Dr. Swifts Maade' ('in Dr Swift's Manner'), and 'Brev til en ung Gejstlig' (no 44) is an adaptation of both Swift's 'Letter to a Young Lady, on Her Marriage' (1723) and the 'Letter to a Young Gentleman, Lately Enter'd into Holy Orders' (1720).11 Another author of the Swedish enlightenment to be associated with Swift is Hans Bergestrom (1735—84), who in addition to being a theologian and a lecturer in English at 'Ameralitetsskolan' in Karlskrona was an assiduous writer himself. In his doctoral dissertation on Swedish literature from the seventeenth to the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Swedish literary historian Fredrik Book (1883—1961) dealt with Bergestrom's two fantastic travelogues Indianiske Bref: eller utforlig beskrifning ofver twanne obekanta rikens moraliska, politiska och oeconomiska beskqffenhet (Indian Letters: or, A Detailed Description of two Unknown Empires' Moral, Political, and Economic Constitution, 1770) and Om Nahkhanahamahhem: eller dumhetens och darskapens land (About Nahkhanahamahhem: or, The Country of Stupidity and Foolishness, 1771). Whereas Paludan does not see any links between Indianiske href and Swift, he refers to the latter work as a 'shallow satire' (1878, 334—35) that took its inspiration from both Swift and Holberg. By contrast, Book characterizes Om Nahkhanahamahhem as one of the best fantastic travelogues to have been written in eighteenth-century Sweden (Book 1907, 262—70). The final eighteenth-century author to be mentioned is Carl Nyren. Svenskt litteraturlexikon (1970, 270) refers to Nyren as a satirist in Swift's vein, more particularly referring to his Mappa Geographica Scelestinae (1786). However, Swift's influence seems to have been indirect at best in this case, as a recent study shows (Ridder 1996, 440). A more likely candidate is the German satirist Gottlieb Wilhelm Rabener (1714—71), who has sometimes been called the 'German Swift' and whose satires Nyren translated into Swedish, among them the parody Geheime Nachricht von D. Jonathan Swifts letztem Willen (Secret News of Dr Jonathan Swift's Last Will) of 1763. Of nineteenth-century authors, the Danish schoolteacher, literary historian, translator, and feminist Ida Falbe-Hansen (1849—1922) links the Danish writer

10 In fairness, I hasten to add that Book, while referring to other critics' views, himself doubts any direct impact by Swift.

11 See in addition to Paludan (1913, 165), Illustreret Dansk Littemturhistorie (1934, 283).

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Steen Steensen Blicher (1782-1848) with Swift. While Blicher was chiefly renowned for his novellas, he also wrote poetry. His little-known poem 'Min egen gravsang' ('My Own Funeral Hymn') of 1842, as Falbe-Hansen convincingly shows (1904, 46—48), was clearly inspired by 'Verses on the Death of Dr Swift', female conversations about the dead Dean being the main mutual motif.12 Among twentieth-century authors, critics have connected Swift with the Swedish writer Par Lagerkvist (1891—1974), winner of the Nobel Prize in 1951. According to Illustremd Svensk Littemturhistoria (Illustrated History of Swedish Literature), Lagerkvist has expressly admitted his indebtedness to Swift (vol. 8, 372), and in his study on Lagerkvist, Joran Mjoberg, for one, posits Swift's impact on Lagerkvist's first novel Dvargen (The Dwarf, 1944), in which the dwarf succumbs to the kind of misanthropy that Gulliver manifests in his abhorrence of Yahoo corporeality (Mjoberg 1951, 175).u A copy of Gulliver's Travels, we know, was in Lagerkvist's library (Schoier 1981, 63), and its alleged misanthropy also comes to the fore (Schoier 1987, 303) in Lagerkvist's collection of short stories, Onda sagor (Bad Tales, 1924),14 as well as in his one-act play Himlens hemlighet (Secret of the Sky, 1919). Another link between Lagerkvist and Swift is their ability to create an air of authenticity to convince the reader of the reality of their various fictitious worlds (Specter 1958, 75-79). The Danish writer Sven Clausen (1893—1961) is chiefly known for his naturalistic plays and has left only a few poems. One of these is called 'Dommedag' ('The Day of Judgement'), an adaptation of Swift's 'The Day of Judgement' (Clausen 1931, 32), as is not only announced by the subtitle 'Efter Jonathan Swift' ('After Jonathan Swift') but also made clear by the poem's arresting content. Another author to be associated with Swift is the Swedish writer and theatre critic Bengt Jahnsson (1928—91). Jahnsson's second prose work, the novel Gullivers sjatte resa (Gulliver's Sixth Voyage) of 1960, is a variation on the fifth-voyage motif of the Travels, in which Gulliver meets —Jonathan Swift in Venice. Both set out to travel in Italy, controversially discussing 'reality' as experienced on their way. Finally, in 1998, Swift entered the stage in Carl Bjarne Skov's adaptation of Gulliver's Travels, with music by Kenny Jensen, in a (Danish) musical for children entitled Minimarengs og makromakroner: en musical om start og smat — og ondt og godt (Minimarengs and Makromakroner: A Musical about Large and Small — and Bad and Good).

12

13 14

Nordisk Familjebok (1904-22), vol. 27, 1301, mentions two other Swedish authors of the nineteenth century allegedly influenced by the Dean: Hans Ja'rta (17741847) and Johan Henrik Tomander (1798—1865). I have been unable to validate this thesis. This conclusion is endorsed by Spector (1973, 45 and 177), and Karahka (1978, 266). See Oberholzer (1958, 93). The connection is also asserted by Jllustrerad Svensk Litteraturhistoria (1926-49), vol. 8, 392 and 372. See also Bergmann (1928, 113) and Hornstrom (1946, 106).

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V Conclusion

Jonathan Swift is almost identical with the author of Gulliver's Travels in Scandinavia, a fact that is proved more than anything else by the many translations of the Travels published regularly in all of the Scandinavian languages. Many of these translations, it is true, are adapted versions for children. This almost exclusive association of Swift with Gulliver's Travels, and with children's versions of the book, too, may perhaps best be illustrated by the fact that 'Svenska Barnboksinstitutet' ('The Swedish Institute for Children's Books'), which is the Swedish section of the 'International Board on Books for Young People', annually awards a Swedish critic, who has made a major contribution to the criticism of Swedish children's literature, the 'Gulliverpriset' ('The Gulliver Prize'). Translations of Swift's numerous other works, both poetry and prose, are often available in selection and anthologies only. At the same time, Scandinavian Swift criticism tends to be of an amateurish or writerly rather than an academic nature. Yet major writers such as the internationally known Holberg have been powerfully influenced by Swift and Swift's German followers, and as a writer to whom children are introduced early, he remains a force in the literary land.

7

No Swift beyond Gulliver: Notes on the Polish Reception Michael During

'Guliver' Kazda moja mysl rozwinieto jak wlos, naciagnieto jak strung. I oto leze bezbronny olbrzym uwieziony przez malenkich ludzi. Every thought of mine is torn like hair, Tightened like a string. I am lying Like a helpless giant Captured by dwarfs. Ernest Bryll (1958)1 Before he left Greifswald to spend his holidays in Cracow, I asked Waclaw Cockiewicz, Professor of Polish at the Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universitat, Greifswald, to check the catalogues of the Jagiellonian Library under 'Swift' (primary and secondary sources) for me. He looked at me with astonishment and asked: 'Swift? Do you mean the author of Gulliver's Travels'? Did he really write anything else? And you are looking for secondary sources?' Cockiewicz's reaction demonstrates that, to a far greater extent than in Russia, in Poland Swift seems to be auctor unius libri — Gulliver's Travels. Another point is that, obviously to a far lesser degree, in Poland the Dean seems to have been part of the ideological context after 1945, inasmuch as Cockiewicz questioned the existence of a Polish Swift criticism. These are, at first glance, two distinguishing features between the reception processes the Dean underwent 1

My translation; in Ernest Bryll, Wiersze wybrane (Selected Verse), Krakow 1978, p. 7 (from the volume Wigilie wariata [1958]); there is another poem by Bryll, dedicated to Swift; see E. Bryll, 'Do Jonatana Swifta' ('To Jonathan Swift'), in: Wiersze wybrane (Selected Verse), Krakow 1978, pp. 284-85 (from the volume Zwierzptko [The Small Animal] [1975]). Heartfelt thanks go to Ernest Bryll for permission to quote from his poems.

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in these Eastern European countries, and it is a task for future research on Swift in Poland, which is only at the beginning, to find reasons for this development.

I Translation history Gulliver's Travels In Poland, Swift's translation history began in 1784 with a version of Gulliver's Travels, translated anonymously from the French adaptation by Desfontaines (1726) as Podroze kapitana Gulliwera w rozne kraje dalekie, reprinted without any preface or postscript in 1804 by Bibliotekapowszechna (The Universal Library).2 Such details are not really unexpected, however. From the time it was first published on the Continent, Swift's masterpiece was primarily transmitted through French versions, and Polish Classicism was under French influence (see Helsztynski 1976, 142—43). And it is even less surprising that Desfontaines's supplement Le Nouveau Gulliver (1730), for which the anonymous translator used Swift's title (see Helsztynski 1976, 143), should appear in Poland as early as 1787 (in Russia 1770). Bearing in mind Russian translation history, we now expect the next translation to follow in the 1860s or 1870s. However, Poland's political and cultural development contributed to an unusual translation 'process' insofar as in 1796, after the third division ('Finis regni Poloniae' in Tadeusz Kosciuszko's famous words), Poland disappeared from the map of Europe. The history that followed was an unsuccessful concatenation of uprisings, assassinations, and revolutions that were to influence the cultural context, too. Especially after the 'Great Emigration' of 1831, when members of the aristocracy, authors, and intellectuals left Poland for France, the French metropolis, under the aegis of the triumvirate of Polish Romantic literature, Adam Mickiewicz, Juliusz Slowacki, and Zygmunt Krasinski, became the centre of Polish culture and politics. This is, as Elzbieta Kurowska puts it in her monograph Recepcja literatury angielskiej w Polsce, 1932—1939 (The Reception of English Literature in Poland, 1932—1939), Wroclaw and Warszawa 1987, p. 5, the reason why French culture dominated the Polish cultural context during the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. As a result, like other eighteenth-century authors, Swift was almost forgotten and, unlike in Russia, not rediscovered throughout the last three decades of the nineteenth century, even though his commitment to Ireland as a 'depending kingdom' might have aroused interest in translating the Irish pamphlets at that time.3 But, in contrast to Swift's 2 In contrast to Russian translation history, the anonymous translator from 1784 did not refer to The Hague version (Teerink-Scouten 371), which in fact was regarded as that of Desfontaines. The 1784 publication was the only complete translation until 1979; for details see Z. Sinko, Powiesc angielska osiemnastegu wieku a powiesc polska lat 1764-1830 (The English Novel of the Eighteenth Century and the Polish Novel between 1764 and 1830), Warszawa 1961, pp. 25-27. 3 Because of his Irish origin, for instance, Oscar Wilde was well known during the 'Mloda Polska' and was seen as an author with sympathies for Poland's political

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Russian translation history and although, in 1817—18, there are reminiscences of Gulliver's Travels in works by Stanislaw Potocki (Podroz do Ciemnogradu [A Voyage to Ciemnograd]) and Jan Sniadecki (in Wiadomosci Brukowe, 1817, no 56; 1818, nos 59 and 68) (see Sinko 1961, 205), not even new translations of Gulliver's Travels were undertaken in the nineteenth century, that is, during Romanticism and Positivism: 'The English novel of the 18th century, which came to Poland in the epoch of Stanislaw August through French transmission, was of interest neither to translators nor to critics' (Krajewska 1971, 129).4 The next — abridged — version appeared in print not earlier than 1893, at the very beginning of the 'Mloda Polska' ('Young Poland') as J. Swift, Podroze Guliwera do nieznanych krajow (Gulliver's Travels to Unknown Countries), 4 vols, Warszawa 1893 (Biblioteka powszechna [The Universal Library], 1913). However, as Wanda Krajewska explains in her study on the reception of English literature in Poland between 1887 and 1918, not even during that period was Swift taken seriously, first of all regarded as the author of a children's book (see Krajewska 1972, 129—33). Thus, the year 1892 saw the first edition of Cecylia Niewiadomska's adaptation for children (see Krajewska 1972, 252), under the title Podroze Guliwera (the 1986 reprint is at the Ehrenpreis Centre), from which all 'offensive' passages were deleted. For example, Gulliver urinating on the Lilliputian beach is missing (I, i, 5) as is the colossus episode (I, iii, 7), and the passage in which Gulliver extinguishes the fire in the Emperor's palace (I, v, 9; he uses his hat). From Book Two, those paragraphs were eliminated in which Gulliver discharges his excrement (II, i, 16), observes the female beggar's breast (II, iv, 4), becomes a toy of the frivolous Brobdingnagian Maids of Honour (II, v, 6—7), and, last but not least, hears the King's verdict on the human race (II, vi, 18). In 1897 and 1901, two further children's editions came out, including Books One and Two (Podroze Guliwera do liliputow i olbrzymow: dla mlodziezy oprac. Zbigniew Kaminski, Warszawa 1901 [Gulliver's Travels to the Lilliputians and the Giants: adapted for Young People by Zbigniew Kaminski]; Podroze Guliwera: oprac. dla mlodziezy przez Feliks Sypniewskiego, Lodz 1901 [ 1911] [Gulliver's Travels: Adapted for Young People by Feliks Sypniewski]), and, in 1908, another one also including Books One and Two followed. This was made from a version by A. Callier (Przygody Guliwera w krainie kartow i olbrzymow: opowiedzane dla mlodziezy przez A. Callier, Warszawa 1908 [21912] [Gulliver's Adventures in the Country of the Dwarfs and the Giants: Retold for Young People by A. Callier]). In 1914, two further editions for children were the last to be published before World War I (Przygody Guliwera: kraina Olbrzymow: nowe wyd. dla dzieci, Krakow 1914 [Gulliver's Adventures. The Land of the Giants];

4

situation; see Wanda Krajewska, Recepcja literatury angiehkiej w Polsce w okresie modernizmu, 1887-1918) (The Reception of English Literature in Poland during Modernism, 1887-1918), Wroclaw and Warszawa 1971, p. 275. 'Osiemnastowieczna powiesc angielska, ktora okrezna drog£ poprzez Francje zawgdrowala do nas w epoce stanislawowskiej, nie zainteresowala ani tlumaczy, any kritikow nastepnego stulecia.'

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and Podroze Guliwera do Liliputow, Lwow 1914 [Gulliver's Voyage to the Lilliputians]). After 'Mloda Polska', the decades between the Wars, in which Poland regained national independence, there is no indication of increasing translation activities: Polish editors and translators were not interested in English literature of the seventeenth century. Of the classics of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, then, those books were printed that could be adapted for children and adolescents . . . . The adventures of Robinson Crusoe, however, found more enthusiasts than the fate of Swift's Gulliver and were therefore published on a larger scale. (Kurowska 1987, 13)5 As a result, the only items from that period at Warsaw National Library are the 1928 reprint of Cecylia Niewiadomska's adaptation (1892), a version of Book Three by Jan Walicki (Gulliwer w krainie czarodziejow: ttum. Jan Walicki, Warszawa 1933 [Gulliver in the Country of the Sorcerers]; for details, see Kurowska 1972, 269), a children's edition consisting of Books One and Two by N. Ostrowski and S. Raciazkowny in the same year (1933), and one by an unknown author in 1935 (Podroze Guliwera, Warszawa 1935; see also Kurowska 1972, 269). In Poland, Swift's utilization for socialist cultural policy is not to be compared with that in Soviet Russia. Nevertheless, the years of 'dogmatic' Socialist Realism (1949—56) led to an 'increase' in the Dean's critical reception as well as the number of translations. The first to be published, in 1947, were children's versions by W. Dobrowolski (Krakow) and Waclaw Zechenter (Krakow; reprinted in 1973), which include Books One and Two (for these editions, see the catalogue of the Jagiellonian University Library, Cracow [http://wuwMJ.edu.pl/uj-guide/library.pl.html]). In 1949, not coincidentally the year in which Socialist Realism was declared the sole aesthetic programme in Poland, Cecylia Niewiadomska's children's version of 1892 (reprinted, for instance, in 1958, 1985, 1986, and 1998) as well as the anonymous translation of 1784, revised by Jan Kott, who later became one of the few Swift scholars in Poland, reappeared in print. Kott's edition was reprinted several times (for instance, 1951, 1952, 1956, and 1987), so that the Polish reader of the fifties, sixties, and seventies knew Swift's complete masterpiece only in a translation from the late eighteenth century. At that time, in 1961, the first Polish adaptation for adolescents was also published by Jacek Bochenski and Marian Brandys (reprinted in 1997 as Podroze Guliwera: przet. J. Bochenski and M. Brandys, Poznan). To what extent this version was aimed at the socialist context is still unknown - at least its numerous reprints (1967, 1970, 1972, 1981) seem to prove that it fulfilled its purpose. The adaptation, although consisting of all four books, omits the 'Peplom selan-episode' in I, i, 5 and modifies I, v, 9: Gulliver extinguishes the fire with a bottle of medicine he 5

'Literatura angielska wieku XVII nie zainteresowala polskich tlumaczy i wydawcow, z klasyki XVIII i XIX w. drukowano przede wszystkim te powiesci, w ktorych widziano stosowng lektur£ dla dzieci i mlodziezy . . . . Perypetie Robinsona Cruzoe znajdowaly wiecej entuzjastow niz losy Swiftowskiego Guliwera i przodowafy liczba wydari.'

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carries in his pockets. In Book Two, Bochenski and Brandys deleted II, i, 11 and 15, modified paragraph II, iv, 4, in which a detailed description of the Brobdingnagian faces replaces Gulliver's sight of the lice and the cancer holes in the female beggar's breast. Likewise, paragraphs II, v, 6—7 (Gulliver as a toy of the Brobdingnagian Maids of Honour) and II, vi, 18 (the King's verdict) are missing as are paragraphs III, vi, 10 (on connections between the colour of excrement and political strategies), IV, i, 4 (the Yahoos' discharging their excrement on Gulliver), IV, viii, 7—8 (Gulliver's 'epiphany'), and IV, xi, 17— 18 (Gulliver's realization that he is the father of Yahoos). This version was reprinted throughout the 1990s, for example, in 1995 and 1997. The last children's edition published in Socialist Poland was completed by N. Bobrowicz in 1982, and includes a short biography of Swift taken from Sir Walter Scott (Podroze Guliwem w nieznajome kraje ... z przydaniem krotkiej wiadomosci o Swifcie z W. Scotta przez Jana Nepomucena Bobrowicza, Warszawa 1982 [Gulliver's Travels to Remote Countries . . . : Added are Short Details about Swift by Jan Nepomuc Bobrowicz from W. Scott]). After the political change of 1989—90, further translations exclusively made for children have been published. The first version was based on the German adaptation of Dirk Walbrecker in 1992 (Podroze Gulliwera: opr. D. Walbrecker; przekt. z niem. Wawrzyniec Sawic, Warszawa 1992 [Gulliver's Travels: adapted by D. Walbrecker and translated from the German by Wawrzyniec Sawic]), followed by Janina Smolska's adaptation of 1994 (Podroze Gulliwera: opr. J. Smolska, Warszawa 1994), and two editions without any information about the Polish 'editor' and translator. These are Podroze Gulliwera w nieznane kraje [Gulliver's Travels to Unknown Countries], Warszawa 1995 (ostensibly based upon J. Baumgaertner's Podroze Gulliwera w nieznajome kraje przez Jonathan Swift [Gulliver's Travels to Unknown Countries by Jonathan Swift] and the 1844 Tauchnitz edition [Leipzig 1844]; see Przewodnik bibliograficzny [Bibliographical Guide], 51, 1995, no 1764/95) and Podroze Guliwera [Gulliver's Travels], Bielsko-Biala 1995 (Przewodnik bibliograficzny [Bibliographical Guide], 51, 1995, no 9590/95). To the best of my knowledge, throughout the 1990s, besides those of Gulliver's Travels, there are no other translations. The acquisitions lists of the National Library, Warsaw, and the Jagiellonian Library, Cracow, only contain translations of Gulliver's Travels. This concentration on Swift's masterpiece is characteristic not only of the last decade of the twentieth century but of nearly 220 years of the Dean's translations into Polish. Even more astonishing, however, is that, besides the anonymous, more or less complete translation of the Travels of 1784, which was last reprinted in 1995 (see Podroze Guliwera, Warszawa 1995 in Przewodnik bibliograficzny [Bibliographical Guide], 52, 1996, no 398/96), there is only one other complete translation by Maciej Slomczynski, originally published in 1979 and regularly reprinted afterwards (1982, 1983, 1988, 1994 [each book in a single volume; see Przewodnik bibliograficzny [Bibliographical Guide], 52, 1996, nos 2148-2151]). The title of the 1995 edition on the shelves of the Ehrenpreis Centre reads as follows: Jonathan Swift, Podroze do wielu odlegtych narodow swiata przez Lemuela Gullivera, poczatkowo lekarza okretowego, nastepnie kapitana licznych okretow: przel. Maciej Stomczynski (Travels into Several Remote Countries of the World by Lemuel Gulliver, first a Surgeon, and then a Captain of Several Ships),

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Krakow 1979. Slomczynski's edition is the only one that preserves the sequence of chapters, the paragraph structure, and all 'offensive' paragraphs. It even includes an illustration showing Gulliver together with a naked Brobdingnagian Maid of Honour (p. 101). Other works Translations of Swift's other works are not easy to spot.6 One of these rare texts is 'Medytacje nad stara miotla' ('A Meditation upon a Broomstick'), translated at the beginning of the nineteenth century by the poet Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz (1758-1841), who was also the translator of Milton, Pope, Gray, and Thomson. It is difficult to pinpoint the place and date of its first publication. In 1896, however, it became part of Chmielowski's and Grabowski's collection of works from World Literature (Obraz literatury powszechnej w streszczeniach i przykladach [A Description of World Literature in Summaries and Examples], vol. 2, Warszawa 1896) and was subsequently reprinted in Stanislaw Lam's Wielka literatura powszechna (Great Universal Literature) in 1933 (Wielka literatura powszechna, Warszawa 1933, pp. 156—57). Lam's volume is of interest, because it also includes excerpts from 'Verses on the Death of Dr Swift', translated by Feliks Jezierski (1817-1901) in the nineteenth century (see pp. 157-58). Whereas Niemcewicz's translation clearly fitted into the context of late Polish Sentimentalism, Jezierski's translation of 'Verses' is remarkable as the only attempt to present Swift (apart from Gulliver's Travels) for a long time. More than 150 years later, in 1971, Henryk Krzeczkowski, Jerzy Sito, and Juliusz Zulawski published their anthology of English poets. Volume One, apart from a short biography of Swift, contains seven of the Dean's poems (Poeci jezyka angielskiego [English Poets], Warszawa 1971, pp. 802—12): 'Na urodziny Stelli (1718/19)' ('Stella's Birthday'); 'Urodziny 13 marca (1726/ 27)' ('Stella's Birthday'); 'Dzielny Tom Clinch w drodze na szubienice, w roku 1727' ('Clever Tom Clinch Going to be Hanged'); 'Opis poranka' ('A Description of the Morning'); 'Szubienica' ('A Riddle' ['There is a Gate, we Know full well]'); 'Dr Swift do pana Pope'a' ('Dr Swift to Mr Pope'); 'Wiersze na smierc Doktora Swifta — przez niego samego' ('Verses on the Death of Dr Swift'). This unusual selection becomes even more unusual in the light of the editors' intention to present English authors and their works that had hitherto been misrepresented in Poland (1971). After all that, it comes as no surprise that 'Swift is Gulliver', more precisely the eighteenth-century Gulliver, a more than 'shameful' state of affairs, as Juliusz Kydrynski rightly points out in his epilogue to Slomczynski's translation of Gulliver's Travels, written in 1979 ('Poslowie', in J. Swift, Podroze do wielu odleglych narodow swiata przez Lemuela Gullivera, poczatkowo lekarza okretowego, nastepnie kapitana licznych okretow: przet. Maciej Stomczynski, 6

One of these rare translations seems to be part of the volume Wyobrazenia o ksztalceniu rozumu i serca, z przypczeniem wypisow roznych angielskich (Thoughts about the Education of the Mind and the Heart, together with Excerpts from English Literature), 2 vols, Krakow 1804, which includes texts by Johnson and Rousseau as well. I have not seen this volume yet.

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Krakow 1979, pp. 318-25): 'Desfontaines's adaptation, then, became the source — until now the only one — of the first Polish translation [of Gulliver's Travels}, a fact which is responsible for this [our] shameful situation (p. 323).'7

II Critical reception General criticism Swift's critical reception in Poland reflects his translation history, although the first 'critical study' of Gulliver's Travels was published as early as 1787 by K. Dimarco (Uwagifilozoficzne, krytyczne i moraine nad Gulliwerom [Philosophical, Critical and Moral Remarks on Gulliver]), three years after the anonymous translation of the Travels* However, with the exception of a brief note on Swift in Kazimierz Brodzinski's 1822 monograph O satyrze, the first to deal with aspects of satire in Poland, the nineteenth century remained virtually silent. Brodzinski presented Swift as an author who was well known, but not as popular as, say, Pope (see Tomasz Stepien, O satyrze [On Satire], Katowice 1996, p. 25). Not even an influential biography like that by Scott received any critical attention. The same has to be said of Thackeray, who in Poland was known as the author of the novel The Rose and the Ring (Pierscien i roza, 1936) but not as a 'literary critic'. Only in Maty slownik 1971, 484, was he introduced as the author of English Humourists of the Eighteenth Century and as a severe critic. The biographies of Forster and Stephen (mentioned as the author of a Swift biography in Maty slownik 1971, 465) were not critically discussed either. The next articles on Swift did not follow until the beginning of the twentieth century: Przemyslaw Maczewski, 'Mikolaja Doswiadczynskiego przypadki' ('The Adventures of Mikolaj Doswiadczynski'), in Pamietnik literacki (Literary Memoirs), 1904, pp. 33—54, and 185—207, and Konstanty Wojciechowski, 'Utopia i satyra w ks. Krajewskiego Wojciecha Zdarzynskim a Swifta Podroze Guliwera ('Utopia and Satire in Prince Krajewski's Wojciech Zdarzynski and Swift's Gulliver's Travels'), in Pamietnik literacki, 1907, pp. 501— 07, both written during the 'Mloda Polska', which is characterized by a more extensive reception of foreign literature in general. Maczewski and Wojciechowski briefly discuss Swift's influence on Ignacy Krasicki's novel Mikolaja Doswiadczynskiego przypadki (The Adventures of Mikolaj Doswiadczynski) of 1776, and on Michal Krajewski's Wojciech Zdarzynski zycie i przypadki swoje opisujacy (The Life and Adventures of Wojciech Zdarzynski, Described by Himself) of 1785. Subsequently, in the years between the Wars, Swift was dealt with only in passing in Helsztynski's study of 'English Literature in 18th-Century Poland', published by The Slavonic Review (1927), and in Wladyslaw Tarnawski's literary history of England (Historia literatury angielskiej od Swifta do Burnsa [A History of the English Literature from Swift to 7

'Tekst Desfontaines'a stal sig zatem ostateczna podstawa — do niedawna jedynego! — przekladu polskiego, co stwarzalo sytuacje zenujaca.' 8 [Not available for inspection, alas].

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Burns], Lwow 1930, pp. 16—43; reviewed by Roman Dybowski in Przeglad Wspotczesny [The Universal Review], no 8, 1931). In his article on Anglo-Polish literary relations (Literatura polska XX wieku: przewodnik encyklopedyczny [Polish Literature of the 20th Century: An Encyclopedic Guide], eds Artur Hutnikiewicz and Andrzej Lam, Warszawa 2000, pp. 434—44), Wojciech Liponski has recently explained this faltering reception process by pointing out that Swift was a less well-known English author in Poland, yielding pride of place to Shakespeare, Milton, Pope, Fielding, Byron, and Dickens. Thus, it is no surprise that the Dean, in keeping with his reception throughout the nineteenth century, should receive almost no critical attention in the twentieth century either, although between the Wars universities like Warsaw, Crakow, Lodz, and Poznan opened English departments and initiated a Polish-language English philology, which, however, refused to deal with satire as a subject (Stepieii 1996, 51). Moreover, after 1945, we observe ideological restrictions and the 'inauguration' of Socialist Realism in Szczecin (1949) going hand in hand with the closing down of the newly founded English departments, now denounced as places of 'bourgeois influence', and the banishing of English authors from Polish libraries (for example, Orwell and Conrad). These episodes have to be seen together with the fact that, although in 1948 and 1953 two sessions of the Association of Polish Satirists were summoned, satire was driven out of Polish literature as well (for further details, see Stepien 1996, 53—56). On the other hand, 'realistic' authors like Defoe (who had 39 editions of Robinson Crusoe with more than three million copies sold between 1949 and 1989) and Dickens, who could be turned to good ideological account in Socialist Poland, were widely published and widely discussed. Swift is conspicuously absent here — with the exception of Kott's studies of 1948—49 (see below), in which he attempted to re-evaluate the Dean's life and work according to the aesthetic principles of Socialist Realism. Even after 1956, however, when the 'Polish October' was accompanied by the reopening of English departments and publishing houses saw chances for reprints of'forbidden' authors, who were later discussed in critical studies, too (for Defoe and Dickens, see Juliusz Fisiak, ed., Bibliografia anglystiki polskiej, 1945-1975 [A Bibliography of Polish English Studies, 1945-1975], Warszawa 1977, pp. 132—56), Swift was treated in but a handful of articles: Jan Kott, 'Przeklady "Guliwera" ' ('Translations of "Gulliver" '), in Zeszyty Wrodawskie (Wroclawian Papers), 4, 1948, and Eugenia Triller, 'Pierwsze polskie wydanie "Podrozy kapitana Guliwera'" ('The First Polish Editions of "Gulliver's Travels'"), in Ze skarbca kultury (From the Treasuries of Culture) 1, 1953, pp. 117—19, both dealing with early translations of Gulliver's Travels, as well as Emil Kipa, 'Niektore mysli Swifta' ('Some Ideas of Swift'), in Kwartalnik neojilologiczny (Neophilological Quarterly), 3, 1956, pp. 41-42, J. Mikos, 'Swift's World Comedy', in Annales Universitatis MCS, 17, 1962, pp. 27-38, and Bogdan Suchodolski, 'Opowiesc o czlowieku zdradzanym przez samego siebie' ('A Tale about the Man Who Betrayed Himself), in Przeglad humanistyczny (The Humanist Review), 1, 1967, pp. 11—31. The first general survey of Swift was published not earlier than 1968 in the Wielka encyklopedia powszechna PWN (Great Universal Encyclopaedia) (reprinted in 1976). In addition to a biographical sketch, it introduces

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Gulliver's Travels, described both as a bitter satire for adults and a most popular book for children, A Tale of a Tub, The Battle of the Books, and some poems (no titles). Moreover, the Dean's years of exile in Ireland and his commitment to the Irish cause seem worth discussing to the anonymous author. Three years later, in 1971, the Maty slownik pisarzy angielskich i amerykanskich (The Short Encyclopaedia of English and American Authors) presents a more substantiated view of the Dean's life and work (Jolanta Nalecz-Wojtczak, 'Swift', in Maty slownik 1971, 473—75). From it, Polish readers could learn that Swift and Stella met at Moor Park, that he wrote A Tale of a Tub and The Battle of the Books at Sir William's country estate, and that he was the author of numerous pamphlets in defence of the Church. The conciseness of the article notwithstanding, Esther van Homrigh is given a mention for the first time in Polish criticism. The fact that Swift was 'instrumentalized' for political purposes to a far smaller degree than in Russia is corroborated in Przemyslaw Mroczkowski's influential Historia literatury angielskiej ('Jonathan Swift', in Historia Hteratury angielskiej: Zarys [A History of English Literature: A Survey], Wroclaw and Warszawa 1986, pp. 282-90). In his biography of the Dean, Mroczkowski disregards socialist-realist principles, going so far as to point out Swift's 'problematic sexuality' and positing Esther Johnson ('Stella') as Sir William Temple's natural daughter. Regarding the Tale, Mroczkowski is mainly interested in the religious allegory (like his fellow critics in the former Soviet Union). He goes on to discuss Swift's presumed misanthropy, not in order to discredit him but to praise the Dean's philanthropic character. Another section is devoted to the pamphlets, of which only three, however, are expressly mentioned: 'Zwiezfy rzut oka na obecny stan Irlandii' ('A Short View of the Present State of Ireland', already introduced by Nalecz-Wojtczak in Maty slownik 1971, 474), 'Listy kupca sukiennego' ('The Drapier's Letters'), and 'Skromny projekt' ('A Modest Proposal'), in Mroczkowski's words, 'glowne arcydzielo morderczej ironii' — 'a masterpiece of murderous irony' (Historia 1986, 286). The major part of the essay discusses Gulliver's Travels, of course, with Mroczkowski touching upon Swift and Rabelais as well as the structural and thematic coherence of Books One and Two. Predictably, Book Four appears as the 'most original satirical allegory of the Travels'. Nalecz-Wojtczak's and Mroczkowski's articles seem to be representative of Swift criticism after 1945. They underline the assumption that the Dean's works were turned to almost no political account in Socialist Poland, and that, to a considerably greater extent than in Russia, he remained auctor unius libri, author of one book. An article published in the post-socialist edition of the IVielka encyklopedia, the Nowa encyklopedia powszechna PWN (The New Universal Encyclopaedia) (1997), confirms this impression in its precis of bare facts: Swift is presented as Dean of St Patrick's, as the friend of Pope, Gay, and Arbuthnot, as the author of 'The Drapier's Letters', of 'A Modest Proposal' ('arcydzielo ironicznej logiki' — 'a masterpiece of ironic logic'), of Gulliver's Travels ('criticism of a rationalist society'), and, last but not least, as the intimate diarist of the Journal to Stella. The article distinguishes itself from Soviet-Russian encyclopedia articles by its 'neutral' style, which is free from any kind of ideological vocabulary.

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Gulliver's Travels In line with the record of general Swift criticism, studies of Gulliver's Travels are exclusively restricted to the twentieth century, and all came out after 1945. More particularly, three essays seem worth mentioning: In an article originally published in 1949 ('Podroze Gulliwera', in Szkota klasykow [School of the Classics], Warszawa 1955), Jan Kott, the most prominent representative of early Socialist Realism in Poland, literary critic, essayist, and translator of Gulliver's Travels, among other works, combines his Marxist approach with two more traditional aspects in Swift's masterpiece: — Gulliver's Travels as a pamphlet on basic accumulation — Gulliver's Travels as a voyage illustrating philosophical concepts — Gulliver's Travels as a book on the noble savage and the bourgeois. The first section mirrors Soviet-Russian influence, inasmuch as Kott summarizes facts from Swift's life that seem to have been taken entirely from studies by the Soviet Swift critic M. Zabludovskii. Like his SovietRussian colleague, Kott presents Swift as an anti-capitalist author, who might be of use to the new Polish regime, emphasizing: 'Gulliver's Travels is a unique work of art, which touches upon philosophy, economics, and physics and subordinates them to a political aim.' Quoting from Marx and Engels, he describes the Travels as an 'aggressive literary work'. Unlike Soviet-Russian Swift critics, however, Kott did not shy away from the boudoir-scene (II, v, 6—7), which was banned in the former Soviet Union, and classified it as 'rationalist hyperrealism'. In the last part of his essay, Kott surveys the role of the noble savage in the evolution of philosophical and social thought throughout the eighteenth century. Again, Marx is one of the 'authorities' quoted, before Kott goes on to compare Friday with the Yahoos in order to 'prove' Swift's view that human beings living under natural circumstances are inferior to animals. According to Kott, the Dean was the first to use the motif of men being worse than brutes, a reminder of'The Beasts' Confession to the Priest'. Concluding that by Gulliver's Travels Swift first of all intended to criticize bourgeois society, Kott seems to endorse positions held by Soviet critics, too. By contrast, Bogdan Suchodolski, in an article of 1967, focuses on the figure of Gulliver. In his view, Gulliver deceives himself by refusing to accept that the worlds described on his first three voyages are ruled by evil. Eventually, however, Gulliver realizes that human beings are wicked because society is bad, and therefore he accepts the 'harmony of evil'. According to Suchodolski, Swift, in promoting this message, exposed nature and civilization and puts himself forward as an enemy of progress (Suchodolski 1967, 29—30). Unlike both Kott and Suchodolski, Juliusz Kydrynski, a representative of Polish literary criticism of the late 1970s, in his postscript to Slomczynski's translation of 1979, surveys Swift's life and works dispassionately if, at times, provocatively. In his biographical sketch, Kydrynski, for example, declares Swift to be the illegitimate son of Sir William Temple, and his later appointment as Dean of St Patrick's as England's attempt to get rid of him. In addition to celebrating Swift as one of the founding fathers of'black humour', Kydrynski stresses the timelessness of Gulliver's Travels, arguing that each time and each reader is likely to find something new in it. This reader-response

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approach is as unique in Polish Gulliver criticism between 1945 and 1989 as the idea that the Travels is a fantastic fairy-tale that anticipates 'surrealist techniques'.

Ill Creative reception As in Russia, works of creative reception, works, that is, which continue Gulliver's adventures or focus on other aspects of his travels, are also plentiful in Poland. Research on this part of the Dean's reception, on, say, his 'impact' on late eighteenth-century authors like Ignacy Krasicki (Mikotaja Doswiadczyriskiego przypadki [Mikolaj Doswiadczyfi Skiego's Adventures, 1776] and Historia na dwie czesci podzielone [History Divided into Two Parts] [1779]; see Sinko 1961, 60-68, and Helsztynski 1927, 143) or Michal Krajewski, who is known to have read Swift and, in his novel Wojdech Zdarzynski zyde i przypadki swoje opisujacy (Wojciech Zdarzynski's Life and Adventures Described by Himself [1785]), adapted more from him than Krasicki,is still at the beginning. However, Swift also reverberates throughout twentiethcentury Polish literature, most remarkably throughout the writings of Stanislaw Lem, who, with his protagonist Ijon Tichy, created a modern Gulliver, who no longer voyages to remote countries of the world but into borderless space. Another example of creative reception is Jerzy Broszkiewicz's two-act play Dwie przygody Lemuela Gulliwera (Two Adventures of Lemuel Gulliver), in J. Broszkiewicz, Szesc sztuk scenicznych (Six Dramatic Plays), Krakow 1962, pp. 195—222, which was also translated into German (Kosok, 2002, 98), not to forget Ernest Bryll's poems 'Guliver' and 'Do Jonatana Swifta'. Written in 1961 and performed in Warsaw in 1963, Broszkiewicz's play is an 'experiment' on appearance and reality. Although we expect four characters to act on the stage — a lecturer, Gulliver, Hulgo, and Glum — we witness a postmodernist one-man play, in which the lecturer impersonates all. In the first act, the lecturer becomes Gulliver in Lilliput, in the second, he is Gulliver in Brobdingnag. This change of roles notwithstanding, the two acts are connected by a significant parallel. Whereas in Act One, Gulliver carries a cage with the Lilliputian Hulgo in it whom he wants to take to England, in Act Two, Gulliver appears inside the cage, carried by the Brobdingnagian Glum. Consequently, Hulgo's desperate situation of Act One is experienced by Gulliver in Act Two, with identical themes, such as Gulliver as peace-loving human and Gulliver as a godlike creature, being discussed from different points of view. Broszkiewicz's play is not only a remarkable supplement to Gulliver's Travels', it is also a reflection on different approaches to literature and its functions. This becomes clear at the very beginning, with the lecturer's defining of the reader's role: It is quite difficult to find out the true content of a document [like Gulliver's Travels]. It is not sufficient to take it in one's hand and read it. To understand it, we must imagine ourselves into the time in •which the document was written. That is not an easy method and often an unsuccessful one, too. Technical aids we have at hand are often insufficient.

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Moreover, we are handicapped by our personal background. What is to be done if a document has been damaged or partly destroyed? What is to be done if it has been withheld, burnt, or torn? What is to be done if the author himself has consigned it to oblivion? What would be left of it? Hints, oral traditions, rumours, gossip, and insinuations, which obliterate the truth . . . ? We have to uncover that truth, layer by layer, and put it together again, bit by bit.y In the Second Act, the lecturer, in his role as Gulliver-author among the Brobdingnagians, maintains that literature has nothing in common with real life and, thus, sets himself in opposition to the Polish cultural scene of the early 1960s: 'Reading this report could mislead to the impression that you have evil intentions. You might be suspected of maliciousness and cruelty. But what would that have to do with truth, with reality, with true and beautiful life? Nothing. Am I right, worthy Sir? That's literature!'10 Freeing itself from socialist-realist principles, Broszkiewicz's play is 'literature' as well as a discourse about readers' roles. Broszkiewicz does not show himself eager to reproduce 'reality'. Rather, he supplements Swift's masterpiece to adumbrate truths behind it. These truths are not easy to comprehend, but the idea that literature has nothing to do with reality because it creates a reality of its own suggests that Broszkiewicz intended to leave the well-trodden paths of Socialist Realism.

IV Outlook A great deal of research still remains to be done on Swift in Poland. For one thing, the translation history of the late eighteenth and the nineteenth century is incomplete; more particularly, it is unknown whether other works by Swift, such as his early masterpieces, his political and religious pamphlets and poems as well as the Journal to Stella, were translated and published in journals like, say, Monitor (1780—90) or Wiadomosci brukowe (Trash News, beginning of the nineteenth century), which were modelled on Addison's and Steele's essays. For another, further research on the Dean's critical reception from the late eighteenth to the twentieth century is needed. To this purpose, literary

9 'Historyk z najwyzszym trudem odczytuje ich tresc. Nie wystarczy bowiem ujac dokument w rece. Aby go odczytac, wpierw trzeba znalezc sie w epoce, w ktorej powstal. Jest to zas wysilek wielki i nieraz daremny. Srodki techniczne zawodza. Poruszamy sie obarczeni ciezarem wlasnych biografii. A coz dopiero sie dzieje, gdy dokument po prostu zniszczal lub zostal zniszczony. Gdy go ukryto, spalono, podarto lub gdy, co gorsza, sam autor wdeptal go w niepamiec. Coz wtedy pozostaje? Niewyrazne slady. Tradycje ustne. Plotki, obmowy i insynuacje, spod ktorych trzeba wygrzebywac okruch po okruchu, skladac je, lepic . . . ' (Broszkiewicz, Dwie przygody, p. 197). 10 'Czytajacy o naszej przygodzie czwlowiek moglby posadzic czcigodnego pana o niedobre intencje, okrutng przemoc lub ohydn^ w swej zlosliwosci wole. A coz by to mialo wspolnego z prawda, z rzeczywistoscia, z zywim i dobrym zyciem? Prawda, ze nic, czcigodny panic? Oto literatura!' (Broszkiewicz, Dwie przygody, p. 213).

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histories, encyclopedias, and other reference works supplying information about Swift in Poland have to be tapped; sources like Encyklopedia powszechna (The Universal Encyclopaedia), ed. S. Olgelbranda, Wilno 1882, the Wielka encyklopedia powszechna ilustrowana (The Universal Illustrated Encyclopaedia), ed. Piotr Chmielowski (Warszawa 1902), the Encyklopedia ilustrowana (The Illustrated Encyclopaedia), ed. Trzaske, Evert, Michalski in 1927, and the Encyklopedia powszechna Ultima Thule (The Universal Encyclopaedia Ultima Thule) (1936), which are available in Poland only. Finally, as regards the Dean's creative vestiges in Polish literature, we know next to nothing, even though Stanislaw Lem, the most famous Polish science-fiction author, has confessed to having been influenced by Swift, especially in his Dzienniki gwiazdowe (The Star Diaries). What we do know at present is that Swift in Poland is Gulliver. Ernest Bryll's poem 'Do Jonatana Swifta' ('To Jonathan Swift') is a testimony to this: Do ciebie zwracam sie dziekanie Ja — jeden z karlow Liliputu Wiem, jesli czlowiek przymnie stanie Nie siegne przyszwy jego butow

I turn to you, my Dean As one of those Lilliputian dwarfs I know that if a man stands beside me I am unable to reach the leather of his boots

Wiem, jak jest smieszne podgladanie Z tej wysokosci, jatek naszych: — dowki pospiesznie poscinane Speczniale niby ziarnka kaszy Po mysich dziurach piski, spiski Zalosne antyszambrowanie Wielkie zeglugi na dnie miski . . .

I know how ridiculous the sight Of our bloodbath must be from your height — The quickly cut off little heads Swell up like gruel of grain At mouse-holes, squeaking, conspiracies, and Pitiful lobbying A great journey on the ground of a bowl . . .

To wszystko prawda mqj dziekanie

That's all true, my Dean

O, obiektywny az do kosci Tys, skrobiac slowa swe z rozwaga Stworzyl czlowieczej wynioslosci Olbrzymow kraju Brobdingnagu

Ah, being impartial to the bones, You created, carefully writing, For human hubris, The Giants from Brobdingnag

I ludzkosc nagle tak skarlala Pod wielkiej piesci chmura ciemna Jej madrosc cala, honor, chwala Krzykiem Jahusa w noc jesienna Wsrod ludu meznych Liliputow Wielkie stad bylo swietowanie Ze 'nikt nie wyzszy przyszwy butow' Dziekuje za to moj dziekanie

And mankind began to lose, Under the dark storm of a great fist, Its whole wisdom, honour, and fame With the Yahoo's cry in a night of spring, Amongst the brave Lilliputian people Began the great feast that nobody Should be higher than the leather of the boots Thank you for that, my Dean

Co bedzie dalej — Przenikliwy Ktorego madrosc zachwyt budzi Wsrod karlow, ludzi i nadludzi? ... Czy mozna odkryc lad szczesliwy? Czy mozna skonczyc wedrowanie Po cierpkim, chwiejnym oceanic? . . . Wytlumacz mnie nedznemu, powiedz

What will be — a sharp-witted man, Whose wisdom will arouse delight Amongst dwarfs, human beings and supermen? . . . Is it possible to install a perfect order? Is it possible to end one's wanderings On the bitter, pitching ocean? . . .

No Swift beyond Gulliver: Notes on the Polish Reception Skadze pod niebern twojej ironii Dqjrzala sucha niby owies Insula przepoczciwych koni Skad po satyrach to bajanie? Pytam sie pieknie, mqj dziekanie Pytam sie ciebie, pytam siebie Tej wiedzy, ze nic wiecej ni ma Ze starczy zmienic perspektywe A to co dla nas krwawe, zywe Co wielkim z wielkich — tak maleje Jak smieszne prawdy i nadzieje . . . Nie bedzie wyspy gniadych, siwych Szpakow, bulanych, sprawiedliwych Zadne nie stworzy je pisanie To chyba prawda, mqj dziekanie A jednak skonczyc tak nie moge Choc to jest glupie, slucham, czekam Moze przez wode, kamien, ogien Dobiegnie do nas skads z daleka Houyhnhnmow rzenie blogie O jakze piekne to spiewanie! Ja, biedak z kraju Liliputow Co jesli przy czlowieku stanie Nie siegnie przyszwy jego butow Jestem ci rowny, mqj dziekanie Naiwne laczy nas czekanie.

169

Explain it to me, pitiful creature, tell me, How is it that under the heavens of your irony Emerged the island of the noble horses As dry as oats How is it that we have these fairy tales in satires? I ask you, my Dean I ask you, I ask myself, Why none of us bears This knowledge, that he does not own anything, That it is sufficient to change one's point of view, And that which for us is bloody, alive, The greatest from the great — becomes as small As ridiculous as truth and hope . . . The island of the bay horses, the grey horses, The greys, the duns, and the just will not exist Your writings do not create Truth, my Dean But I cannot finish it that way, Even if it sounds silly, I will listen, I will wait Maybe it comes to us over the waters, through rocks and fire from far: The blissful whinnying of the Houyhnhnms Oh, how beautiful this song is! I, a have-not from the Land of the Lilliputians, Who, standing beside a human being, Am unable to reach the leather of his boots, I am equal to you, my Dean. We, naive, are linked in waiting.

8

From Russian 'Sviftovedenie9 to the Soviet School of Swift Criticism: The Dean's Fate in Russia Michael During

A survey of Swift's critical reception, translation history, and creative reception in Russia from its beginnings in the 1750s up to the present day, however fragmentary, is somewhat risky. Nevertheless, it is a task that was carried out for the purposes of the Reception of British and Irish Authors in Europe project to show the increasing interest in the Dean of St Patrick's and his work in Russia over nearly 250 years.1

I Critical reception Swift's critical reception in Russia may be structured as follows: from the beginnings to 1864/65; from 1864/65, the years of Swift's rediscovery as a satirical author, to 1917; from 1917 to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990 (the 'Soviet Swift'). Critical reception to 1864/65 V. S. Murav'ev, one of the leading Soviet Swift critics of the 1960s and 1970s, refers to a basic problem of the Dean's reception in eighteenth-century Russia:2 1

2

All information is based upon my thesis for the habilitation, Swift in Russia. Greifswald, 2001. All information on the Dean's early Russian reception is based on Yuriy D. Levin, 'Rannee vospriyatie Dzhonatana Svifta v Rossii' (The Early Reception of Jonathan Swift's Works in Russia), in: M. P. Alekseev and others, eds, Vzaimosvyazi russkoy i zambezhnykh literatury (Interrelations between Russian and Foreign Literature), Leningrad 1983, pp. 12-44; for more information see also Yurii D. Levin, Istoriya russkoy perevodnoi chudozhestvennoi literatury. Drevnyaya Rus'. XVIII vek (The History of Belletrist Literature in Russian Translation. Old Russia. 18th Century), vol. 1, Proza (Prose), St Petersburg, 1995, pp. 94-279.

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During Swift's life . . . his works could by no means be perceived in Russia: The nation, abruptly re-organized by Peter I in accordance with European manners, from Western Europe adopted 'army, fleet, science, and law' (Pushkin), but also manners of living and taste. However, this reorganization did not reach literature. (Murav'ev 1973, 127) For two reasons, Jurii D. Levin, in his study on Swift's early reception in Russia (see Levin 1983), does not endorse Murav'ev's arguments. First, according to Levin, Swift as an author of political pamphlets had Russian readers already during his lifetime; second, the Dean's most important works, A Tale of a Tub and Gulliver's Travels, were read in Russia either in the original or in French translations. English editions of A Tale of a Tub were part of Yakov Vilimovich Brjus's (1670—1735)3 library, for example, as well as of loann Friednch (Andrei Ivanovich) Osterman's (1688—1747)4 collection, which also contained a French edition of Gulliver's Travels* Moreover, French versions of A Tale of a Tub were available in the collections of A. D. Volynskii (1689—1740), cabinet minister of Tsarina Anna loannovna (1693—1740), loann Ejchler,6 minister of state, and A. F. Khrushchev (1691—1740),7 so that French transmission played an important role in the Dean's Russian reception

3

4

5

6

7

See Levin, Rannee vospriyatie', pp. 14—15; see also S. P. Luppov/B. B. Piotrovskiy, eds, Russkie biblioteki i ikh chitatel'. Iz istorii russkoi kul'tury epokhi feodalizma (Russian Libraries and their Readers. From the Cultural History of Feudal Times), Leningrad 1983; in it, see: E. A. Savel'eva, Biblioteka Ya. V. Bryusa v sobranii BAN SSSR (Ya. V. Bryus's Library in the Collection of the Academy of Sciences Library), pp. 123-34. Bryus, Newtonist, encyclopedist, and translator of the first English book into Russian which was printed in the 'grazhdanskiy shrift', introduced by Peter I, owned a library which included 1,500 volumes. 608 of them were German, but there were also quite a number of English ones including, besides A Tale of a Tub, Don Quixote and the Fables of Aesop (London 1714). For information about Osterman, see Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, p. 15; see also S. P. Luppov, Kniga v Rossii v poslepetrovskoe vremya (1725-1740) (Books in Russia after Peter I [1725-1740]}, Leningrad 1976, p. 193. See Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, p. 15; see also S. P. Luppov, Kniga v Rossii v pervoy chetverti XVIII veka (Books in Russia in the first Quarter of the 18th Century), Leningrad 1973, p. 25; see Luppov, Kniga v Rossii v poslepetrovskoe vremya, p. 193. Ejchler was buyer of books in the bookstore of the Academy of Sciences. His personal library included 318 bibliographical items, more than half of them were in French. 25.2 per cent was belletrist literature, 5.3 per cent philology. No 55 of the library catalogue lists: Shviftova basnya o bochke na frantsuskom [sic] yazyke [Sr. angl. Swift, J. The Tale of a Tub. London 1704] (see M. I. Fundaminskiy, Biblioteka kabinet-sekretarya I. Ejchlera (Cabinet Minister I. Ejchler's Library), in: S. P. Luppov, ed., Knizhnoe delo v Rossii v XVI—XIX vekakh (Book Trade in Russia. 16th-19th centuries), Leningrad 1980, p. 50. See Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, pp. 15—16n4; all these persons - politicians associated Swift with political pamphlets; see V. Yu. Poresh, Biblioteka A. F. Khrushcheva (Sobranie preimushchestvenno frantsuzskikh knig) (A. F. Khrushchev's Library [A Collection of French Books]), in: A. A. Sidorov, ed., Kniga v Rossii do serediny XIX veka (Books in Russia until the First Half of the 19th Century), Leningrad 1978, pp. 260-67, here pp. 263-65. Khrushchev, who

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at that time.8 Another case in point is I. D. Shumakher who, on a journey to Western Europe in 1721, purchased 541 books (341 titles) and imported them into Russia. Among these were Defoe's Robinson Crusoe (3 vols, Amsterdam 1721), Justus van EfFen's translation of Swift's A Tale of a Tub (Le Conte du tonneau, 2 vols, La Haye, 1721) (see Teerink-Scouten 263) and Gulliver's Travels, even though without any information about the place and time of publication (see Khoteev 1986, 45-49). Between 1731 and 1761, more than 3,000 French titles were sold in Russia. Most of these were works of belles-lettres, and besides French literature of the Enlightenment one comes across works of English authors including Swift in translation.9 The sale catalogue of the Moscow Academy bookshop for the years 1749-176010 lists two editions of Swift: A Tale of a Tub and Gulliver's Travels, '666. Swift, Jonathan. Le Conte du tonneau . . . — Le Haye, Scheurleer, 1732. 2 vol. 12 ' and '667. Voyage du Capitaine Lemuel Gulliver en divers pays eloignez. — La Haye. Vander Poel, 1730. 3 vol. 12 ' (TeerinkScouten 264, 374; see also Kopanev 1986, 166—67), being rather expensively priced at 1.50 and 2.65 roubles, respectively. Further data about the Moscow book trade in the middle of the eighteenth century suggest that Swift was not well known in Russia at that time. This assumption is underlined by the fact that, in sociological studies of the developing book trade in Moscow und St Petersburg after 1750, the Dean's name is missing.11 That does not mean, however, that individual works by Swift could not have been purchased by other means, either by avoiding official trade routes or on private journeys (see Levin 1983, 17). Beyond that,

8

9

10

11

bought his books in Western Europe, besides works of Swift, owned works by Thomas Moras, Erasmus von Rotterdam, Thomas Hobbes, Pierre Gassendi, Spinoza as well as John Locke, all in French. P. I. Khoteev hints at the fact (see P. I. Khoteev, Frantsuzskaya kniga v biblioteke Peterburgskoi akademii nauk [1714—1742gg] [French Books in the Library of the Academy of Sciences St Petersburg [1714—1742]], in: S. P. Luppov, ed., Frantsuzskaya kniga v Rossii v XVIII v. Ocherki istorii (French Books in Russia in the 18th Century. Articles from History), Leningrad 1986, p. 42), that already towards the end of the reign of Peter I, belletrist literature was purchased for the library of the Academy of Sciences in St Petersburg. See N. A. Kopanev, Frantsuzskaya kniga i russkaya kul'tura v seredine XVIII veka (Iz istorii mezhdunarodnoy knigotorgovli) (French Books and Russian Culture in the Middle of the 18th Century [From the History of International Book Trade]), Leningrad 1988, pp. 131-32. During that time, the bookstore of the Academy of Sciences in St Petersburg became also the centre of distribution of German books (see P. Choteev, 'Das deutsche Buch in Russland in der ersten Halfte des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts', in: Das achtzehnte Jahrhundert, 19, 1995, p. 106). Between 1749—1753, 98 per cent of all imported books were French (see Kopanev, Frantsuzskaya kniga, p. 135). See, for example, N. A. Kopanev, 'Repertuar frantsuzskoi knigi v peterburgskoi akademicheskoi knizhnoi lavke v seredine XVIII veka' (The Repertoire of French Books in the Bookstore of the Academy of Sciences in St Petersburg in the Middle of the 18th Century), in: S. P. Luppov, ed., Kniga i ee rasprostranenie v Rossii v XVI-XVIH vv. (Books and their Distribution in Russia from the 16th to the 18th Century), Leningrad 1985, pp. 79-91.

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to the Soviet School of Swift Criticism

173

it is impossible to state with any amount of confidence how many readers actually read a single volume, taking into consideration that people would send books to one another (see Kopanev 1986, 139). Thus, in contrast to Western Europe, where Swift was part of the public sphere, in Russia, Gulliver's Travels and A Tale of a Tub were known, if at all, only to a small circle of the educated elite mostly in French translations.12 One of the first representatives of Russian literature to read Swift in his lifetime was Prince Antiokh D. Kantemir (1708-44). Kantemir spent six years (1732—38) in London on a diplomatic mission, but failed to meet Swift, who, at that time, had left England for Ireland. But even Kantemir, who knew English,13 read the Dean's works in French translations. This situation changes with Mikhail V. Lomonosov (1711—65), who purchased and read Gulliver's Travels in a German version14 during his studies in Marburg in 1735. Obviously, Lomonosov was impressed by the book, citing it as an example of stylistic lucidity in his Short Handbook of Eloquence (Kratkoe rukovodstvo k krasnorechiyu, 1748): Inventions can be divided into pure and mixed ones. Pure inventions are narrations and actions which are not to be observed in the world and are made for moralizing. To them belong, from ancient authors, the fables of Aesop, Apuleus' fable of the Golden Donkey, Petronius' Satirikon . . . . New texts are - Argenis by Barclay, Gulliver's Travels and a greater part of Erasmus's Conversations, (see Lomonosov, 1986, 375)

12

See, for example, M. P. Alekseev, 'Angliiskii yazyk v Rossii i russkii yazyk v Anglii' (English Language in Russia and Russian Language in England), in: Uchenye zapiski. Seriya filologicheskikh nauk (Scientific Notes. Philology), vol. 9, Leningrad 1944, pp. 77-137. In this article, Alekseev discusses the reputation of the English language and its dissemination in Russia at that time and comes to the conclusion that the interest in and knowledge of English increases in the second half of the eighteenth century, because government circles became anglophile. Anglophile authors of that time included V. P. Petrov (1736—99) and S. S. Bobrov (c. 1760-1810) (see Alekseev, 'Angliiskii yazyk', pp. 87-89). 13 See Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, pp. 16—17; according to notes of the secretary of the Russian embassy in France, K. F. Gross, Gulliver's Travels and Tale of a Tub were in Kantemir's library (see nos 601 and 604) in the following editions: Le conte de Tonnaux par Swift a la Haye 1732, in 8, 2 vols; Voiage de Gulliver a la Haye. 2 t. 1730 in 8 [as written by Gross]; see Teerink-Scouten 374 (3rd edition of vols I, II, III [1730] under the title Voyages du Capitaine Lemuel Gulliver, En Divers Pays Eloignez); Gross attributed Voyage de Kacklogallinia par Surift, no 93 in the catalogue of Kantemir's library, to Swift. Kantemir's library also included editions of the Tatler and the Spectator (see Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, p. 13nl; p. 16). 14 G. M. Korovin, in Biblioteka Lomonosova, Moscow 1961, lists Lomonosov's library catalogue. Items 71 and 71a are two editions of Gulliver's Travels in German: '71 Swift Jonathan (1667-1745). Des Capitains Lemuel Gulliver Reisen in unterschiedliche entfernte und unbekannte Lander. Erster - [dritter und letzter] Theil . . . Hamburg und Leipzig, Wierings und Hertel, 1727-1728. 12°. 3 Bde. 71-a * To the: Zweyte Auflage. Hamburg und Leipzig, Wierings und Hertel, 1731-1735. 12°. 3 B-de' (see Korovin, Biblioteka, p. 341).

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Lomonosov seems to have been the only eighteenth-century Russian author to read Swift before 1745 v^hose comment has come down to us. The next known to have studied Gulliver's Travels is half a century later, Nikolai M. Karamzin (1766—1826), the famous author of Russian Sentimentalism, historiographer of Tsar Alexander I, and representative of the cosmopolitan and western-orientated Russians at the turn of the century. In an issue of the Moskovskii zhurnal of 1791, a year after his journey to England, Karamzin praises Swift in talking about an English edition of the Dean's works: And in these small works,15 all of them not printed before, we recognize the philosophical spirit and wit of the famous Swift, the most important English satirist. Who owns his collected works, edited by Sheridan, wants to have this book, too, as an addition to the first one. (Quotation according to Levin 1983, 37) Thus Karamzin not only knew about contemporary editions of Swift but was also aware of the Dean's status as the 'most important English satirist'. At the same time, Karamzin seems assured that Russian-educated readers are able to read Swift in the original.16 However, it is safe to assume that these readers were not too numerous, at least up to the 1760s. After that,17 their number increased because of the Russian translations of Swift's works, even though these were mainly based on French and German versions,18 often without indicating the origin and translator of the text. The first Russian version of an apocryphal part of A Tale of a Tub, published in 1759 in Aleksandr P. Sumarokov's (1717—77) journal Trudolyubivaya pchela (no 9, 1759, 571—74, The Industrious Bee) as 'Kratkoe izobrazhenie o estestve, pol'ze i neobkhodimoy potrebnosti voyny i ssor ... lonafana Svifta nazyvaemoy: Skazka o bochke' ('Short Portrayal of the Nature, Usefulness and Necessity of Wars and Quarrels. From the Book by ... Jonathan Swift Called The Tale of a Tub') testifies to this. The fact that this apocryphal part was translated, and from a

15

16

17

18

See Miscellanies in Prose and Verse (see Teerink-Scouten 31), that is: Miscellaneous Pieces in Prose and Verse . . . not Inserted in Mr Sheridan's Edition of the Dean's Works, London 1789; Karamzin refers to one of the early editions of: Th. Sheridan, The Works of the Rev. Jonathan Swift, D.D., Dean of St. Patrick's, Dublin, XIX vols, London (first 1784) (see Teerink-Scouten 119, 129, 130, 131, 132, 138). See I. F. Martynov, 'English Literature and Eighteenth-Century Reviewers', in: Oxford Slavonic Papers, New Series, 4, 1971, p. 41. However, Martynov is of the opinion that Karamzin was reserved about Swift because of the satirical implications of his works (see Martynov, English Literature, p. 33). Up to the 1770s, translations were made by chance and there were only a few (see Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, pp. 24-25). Martynov adds: 'However, in the mideighteenth century there were still relatively few Russian versions of works by English authors' (see Martynov, English Literature, p. 42). See the excerpt from A Tale of a Tub as well as other early translations such as 'Shviftovoy rasmyshleniya o raznykh materiyakh' ('Thoughts on Various Subjects'), made from the French and published in the periodical Sochineniya i perevody, k pol'ze i uveseleniyu sluzhashchiya (Works and Translations, for the Benefit and Entertainment of Servants), 4, 1760, pp. 335-53.

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German version, too,19 shows the predominance of didactic literature at that time (and later).20 In addition, there may be a historical reason for publishing this particular exerpt: the Seven-Years War (1756—63), in which Russia fought with Austria against Prussia. In fact, the pamphlet is given an explicitly satirical function. At the same time, Sumarokov, with this translation, inveighed against Tsarina Elisabeth, the journal Trudolyubivaya pchela belonging to the political opposition. On the other hand, Sumarokov's generic and poetic reflections on 'O chtenii romanov' ('On Reading Novels'), published in Trudolyubivaya pchela in 1759, may have been instrumental in the belated translation of Gulliver's Travels into Russian. In this treatise, Sumarokov denounced the reading of novels as a waste of time, a verdict from which only Don Quixote was spared.21 However, Swift was still far from being well known then. He finally became 'famous' around 1772/73, when Erofey Karzhavin's second-hand translation of Gulliver's Travels, for which he relied on both the Desfontaines and The Hague versions,22 was published by 'Sobranie starayushcheesya o perevode inostrannykh knig' ('Society for the Translation of Foreign Books'), instituted by Catharine II in 1768 (see Semennikov 1913, 6—7). Ironically, this first almost complete version of Gulliver, published at the Printing House of the Academy of Sciences, was 'state-supported'. Simultaneously, the pseudo-Swiftian A Voyage to Cacklogallinia: With a Description of the Religion, Policy, Customs and Manners of that Country. By Captain Samuel Brunt, London 1727 (see Kapitana Samuily Brunta puteshestvie v Kaklogaliniyu Hi v Zemlyu petukhov, a ottuda v Mesyats. Sochineniya g. D. Svifta, slavnogo aglinskogo pisatelya. Per. s 19 Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, pp. 19—20, hints at the apocryphal character of this part, translated by G. K. Kozitskiy from 'Kurzer Entwurf einer Ausschweifung von der Natur, dem Nutzen und der Nothwendigkeit des Kriegs und Zankes', zitiert nach Dr. Jonathan Swifts Mdhrgen Von der Tonne. Nebst iibrigen dazu gehorigen Schriften. Von neuem aus dem Englischen iibersetzt, Hamburg und Leipzig 1758, S. 204—6; see Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, p. 20n34. 20 See Yuriy D. Levin, Vospriyatie angliiskoi literatury v Rossii. Issledovaniya i materialy (The Reception of English Literature in Russia. Studies and Material), Leningrad 1990, p. 44. 21 A. P. Sumarokov, 'O chtenii romanov', in: Trudolyubivaya pchela, 6, 1759, pp. 374-75, here p. 374. 22 See Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, p. 36; see also S. R. Dolgova, Erofey Karzhavin — avtor pervogo russkogo perevoda 'Puteshestviy Gullivera' na russkiy yazyk (opyt biografiy) (Erofey Karzhavin - Author of the First Russian Translation of 'Gulliver's Travels' [Biographical Sketch]), in: Russkaya literatura, 1, 1978, pp. 99102. V. P. Semennikov, Sobranie starayushcheesya o perevode inostrannykh knig, uchrezhdennoe Ekaterinoi II 1768—1783 (Society for the Translation of Foreign Books, Instituted by Catherine II), St Petersburg 1913, p. 42, also hints at Desfontaine's supplement Novyi Gulliver, published in 1791 as Novyi Gulliver, Hi Puteshestvie Zhana Gullivera, syna kapitana Gullivera, perevedennoe s angliiskoi rukopisi na frantsuzskiy yazyk g. abbatom D.F, a iz sego na rossiiskii M.K., ch. 1, M. 1791; see Teerink-Scouten 1238: Le Nouveau Gulliver: ou, Voyage De Jean Gulliver, Fils du Capitaine Gulliver. Traduit d'un Manuscrit Anglois. Par Mr L'Abbe de L.D.F. Tome 1 [II] A Paris (Pierre-Francois Guyot Desfontaines, 1730).

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nemetskogo, (SPb.) 1770; see Levin, 1983, 25; see also Teerink-Scouten 1222) came out. As Nikolai Novikov's second edition of 1788 shows, it seems to have been popular in Russia at that time (see Levin 1983, 25). Both translations were published in the last decades of the eighteenth century, when Russian-educated circles, in the wake of French revolutionary tendencies, began to turn to English literature and culture (see Andreev 1944, 87-88). Translations of further English works by the 'Society' demonstrate this change, during which authors like Fielding, Richardson, Sterne, and Goldsmith were introduced to a Russian readership.23 Swift was likewise made popular through the second, non-revised edition of Gulliver's Travels in Karzhavin's version (1780), published by N. I. Novikov (Levin 1983, 25). In 1785, in Detskoe chtenie dlya serdtsa i razuma (Children's Reading for Heart and Mind), an anecdote from Swift's life was 'dramatized' in Russian,24 in which the Dean and Matthew Prior engage in discussion. Here, Swift appears as a witty and sharp-tongued personality. However, it is noticeable that this anecdote was published in a journal intended for children, although the age had not yet perceived Swift as the author of a children's book. In 1793, a short biography of Swift was published in Russia for the first time, as part of the Slovar' istoricheskii (Historical Encyclopaedia). This was translated from the French Nouveau dictionnaire historique, ou histoire abregee de tous les homtnes qui se sontfait un nom par les genies, les talens, des vertus . . . depuis le commencement du monde jusqu' a nos jours.25 Hence, by the end of the eighteenth century Russian readers were made familiar not only with second-hand versions of Swift's works but also with second-hand biographies. The conservative reign of Paul I (1796-1801), which brought strict censorship with it, did not put a stop to the reception of Swift in Russia, even though it made it more difficult to import his works. Gulliver's Travels was declared to be 'ill-mannered' und 'impertinent' by censorship officials. 23

24

25

See Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, p. 31; above that, we have the anonymous translation of A Proposal for Correcting, Improving, and Ascertaining the English Tongue, In a Letter to the Most Honourable Robert Earl of Oxford and Mortimer, Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain' (1712) as 'Predlozhenie o ispravlenii, rasprostranenii i ustanovlenii Angliiskogo yazyka, v pis'me k Lordu Oksfortu, Velikobritanskomu glavnomu Kaznacheyu' (see Teerink-Scouten 114, 153, 293, 294), published in Opyt trudov Vol'nogo Rossiiskogo sobraniya pri imperatorskom Moskovskom universitete (Experiences of the Works of the Russian Assembly at the Imperial University of Moscow), 1776, ch. 3, pp. 1—34. This is a second-hand translation without any information about the source text and the translator (see Anekdot, in: Detskoe chtenie dlya serdtsa i razuma, ch. IV, no 41, 1785, pp. 31-32). Further anecdotes had been published in a collection of translations under the tide Otrada v skuke, Hi kniga veselya i razmyshleniya (Pleasure and Monotony, or: Book of Fun and Reflections), ch. 1, M. 1788, p. iv, in which, quite astonishingly, we find Swift presented as a philanthrope (see Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, p. 38). See Slovar' istoricheskii, Hi Sokrashchennaya biblioteka, zaklyuchayushchaya v sebe zhitiya i deyaniya: patriarchov, tsarei, imperatorov i korolei ch. 1.14, Moscow, Univ. tip. u B. Okorokova, 1790-98, vol. 11, Moscow 1793, pp. 471-76, translated from L. M. Chaudon's Nouveau dictionnaire historique.

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Thus, at the turn of the century, the Dean's reputation as the author of one of the world's greatest satires was tainted by the image of 'filthy satirist'. The most prominent example of this view is perhaps F. O. Tumanskii, censor to Tsar Paul I, who in referring to Gulliver's Travels I, iii pontificated: In this book [Selected Works of English Authors} there is . . . a peculiar work: A Journey to Lilliput, in which the author tries to ridicule various court customs. For instance, he does so quite caustically on page 305, in which skipping ropes is practised only by high officials. Similarly on page 308 we find an entry that seems to be even more offensive in a book meant for the education of young people. (Repinskii 1875, 465)26 The turn of the century and the first two decades of the nineteenth century are characterized by Swift going out of fashion, although, in 1820, Karzhavin's version of Gulliver's Travels was published again, with the misleading title-page information that the translation was made from the English original.27 In fact, the edition had been tampered with by a censorship official. In general, however, the fact that Swift was being largely neglected at the time does not mean that interest in English literature was waning. Indeed, the last years of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century, especially the years of Aleksandr I's reign, were marked by an Anglomania, which was the result of the French Revolution and Napoleon's War with Russia in 1812 (see Alekseev, 1944, 97—98). For everyday life, this meant that educated circles realized the importance of knowing English, and, to that extent, the third edition of Gulliver's Travels may be understood as the product of a new openness for English literature in general.28 On the other hand, early Romanticism initiated a new understanding of Swift as the author of unusual adventures, Gulliver's Travels being regarded as a type of fairy-tale which was

26

27

28

For the quotation, see G. K. Repinskii, 'Tsensura v Rossii pri imperatore Pavle. 1797-1799', in Russkaya starina, 14, 1875, no 11, p. 465: 'V sey knige nakhoditsya, mezhdu prochim, osoboe sochinenie: Puteshestvie v Liliput, v kotorom pod sim nazvaniem staraetsya raznye pri dvorakh uchrezhdeniya osmeivat', kak naprimer, ves'ma edko, na str. 305-y, chto pryganie na verevkakh proizvoditsya tokmo lyud'mi velikimi, podobnoe na str. 308-y, takovoe vnesenie tem kazhetsya neblagopristoinee, chto kniga siya naznachena dlya obrazovaniya molodykh lyudey'. The collection was published under the title Izbrannye proizvedeniya literatury angliiskikh pisatelei (Selected Works of English Authors) (see dazu Repinskij, 'Tsenzura', p. 465) without any indication of place and time. The title list provides the following information: 'Pereveden iz angliiskogo' ('Translated from the English'). After the paradigm change in translation theory, during Romanticism, translators preferred first-hand translations (see Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, p. 32). For more details, see Alekseev, 'Angliiskii yazyk', pp. 97-109. N. Bestuzhev (1791-1855), Romantic poet, in his letters and diary, notes that this did not stand for a real influence of English literature on Russian (see Alekseev, 'Angliiskii yazyk', p. 104).

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in tune with Romantic tendencies.29 On the whole, however, the paradigm change from Classicism to Sentimentalism and Romanticism seems to have entailed a setback for Swift in Russia, aggravated by the fact that, in England, at the end of the eighteenth century, the Dean was denounced as a misanthrope, an assessment that was not to be communicated during Sentimentalism. As a consequence, at the threshold of Sentimentalism and Romanticism, there is no Russian Swift criticism deserving that name.30 One exception from this rule is, again, Nikolai Karamzin who, in Pis'ma russkogo puteshestvennika (Letters of a Russian Traveller, 1801), describes his experiences during his journey to England: Have you read Gulliver's Travels'? Do you remember that Gulliver travelled to the country of the horses, in which people were held in a state of slavery and the horses, speaking -with our traveller in their manner, could not believe that elsewhere beings similar could serve the weak-minded man. This Swiftian idea seemed strange to me. But, when I came to England, I understood the satirist: he made fun of his fellow countrymen who love their horses to such an extent as to care for them at least as much as they would care for their tender friends.31 Karamzin assumes that the readers of his Letters were well acquainted with the complete Gulliver and remembered Book IV. In addition, he correlates personal experience with his reading experience of the Travels. Karamzin's statement remains the only one of importance at the turn of the century. As a rule, Swift is discussed only marginally in articles which dealt with the history of English literature or the theory of satire and which were published in periodicals such as Vestnik Evropy (European Messenger) (1802) (see Vestnik Evropy, ch. 5, no 19, 1802, p. 179), Patriot (1804) (see 'Izvestiya bibliograficheskie. Angliya' ('Bibliographical News. England'), in: Patriot, 1804, vol. 2, book 3, pp. 381—82), and Moskovskii kur'er (Moscow Courier) (1805) (see Moskovskii kur'er, ch. 2, no 45, 1805, p. 302). Additionally, in the periodical Minerva of 1807, an anecdote from Swift's life in a second-hand translation was published.32 Two years later, in Severnyi Merkurii, (Northern 29

30

31

32

See V. G. Kyukhel'beker, Puteshestvie, Dnevnik, Stat'i, Leningrad 1979, p. 423; see also A. Voeikov, Literaturnoe pribavlenie k Russkomu invalidu, 9/1, 4 January 1833, pp. 2-3. Some of the critical statements on Swift, made by Warburton, Young, and Lord Orrery in eighteenth-century England, had been perceived in Russia not earlier than the late nineteenth and in the twentieth century. See N. M. Karamzin, Pis'ma russkogo puteshestvennika, Moscow 1984, p. 378: 'Vy chitali zabavnoe Gulliverovo puteshestvie; pomnite, chto on zaekhal v tsarstvo loshadei, u kotorykh lyudi byli v rabstve, i kotorye, razgovarivaya po svoemu s nashim puteshestvennikom, nikak ne khoteli verit', chtoby gde-nibud' podobnye im blagorodnie tvari mogli sluzhit' slabodushnemu cheloveku. Eta vydumka Sviftova kazalas' mne strannoyu; no priekhav v Angliyu, ya ponyal satirika: on shutil nad svoimi zemlyakami, kotorye, po strasti k loshadyam, khodyat za nimi po krainei mere kak za nezhnymi druzyami svoimi.' This anecdote had been published for the first time in Choix des Lectures Interessantes; in Russia, it was part of the February item of Minerva (ch. 4, fevral', 1807, pp. 126-27).

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Mercury) excerpts from texts by the Scriblerians were published under the title 'Spor o loshadyakh' (Quarrelling about Horses), translated by V. N. Berkh (1780-1834). Here, it is not the text that is of importance but the footnote comment33 in which Swift is described as the famous eighteenthcentury English author well-known in Russia for his Gulliver's Travels. Nearly the same comment is reiterated, in Severnii Merkurii, in a note to a translation of Swift's maxims 'Chto ya budu delat', kogda sostareyus'/'Resolutions when I come to be old', also translated by V. N. Berkh34: 'From the works of the famous writer Swift, known to us for his Gulliver's Travels' (see Berkh 1809, 130). Likewise, a decade later in the early days of Russian Romanticism V. A. Zhukovskii writes about the Dean exclusively as satirist in his article on Kantemir's satires and the nature of satire in general ('Kriticheskii razbor Kantemirovskikh satir, s predvaritel'nym razsuzhdeniem o satire voobshche' [A Critical Survey of Kantemir's Satires, with Preliminary Thoughts on Satire in General], in Vestnik Evropy, 1810, 49, no 3, pp. 199-214): Satire distinguishes itself from all other literary works both in verse and in prose by its didactic form. Voltaire's Candide, Cervantes's Don Quixote ... , Swift's Gulliver, Butler's Hudibms, and Moliere's Tartuffe, take as their object - like Satire - the mockery of vices and follies. But Candide, Gulliver and Don Quixote are novels, Hudibras is a poem, and Tartuffe a comedy! Satire must be satire and, consequently, must possess a form of its own, belonging to it alone. (Zhukovsky 1810, 206)35

33 V. N. Berkh, 'Spor o loshadyakh. Skriblerusov raport o dele, sovershavshemsya v

Nadvornom sude', in: Severnyi Merkury, 3, 1809, p. 250: 'Skriblerusov (1) raport o dele sovershavshemsya v Nadvornom sude i chitannom pred vsemi sudiyami,... (1) Deyaniya chudnogo Skriblerusa, sostoyashchiya izmnogiya podobnykh otryvok; sochineny tremya znameniteishimi avtorami svoego vremeni: Popom, Sviftom, Arbuntnotom [sic]; oni ne byli nikogda izdany na nashem yazyke. Tsel' sego sochineniya ta, chto v Anglii v zashchitu loshadi est' bol'she zakonov, chem v zashchitu cheloveka. - Siya igra uma, v kotoroi kak ya skazal uchastvoval i Svift, podala emu mysl' napisat' v Guliver [sic] puteshestvie v zemlyu loshadei' ('Works of the strange Scriblerus, which consists of many excerpts of this kind; written by the three most famous authors of the time: Pope, Swift, Arbuthnot; never previously published in Russian. The aim of these works is to prove that, in England, the laws in defence of horses are more numerous than those in defence of man. This witty game, in which, as I have already mentioned Swift too participated, gave him the idea to write Gulliver's fourth journey to the country of the horses'). The source text was 'A Specimen of Scriblerus's Reports. Straddling versus Stiles' (see Levin, Rannee vospriyatie, p. 40). 34 Published May 1809 in St Petersburg; Berkh signed his article with Va-j B-kh; in a note, he underlines that the text is a first-hand translation. 35 'Satira . . . otlichna ot vsekh drugikh proizvedeniakh - i v proze i v stikhakh svoeyu didakticheskoyu formoyu. Vol'terov Candid, Servantov Don Kishot, ..., Sviftov Gulliver, Botlerov Gudibras, Mol'erov Tartyuf, imeyut predmetom — kak i Satira, osmeyanie porokov i glupostei; no Kandid, Gulliver i Don Kishot romany, Gudibras poema, Tartyuf komediya. Satira dolzhna byt' satiroyu, sledovatel'no dolzhna imet' sobstvennoyu, ei odnoi prinadlezhashchuyu formu.'

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Zhukovskii's statement again illustrates that in early nineteenth-century Russia, Swift was known, first, as a satirist and, secondly, as the author of Gulliver's Travels, even though further works had been translated at the end of the eighteenth century. The complexity of the work, however, was recognized only by a small circle of readers. As a result, throughout Russian Romanticism, Swift was considered to be the author of only a single work, a more or less fantastic novel with satirical implications. Not until the midnineteenth century did Swift become of real interest to 'literary critics', such as V. G. Belinsky, who, in an article on Gogol' of 1843, in the early days of the 'naturalist school', writes: This is why we have solid historical basis to believe that, for example, with regard to the epos Dante and Ariosto mean more than Gogol' and that not only Cervantes, Walter Scott, and Cooper, but also Swift, Sterne, Voltaire (philosophical novels and tales), and Rousseau ('La Nouvelle Heloi'se') are of incomparably higher importance in the history of world literature than Gogol', for all of those contributed to the development of the eposin terms of both content and style. (Belinsky VI, 1953, 421)36 Belinsky was the first of Swift's readers in Russia to touch upon aesthetic aspects of the Dean's work, for instance, in 'Nekotorye cherty iz zhizni doktora Svifta' ('Some Episodes from the Life of Dr Swift'), in Molva [Noise], no 48, 1833, pp. 191-92; no 9, 1833, pp. 194-95 (also in V. G. Belinskii, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii Belinskogo [The Complete Works of Belinskii], vol. 1, St Petersburg 1900, pp. 163—66). Moreover, he was to be the only representative of early Russian criticism eager to kindle interest in one of the most contradictory figures of English literary history. So it was not without reason that subsequent Soviet critics declared him to be the founder of the 'Sviftovedenie' ('Russian Swift scholarship'), even if Belinskii's interest remained confined to Gulliver's Travels. His views, however sketchy and casual, remain outstanding and remarkable even today, since for nearly twenty years after him Swift criticism fell silent. The only exception to the rule is V. Kenevich with his translation of Francis Jeffrey's review of Sir Walter Scott's Works (1814) ('lonatan Svift [Stat'ya Dzheffri, 1816]*', in Biblioteka dlya chteniya [The Reader's Library], no 7, 1858, pp. 1—48), not to mention the few encyclopedia entries and items in literary histories translated from German sources, such as F. Schlosser's Istoriya vosemnadtsatogo stoletiya i devyatnadtsatogo do padeniyafrantsuzskoy imperii (A History of the Eighteenth Century up to the Fall of the French Empire) and Hermann Hettner's Istoriya vseobshchei literatury XVIII veka. T. i. Angliiskaya literatura (1660-1770) (A History of World Literature of the XVIIIth Century, vol. 1: English Literature [1660-1770]).

36 'Vot pochemu my osnovatel'no, a ne naobum, istoricheskii, a ne fantasticheskii

dumaem i ubezhdeny, chto, naprimer, kakoi-nibud' Dante v dele eposa pobol'she znachit Gogol'ya, chto tut imeet svoe znachenie i Ariost i chto ne tol'ko Servantes, Val'ter Skott, Kuper, kak khudozhniki po preimushchestvu, no i Svift, Stern, Vol'ter (filosofskie romany i povesti), Russo ('Novaya Eloiza') imeyut nesravnenno i neizmerimo vysshee znachenie v vsemirno-istoricheskoi literature, chern Gogol, ibo v nikh sovershilos' razvitie eposa i so storony soderzhaniya i iskusstva vrneste.'

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Critical reception between 1864/65 and 1917 P. Preobrazhenskii, a pseudonym for V. S. Kurochkin (1831—75), the eminent editor of the satirical journal Iskra (The Spark), in his 'Etyudy o satirikakh i yumoristakh: Dzhonatan Svift' ('Studies on Satirists and Humorists: Jonathan Swift'), m Iskra, 9, 1865, 133-36; 10, 1865, 150-52; 14, 1865, 198-201, initiated a new era of Swift criticism and, thus, the Dean's (re)discovery in Russia. Kurochkin discussed Swift's life and work in some detail, and some of his concerns appear to have been to refute Thackeray's notorious essay on Swift, as it had been published in Lectures on the English Humorists (1851). At any rate, Kurochkin's argument that Swift's behaviour shows him to be an actor hiding behind a mask seems noteworthy even today: His cynicism towards his fellow beings, all his rude outpours functioned as a mask behind which he concealed his tender compassion for men and his deep sorrow at the worthlessness of the majority of them. (Preobrazhenskii 1865, 151)37 It took another twelve years before the critic A. N. Veselovskii (1838—1906), first representative of comparative literature in Russia, was to write another article on Swift. Drawing on Forster's biography ('Dzhonatan Svift. Ego kharakter i satira' ['Jonathan Swift: His Life and Satire'], in Vestnik Evropy, 1, 1877, no 1, 137—99), Veselovsky informed Russian readers about Swift's relationship to Sir William Temple, about Swift and Stella, Swift and politics, Swift and Grub Street, and about the years of exile in Ireland. Unlike his predecessor Kenevich, Veselovsky forewent any denunciation of the Dean as a misanthrope. Rather, he presented his man as a torn and contradictory character, who, Veselovsky believed, had to be cleared of unjust accusations: Anybody who endeavours to unveil by serious investigation the riddle surrounding this strange character is faced with an astonishing, thick thread of the sharpest contradictions. Only by subtle psychological analysis are we able to discover the almost invisible strings that connect and reconcile these protean contradictions . . . . I n general, however, it is a difficult task to present this elusive and complicated character. To this day, the task -was made more arduous by the fact that in the majority of the biographies on Swift the historical truth was overlooked while tales of a purely anecdotal character were taken at face value. (Veselovskii 1877, 137—38)38

37

'Ves' ego tsinizm v otnosheniyakh s lyud'mi, vse grubye vykhodki - byli rnaskoi, kotoroi on prikryval svoe nezhnoe sochuvstvie k lyudyam, i glubokuyu skorb' ob nichtozhestve bol'shinstva iz nikh.' 38 'Udivitel'naya, sploshnaya tkan' samykh rezkikh protivorechii vstrechaet kazhdogo, kto zakhotel by pristupit' k trudnomu delu razgadki etogo strannogo cheloveka. Tol'ko tonkii psikhologicheskii analiz v sostoyanii razobrat' edva vidimye niti, kotorye svyazyvayut i uravnyayut eti protivorechiya, dostoinye Proteya . . . . Izobrazit' takoi neulovimyi i slozhnyi kharakter - delo voobshche nelegkoe; do sikh por ono eshche zatrudnyalos' tern, chto v bol'shei chasti biografii nashego pisatelya otsutstvovala vovse istoricheskaya kritika, prinimalis' na veru razskazy chisto legendarnogo svoistva.'

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Not to mention V. V. Chuyko (1839—99), who in an essay contributed to a onevolume edition of the Dean's works ('Predislovie' ['Preface'], in V. V. Chuyko, Svift, St Petersburg 1881, pp. 1-11) had renewed prejudices of traditional Swift misanthropy, the next [scholar] to follow Veselovskii's rehabilitating path was V. I. Yakovenko (1859—1915), in a pioneering monograph entitled D. Svift: Ego zhizn' i literaturnaya deyatel'nost' []. Swift. His Life and Literary Work], St Petersburg 1891; recently reprinted in V. I. Yakovenko, Rable, Servantes, Shekspir, Mil'ton, Svift, Biograficheskaya biblioteka F. Pavlenkova [Rabelais, Cervantes, Shakespeare, Milton, Swift, F. Pavlenkov's Biographical Library], St Petersburg 1998, pp. 393—499). Yakovenko's goal was not to proliferate gossip but to establish a Swift criticism in Russia deserving its name: If in England . . . the life of the brilliant satirist, his character, and the inner motives for his work are interpreted in different ways, we are completely ignorant or confine ourselves to some scraps of information and thoughtlessly believe as true any sort of tales about his cold-heartedness, betrayals, etc. (Yakovenko 1891, 5)39 Yakovenko criticized his Russian predecessors, Kenevich, Preobrazhenskii, and Zotov amongst them (Istoriya vsemirnoy Hteratury: V obshchikh ocherkakh, biografiyakh, kharakteristikakh i obraztsakh [A History of World Literature: In General Studies, Biographies, Sketches, and Examples], vol. 4, St PetersburgMoscow 1882, pp. 483—87), and, in contrast to them, succeeded in drawing an altogether more convincing portrait in which the Dean's charity replaced his purported misanthropy: His generally accepted reputation as tight-fisted notwithstanding, Swift actually was engaged in broad charity. He reduced his own expenses to a minimum not to save up and get rich but to have free hands to help where he considered it useful . . . . I n any case, those who knew Swift as a charitable man will hear reports of his 'misanthropy' only with astonishment. (Yakovenko 1891, 104-05)40 Yakovenko's monograph is still one of the highlights of Russian-language Swift criticism, regularly referred to by both Soviet and latter-day Swift criticism, whenever the need for studies lacking ideological indoctrination is felt. Three years later, in 1894, A. N. Veselovskii followed Yakovenko's footsteps by publishing a revised version of his first essay on Swift (Etyudy i kharakteristiki [Studies and Sketches], Moscow 1894, pp. 368-431). Compared with his first attempt of 1877, Veselovsky rewrote the chapters dealing with

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'Esli v Anglii . . . zhizn' genial'nogo satirika, ego kharakter, vnutrennie motivy ego deyatel'nosti poluchayut raznoe tolkovanie i osveshchenie, to my ogranichivaemsya ili polnym nevedeniem, ili koe-kakimi obryvkami i prinimaem s legkoi veroi vsyakie rasskazy o bezserdechnosti, izmene i.t.d.' 'Nesmotrya na obshcheustanovivshuyusya reputatsiyu skupogo cheloveka, Svift zanimalsya, v deystvitel'nosti, shirokoy blagotvoritel'nost'yu . . . . On dovodil do minimuma svoi lichnye raskhody ne dlya togo, chtob kopit' i bogatet', a dlya togo, chtoby imet' razvyazannye ruki i byt' v sostoyanii ponioch tarn, gde on nakhodil nuzhnim . . . . No vo vsyakom sluchae tot, kto znaet Svifta s etoy storony, s udivleniem budet slushat' rozkazni o ego 'chelovekonenavistnichestve'.'

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Swift and Temple as well as with Swift and Stella. Moreover, he seems to have condensed his article on Swift, because it was part of a collection of studies on a number of personalities, including Giordano Bruno (1548—1600), Moliere (1622-73), Voltaire (1694-1778), Diderot (1713-84), Victor Hugo (180285), D. I. Fonvizin (1745-92), A. S. Gnboedov (1795-1829), and N. V. Gogol' (1809—52). A close reading, however, reveals that it was not only the need to condense information that led to changes but also Russian late nineteenth-century censorship.41 Modifications are to be observed in nearly all chapters of the socio-biographical study in so far as Veselovskii also changed those parts that were devoted to Swift as a churchman, Swift and politics, and Swift and Ireland. N. I. Storozhenko (1836—1906) (see his studies Istoriya novoi angliiskoi literatury [A History of Recent English Literature], Moscow 1889, pp. 67-167; 'Svift', in Vsemirnye satiriki i yumoristy v kharakteristikakh i obraztsakh [The World's Satirists and Humourists in Sketches and Examples}, St Petersburg 1900, pp. 402—16; Lektsii zapadno-evropeiskoi literatury [Lectures on Western European Literature], Moscow 1903; Ocherk istorii zapadno-evropeiskoi literatury [Studies on the History of Western European Literature], Moscow 1916, pp. 300—04) was to become the next milestone in Russian Swift criticism, even if his contributions were largely hostile and resuscitated some of the prejudices against the Dean's alleged misanthropy and character (see especially Istoriya novoi angliiskoi literatury [A History of Recent English Literature] and Lektsii Zapadno-evropeiskoi literatury [Lectures on Western European Literature], Moscow 1903). In his Istoriya, for example, Storozhenko comments on Book Four of Gulliver's Travels as follows: The most interesting chapter . . . contains the report Gulliver gave to the Houyhnhnm master about the orders among the European Yahoos. Nowhere else is Swift's satire distinguished by such ruthlessness, nowhere else are Swift's misanthropic attitudes to be seen with such power. (Storozhenko 1889, 149)42 Similarly, in his Lektsii, Storozhenko argues: The picture of the European societies that is drawn by Gulliver in his reports for the Houyhnhnms is even more horrible and cheerless. There can be no doubt that Swift thought about humans in the same way. (Storozhenko 1903, 186)43

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As a result of the first failed attempt to assassinate Alexander II in 1866 and his death at the hands of Narodnaya Volya in 1881, censorship became more and more restrictive; see Handbuch der Geschichte Rufilands, Bd. Ill, 1 - 1856-1945: Von den autokratischen Reformen zum Sowjetstaat, ed. G. SCHRAMM, Stuttgart 1983, pp. 90-97. 'Samyj interesnyj otdel . . . sostavlyaet rasskaz Gullivera svoemu khozyainu . . . o poryadkakh, gospodstvuyushchikh v srede evropeyskikh yagu. Nigde satira Svifta ne otlichaetsya takoyu besposhchadnost'yu, nigde ego satiricheskoe i mizantropicheskoe nastroenie ne vstupaet s takoyu siloyu, kak v etoy skazke.' 'Pri takoy illyuzii kazhetsya eshche bolee uzhasnoy i bezotradnoy kartina evropeyskogo obshchestva, nabrosannaya Gulliverom v ego rasskazakh Guingmu. Net nikakogo somneniya, chto imenno tak dumal o lyudyakh Svift.'

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In contradistinction to these views, in an earlier study published in 1900 ('Svift', in Vsemirnye satiriki i yumoristy v kharakteristikakh i obraztsakh [The World's Satirists and Humourists in Sketches and Examples]), Storozhenko seemed eager to akin himself with Yakovenko: Society made him a misanthrope, but did not manage to extinguish his love for his fellow human beings; hysterically laughing about the shameful social order, with his Houyhnhnms Swift describes an ideal society, provides us with a Utopia in which rich and poor are equal. (Storozhenko 1900, 414— 15)44 On the whole, however, Storozhenko's articles illustrate the interest of Russian literary criticism in the Dean, who at the turn of the century became one of the most famous English writers in Russia, known, first of all, it is true, as the author of Gulliver's Travels, which had been translated and adapted regularly since 1844. Thus, it is no surprise that in a volume entitled Zhenshchina v zhizni velikikh i zamechatel'nykh lyudei (Women in the Lives of Great and Important People), St Petersburg 1900, M. Dubinskii should publish a biographical study of Swift, in which he tried to make juicy details from the Dean's life more widely known, first of all, of course, his relationship to Stella and Vanessa. Written especially for a broad female audience, the article culminates in this tear-jerking sentence: When Swift married Stella in 1716, he was 49 years old. She was 35. When Esther decided to follow him, willing to devote her life to him, she was 18 years old. Thus, Esther Johnson had been waiting 17 years for the joyful minute to call the beloved man her own. (Dubinskii 1900, 194)45 A. Kremlev was the only Russian critic before 1917 to be interested in parallels, both biographical and literary, between Russian authors and Swift (not to mention Ivan Turgenev, who in one of his letters to M. E. SaltykovShchedrin compared his novel Istoriya odnogo goroda [The History of a Town] with Gulliver's Travels'). In an article of 1909, he not only compares Saltykov's works with those of Swift but also draws parallels between their two biographies ('Rable, Svift i Saltykov: Literaturnaya parallel' ['Rabelais, Swift, and Saltykov: A Literary Parallel'], in Mir: Literaturnyi, nauchnyi, obshchestvennopoliticheskii zhurnal [The World: A Literary, Scientific, and Socio-Political Journal], no 1, 1909, 38-47). Both Saltykov and Swift were true to themselves, Kremlev claims, both preferred the same genre, and resorted to similar satirical techniques, such as beating their victims with their own weapons, both took up current problems, observing the world as through a

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'Obshchestvo delalo ego mizantropom, no ne nastol'ko, chtoby potushit' v nem sovershenno ogon' lyubvi k blizhnemu, i, nakhokhotavshis' istericheski nad zhalkim obshchestvennym stroem, Svift v litse svoikh Guigngnmov risuet ideal'noe obshchestvo, daet nam utopiyu, kotoraya ... dolzhna uravnyat' bednogo s bogatym.' 'Kogda Svift zhenilsya na Stelle (v 1716g.), emu bylo 49 let, a ey 35 let. Kogda zhe ona poekhala za nim, reshivshis' posvyatit' emu svoyu zhizn', ey bylo 18 let. Itak, tselykh semnadtsat' let zhdala Esfir Dzhonson schasdivoy minuty, kogda ey mozhno budet nazvat' lyubimogo cheloveka svoim.'

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telescope. By contrast, the most important distinction between Swift and Saltykov was that the Russian wrote (not for publication), whereas Swift's works were factors to be reckoned with in public life. Between 1865 and the Revolution, then, Russian Swift criticism largely consists of surveys of the Dean's life and work. What is conspicuously lacking is a preoccupation with aesthetic and generic questions as well as investigations of his satiric technique. The last pre-revolutionary study came out in 1914 (Istoriya literatury epokhi prosveshcheniya v Anglii i Germanii. Chast'I: Zapiski slushatel'nits [A Literary History of the Enlightenment in England and Germany, Part I. Students' Notes], Moscow 1914, pp. 188-235). It was written by M. N. Rozanov (1858—1936), who steered a middle course, summarizing earlier information on the Dean and on Gulliver's Travels as his most important literary work: Thus, we can conclude that Gulliver's Travels is not a venomous pasquinade on humankind but a satirical denounciation, and indeed the gloomiest and most destructive satire that has ever been written. At the same time, this work is prompted by the most sacred feeling of indignation against the numerous human ills caused by men themselves with their distorted ideas of truth, virtue, and justice. (Rozanov 1914, 232-33)46 Soviet Swift criticism (1917-90) The Soviet era is characterized by an unprecedented (re-)evaluation of Swift's life and work, which was interrupted only during World War Two (1940— 1944) and the years of the 'Zhdanovshchina' (1945-1948), when Andrei Zhdanov was responsible for Soviet cultural politics as People's Commissioner of Education. To be sure, Russian-language Swift criticism is still engrossed with Gulliver's Travels. In contrast to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, an increasing number of studies and articles dealt with the Dean's other works, and in doing so taught aesthetic and generic questions as well as issues of satire. Soviet Swift criticism may be sub-structured as follows: 1. General criticism 2. Gulliver's Travels 3. A Tale of a Tub 4. Pamphlets 5. Poetry 6. The Battle of the Books 7. Journal to Stella. General criticism. The first critic who tried to appropriate Swift for the Soviet Union was V. M. Friche in a turncoat essay contributed to his monograph on 46

'Itak, my dolzhny pridti k vyvodu: 'Puteshesviya Gullivera' ne est' yadovityi paskvil' na chelovechestvo, a satira, presleduyushchaya yavnuyu tsel' oblicheniya, satira, pravda samaya mrachnaya i unichtozhayushchaya, kotoraya kogda-libo byla napisana, no vse-zhe eto proizvedenie, podskazano svyatym chuvstvom negodovaniya protiv toi, oputyvayushchei chelovechestvo massi zol, v kotorykh povinen sam chelovek s ego izvrashchennym predstavleniem ob istine, blage i spravedlivosti.'

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Western European literature in 1922 (Ocherk razvitiya zapadno-evropeiskoi literatury [The Development of Western European Literature: A Sketch], Moscow 1922, pp. 63—67), significantly after Friche had published a note on Swift in 1917 which Marxist ideology had not yet infiltrated ('Svift', in Entsiklopedicheskii slovar' Granat [Granat Encyclopaedic Dictionary], vol. 37, ch. VII [Ryutli-Selevkie], Moscow 1917 [reprinted Tokyo 1981], pp. 473-76). This turn-around seems to have paved the way for a great number of Soviet studies on Swift — almost a hundred altogether. The most important of these early studies is that of 1930 by Anatoly Lunacharsky, People's Commissioner for Education. Lunacharsky not only demanded Swift's 'canonization' as an author of World Literature, but he was also the first to propagate the image of Swift as an atheist ('Dzhonatan Svift i ego Skazka o bochke ['Jonathan Swift and His A Tale of a Tub'], in A. V. Lunacharsky, Sobmnie sochinenii v 8-i tomakh [Collected Works in Eight Volumes], vol. 6, Moscow 1965, pp. 37—47; also in A. V. Lunacharsky, Stat'i o literature [Essays on Literature], Moscow 1958, pp. 535—47]). Predictably, the 'Father of Socialist Realism', Maxim Gorky, was to single out this image. Even more importantly, Gorky posited Swift as an author who had to be translated and published for the new Soviet people, thus prompting Soviet adaptation of the Travels for children, too (see O detskoi literature [On Children's Literature], Moscow 1968, p. 80). During the First Writers' Conference of 1934, he praised the Dean as one of the most prominent anti-bourgeois and atheistic writers (see M. Gorky, Sobranie sochinenii [Collected Works]), vol. 24, Moscow, p. 250). A year earlier, in 1933, Aleksandr Deych and Efim Zozulya had brought out the first Soviet monograph on Swift (Svift, Moscow 1933 [Zhizn' zamechatel'nykh lyudei/The Lives of Important People, vol. 20]). In this, the authors endorsed Marxist aesthetics, contextualizing Swift's life in a way that allowed for its instrumentalization. This re-evaluation went hand in hand with a detailed discussion of numerous works, including, among others, The Battle of the Books, the Discourse of the Contests and Dissensions . . . in Athens and Rome, A Tale of a Tub, The Conduct of the Allies, Journal to Stella, the Irish pamphlets, Gulliver's Travels, 'Cadenus and Vanessa' as well as 'A Modest Proposal', and Directions to Servants. In this way, Deych and Zozulya met Lunacharsky's and Gorky's demands not to limit Swift for Russian readers to Gulliver's Travels. The same year, 1933, saw the official 'canonization' of Swift, albeit only for young readers, in a resolution of the CK VCP (b) of 9 September 1933, concerning the 'Organization of Publishing Houses for Children's Books', and demanding to re-edit 'the best books from the world's children's literature, Gulliver's Travels among them' (see Gorky, Sobranie sochinenii, vol. 27, p. 541). In the wake of this, in 1936, 'orthodox' Soviet Swift critics such as M. D. Zabludovskii began to detect a socialist-realist Swift, after Socialist Realism had been proclaimed the official art doctrine in 1934 ('Satira i realizm Svifta' ['Satire and Swift's Realism'], in F. P. Shiller, sost. Realizm XVIII v. na zapade [18th Century Realism in Western Europe], Moscow 1936, pp. 61—97). Consequently, he was able to introduce a new topic, the Dean's 'ideological development'. According to Zabludovskii, however, Swift cannot justly be called a socialist-realist writer since, even though he recognized the vices and follies of his age, he was incapable of doing anything against them:

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Swift realizes the deficiencies of his society, but he is not able to find out the reasons for the most important contradictions of his age and, what is more, is unable to remove them. This is why he confines himself to moralizing instructions. (Zabludovskn 1936, 91)47 This argument was to become a permanent fixture of subsequent Soviet studies of Swift, reiterated not only by Zabludovskii himself, but also by critics like E. M. Vurgaft, V. V. Veselovskaya, and, during the 1960s, by I. A. Dubashinskii. Vurgaft, for instance, in her Swift's Satiric Poetry (Satiricheskaya poeziya Svifta, Moscow 1948) maintains that Swift's unsuccessful attempts to form a positive ideal of the future — attempts in which he did not actually believe - in that reflecting the inevitable historical limits of his Weltanschauung and his failure to understand the real evolutionary laws of human society. (Vurgaft 1948, 45)48 V. V. Veselovskaya, in an essay on 'Jonathan Swift's Pamphlets of the 1720s' ('Publitsistika Dzh. Svifta 20-kh godov XVIII v', in Uchenye zapiski AGPI im. Abaia [Notes of the Alma-Ata State Institute of Pedagogics]), vol. 13, AlmaAta 1958, pp. 295-309, echoes this view: The study of Swift's pamphlets is of enormous importance for a deeper understanding of the author's creative manner. It allows us to assess more seriously the shaping of his national and revolutionary Weltanschauung, the strengthening of his enlightened realism, the way in a number of instancies his restricted realism was overcome. (Veselovskaya 1958, 295)49 In addition to such 'orthodox' studies, however, the 1930s also saw the publication of Mikhail Levidov's biography Puteshestvie v nekotorye otdalennye strany mysli i chuvstva Dzhonatana Svifta snachala issledovatelya a potom voina v neskol'kikh srazheniyakh (Travels into Some Remote Countries of the Mind and Thought of Jonathan Swift, First Explorer and then Fighter in Several Battles), Moscow 1939 (a second edition came out in 1964, the third in 1986; the chapter dealing with A Tale of a Tub was prepublished in Literaturnyi kritik [The Literary Critic], 6, 1938, 87—106; quotations are from the 1986 edition), which immediately caused a controversy mainly fought in the leading literary journal of the Soviet Union, the Literaturnaya gazeta (Literary Gazette), and elsewhere. Levidov, self-appointed 'outsider' in Soviet 'Sviftovedenie', was severely attacked by critics like Vertsman ('Puteshestviya Dzhonatana Svifta'

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49

'Svift vidit nedostatki svoego obshchestva, no on ne v silakh naiti prichiny osnovnykh protivorechiyakh svoego vremeni, a tern bolee, sredsrva ustranit' eti protivorechiya. Poetomu on ogranichivaetsya moralizatorskimi poucheniyami.' 'Neudachnye popytki sozdat' polozhitel'nyi ideal budushchego — popytki, v kotorye ne osobenno veril i sam Svift, — otrazhayut neizbezhnuyu istoricheskuyu ogranichennost' ego mirovozzreniya, neponimanie im real'nykh zakonov razvitiya chelovecheskogo obshchestva'. 'Izuchenie publitsistiki Svifta chrezvychaino vazhno dlya bolee glubokogo ponimaniya ideino-tvorcheskogo oblika pisatelya: ono pozvolyaet bolee tverdo sudit' o formirovanii u pisatelya narodnykh, revolyutsionnykh chert mirovozreniya, uglublenii ego prosvetitel'skogo realizma i preodolenii v ryade momentov ogranichennosti etogo realizma.'

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['Jonathan Swift's Travels'], in Literaturnoe obozrenie [The Literary Revue], 14, 1939, 3—8), Bobryshev ('Poslednee vozvrashchenie Svifta' ['Swift's Last Return'], in Znamya [The Banner] 2, no 2, 1940, pp. 237-42), Rykachev ('Puteshestviya Dzhonatana Svifta' ['Jonathan Swift's Travels'], in Literaturnaya gazeta [The Literary Gazette], no 37, 1939, 3; see also Rykachev's 'Pis'mo v redaktsiyu' ['A Letter to the Editors'], in Literaturnaya gazeta, no 45, 1939, 6 [answer to a letter by Levidovj), Storitsyn ('Mich. Levidov i ego Svift' ['Mikh. Levidov and His Swift'], in Literaturnyi sovremennik (Literary Contemporary), nos 5-6, 1940, pp. 195-203), and Morozov ('Kniga o Svifte' ['A Book on Swift'], in Literaturnyi kritik [The Literary Critic], nos 11—12, 1940, pp. 262— 66). The reason for this harsh criticism was, ostensibly, that Levidov broke radically with Swift scholarship of both the nineteenth and the first three decades of the twentieth century. In so doing, he first of all extolled the artist's freedom in society: In England the process of emancipation of men from ancient dogmas and authority was felt as a pressing issue; and it was precisely in the England of those times that lived, thought and suffered the freest man of his age, who dreamt of freedom for everybody, but who could not find the seed for sowing the cleared fields: Jonathan Swift. (Levidov 1986, 33)50 Levidov, then, not only bore down upon Soviet cultural discourse in the late 1930s, he also ignored official demands to appropriate Swift for the Soviet Union. Finally, his openly confessed subjectivity and polemical tendency also made him persona non grata in the 1940s and 1950s. Between 1948 and 1956, the last years of Stalinism and the first 'Thaw', Soviet criticism merely produced some newspaper articles on the twohundredth anniversary of the Dean's death in 1945, and two articles by E. M. Vurgaft devoted to Swift's poetry. The first takes up Zabludovskii's 'orthodox' ideas: Attempts to categorize Swift's [poetical] work by bourgeois literary critics like Ball and Williams hardly contribute to the understanding of the author's evolution. They started from a strictly biographical and, in parts, formal-aesthetic approach, ignoring the development of the author's ideological opinions. (Vurgaft 1948, 9)51 Whereas this quotation rejects biographical and formalist approaches on socialist-realist principles, Vurgaft, in her second study, seems to be influenced by the 'Thaw'. On the whole, however, she proved incapable of transferring the spirit of the new era into her philological studies, continuing the 'official line' as established by Lunacharskii and Zabludovskii:

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'Imenno v Anglii naibolee oshchutimo shel protsess osvobozhdeniya cheloveka ot bylykh dogm i avtoritetov, i irnenno v Anglii toi epokhi zhil, myslil i stradal naibolee svobodnyi chelovek svoego vremeni, mechtavshii o svobode diva vsekh, no ne nashedshii semyan dlya zaseva raschishchannogo polya — Dzhonatan Svift.' 'Odnako sushchestvuyushchie v burzhuaznom literaturovedenii popytki periodizatsii tvorchestva Svifta d-ra Bolla, UTyamsa . . . malo sposobstvuyut uyasneniyu etoi evolutsii. Oni iskhodyat tol'ko iz biograficheskikh i, chastichno, formal'nokhudozhestvennykh momentov, ignoriruya razvitie ideinykh vzglyadov pisatelya'.

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Swift's poetical works reflect the protest of the masses disappointed by capitalism. His close relationship to the thoughts and feelings of the people often triumphs over the remaining contradictions and prejudices in his thought. (Vurgaft 1956, 494)52 The years from 1958, the first 'Thaw', until the collapse of the Soviet Union are characterized by a continuing growth of research on Swift. For the Tercentenary of 1967, for instance, no less than sixteen articles and monographs were published dealing with a considerable variety of works, themes and aspects. These are Yu. Kagarlitskii, 'Byl li Svift nauchnym fantastom?' ('Was Swift a Science Fiction Author?'), in Fantastika, vol. 3, Moscow 1965, pp. 209-22 (also in Yu. Kagarlitskii, Chto takoe fantastika? [What is Fantastic Literature?], Moscow 1974, pp. 90-117); I. A. Dubashinskii, 'Kto byl Svift?' ('Who Was Swift?'), in Voprosy Hteratury (Questions of Literature), 9, 1966, 240—42 [review of Milton Voigt, Swift and the Twentieth Century and Ernest Tuveson (ed.), A Collection of Critical Essays on Swift]; I. A. Dubashinskii, 'Rozhdenie Sviftovskoy satiry' ('The Birth of Swift's Satire'), in Nauchnye doklady vysshey shkoly. Filologicheskie nauki (Scientific University Studies, Philology), 3, 1966, pp. 45-60; V. Ya. Bakhmutskii and others, sost., Istoriya zambezhnoi literatury XVIII veka (A History of Foreign Literature of the 18th Century), Moscow 1967, pp. 78-88; I. A. Dubashinskii, 'Gulliver puteshestvuet v vekakh (K 300-letiyu so dnya rozhdeniya Dzh. Svifta)' ('Gulliver Travels Through the Ages [In Honour of the Tercentenary of Jonathan Swift's Birth]'), in Literaturnaya gazeta, 29 November 1967, 15; A. A. Elistratova, 'Pobornik svobody. K 300-letiyu so dnya rozhdenija Dzh. Svifta' ('Fighter For Freedom: In Honour of the Tercentenary of Jonathan Swift's Birth'), in Izvestiya (The News), 30 November 1967, 3; Yu. Kagarlitskii, 'Dzhonatan Svift, 1667—1967' ('Jonathan Swift, 1667-1967), in Sovetskii soyuz (The Soviet Union), 11, 1967, 52; G. Mesyatseva, 'Velikii satirik: K 300-letiyu so dnya rozhdeniya Dzhonatana Svifta' ('A Great Satirist: In Honour of the Tercentenary of Jonathan Swift's Birth'), in Narodnoe obrazovanie (People's Education), 10, 1967, pp. 105—07; M. A. Nersesova, 'Dzhonatan Svift. K trekhsotletiyu so dnya rozhdeniya' ('Jonathan Swift: In Honour of the Tercentenary of his Birth'), Moscow 1967; M. N. Severikova, 'Dzhonatan Svift: K 300-letiyu so dnya rozhdeniya' ('Jonathan Swift: In Honour of the Tercentenary of his Birth'), in Srednee spetsial'noe obrazovanie (Special Education for Middle Schools), 12, 1967, pp. 41—44; D. M. Urnov, 'Polozhenie Gullivera: K 300-letiyu so dnya rozhdeniya Dzh. Svifta' ('Gulliver's Situation: In Honour of the Tercentenary ofj. Swift's Birth), in Yunost' (The Youth), 12, 1967, pp. 70-72; I. I. Chekalov, '"Puteshestviya Gullivera" i fantastiko-satiricheskie zhanry v angliiskoi literature XVIII veka' ('"Gulliver's Travels" and the Satiric-Fantastic Genres in English Literature of the 18th Century'), in Vestnik Leningradskogo Universiteta (The Messenger of Leningrad University), 20, 1968, pp. 104—

52

'V poeticheskom tvorchestve Svifta nakhodit svoe otrazhenie protest razoryaemykh kapitalizmom narodnykh mass. Blizost' k myslyam i chayaniyam naroda vomnogom torzhestvuyut nad neizzhitymi protivorechiyami i predrassudkami ego soznaniya.'

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15; V. Kharitonov, 'Zashchitnik muzhestvennoy svobody (Retsenziya na knigu: V. S. Murav'ev, Dzhonatan Svift)' ('Defender of Brave Freedom [Review of V. S. Murav'ev, Jonathan Swift]'), in Voprosy literatury (Questions of Literature) 12, 1968, 219-21; I. A. Dubashinskii, Pamflety Svifta (Swift's Pamphlets), Riga 1968; V. S. Murav'ev, Dzhonatan Svift, Moscow 1968; E. M. Vurgaft, '"Bitva knig" i formirovanie estetiki Svifta' ('"The Battle of the Books" and the Development of Swift's Aesthetics'), in P. S. Beysov, otv. red., Nauchnye doklady i soobshcheniya literaturovedov povolzh'ya (Scientific Studies and Announcements by the Literary Critics of the Volga Region), Ul'yanovsk 1968, pp. 267—81). Not least in terms of production, the leading critic of that time was I. A. Dubashinskii, who took the orthodox line in no less than nine articles and monographs between 1969 and 1972 (see above and I. A. Dubashinskii, 'Puteshestviya Gullivera' Dzhonatana Svifta [Jonathan Swift's 'Gulliver's Travels'], Moscow 1969; I. A. Dubashinskii, 'Vneshnee i vnutrennee deistvie v romane Dzh. Svifta "Puteshestviya Gullivera'" ['Outer and Inner Action in Jonathan Swift's Novel "Gulliver's Travels'"], in L. M. Tsilevich, sost. Voprosy syuzhetoslozheniya [Questions of Plot], Sbornik statei, vol. 1, Riga 1969, pp. 119-44; I. A. Dubashinskii, 'Zhurnal Iskra otkryvaet i otstaivaet nasledie Svifta' ['The Journal Iskra Discovers and Defends Swift's Heritage'], in Vestnik Moskovskogo Universiteta. Zhurnalistika [The Messenger of the University of Moscow. Journalism], 5, 1969, pp. 83—86); I. A. Dubashinskii, 'Est' li polozhitel'nyi geroii v satiricheskom romane Svifta?' ('Is there a Positive Hero in Swift's Satiric Novel?'), in V. Ya. Bisenisk, otv. red., Kprobleme obrazageroya v zarubezhnoi literature (On the Problem of the Hero's Image in Foreign Literature), Riga 1970, pp. 93—107; I. A. Dubashinskii, 'Zhanr Puteshestviy Gullivera' ('The Genre of Gulliver's Travels'), in Nauchnye doklady vysshey shkoly. Filologicheskie nauki (Scientific University Papers. Philology), 2, 1970, 44-56; I. A. Dubashinskii, Satira Svifta (Swift's Satire), Moscow 1971; I. A. Dubashinskii, Svift, in KLE (The Short Literary Encyclopaedia), vol. 6, Moscow 1971, cols 705-09; Dubashinskii, I. A. 'Syuzhet kak sistema otsenok v poeme Dzh. Svifta "Stikhi na smert' doktora Svifta'" ('The Plot as System of Appreciation in J. Swift's "Verses on the Death of Dr Swift'"), in L.M. Tsilevich, Voprosy syuzhetoslozheniya [Questions of Plot], Sbornik statey, vol. 2, Riga 1972, pp. 153-69). After the tercentenary, as in Western Europe and the United States, the 225th anniversary of Swift's death was also commemorated in the Soviet Union, an event again dominated by Dubashinskii. On the whole, however, in the seventies, Soviet critics were eager to prove the existence of a 'Russian' Swift, trying to trace the continuous history of the Dean's reception in Russia back to the 'founder' of'Sviftovedenie', V. G. Belinskii. The main advocate of this endeavour is V. S. Murav'ev in Puteshestvie s Gulliverom (1699—1970), Moscow 1972. Another characteristic of the criticism of the late 1970s and early 1980s is its growing diversification. In addition to linguistic problems as, for instance, S. Ch. Stytsina's 'Iz opyta izucheniya frazeologicheskogo naslediya D. Svifta' ('The Study of Swift's Phraseological Heritage'), in Sbornik nauchnykh trudov MPIIJA (Collection of Scientific Papers of the Moscow Institute of Pedagogics of Foreign Languages), 67, Moscow 1972, pp. 201—14, and S. Ch. Stytsina's 'K voprosu o stilisticheskom ispol'zovaniy frazeologicheskikh edinits v tselyach satiry i yumora (na materiale proizvedeniy

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D. Svifta)' ('On the Question of Using Phraseological Units for a Satiric and Humorous Goal [Regarding Works by Jonathan Swift]'), in Sbornik nauchnykh trudov MPIIJA (Collection of Scientific Papers of the Moscow Institute of Pedagogy of Foreign Languages), 70, Moscow 1972, pp. 141-68), as well as questions of fantasy literature and science fiction (see A. L. Ivanchenko, 'Otkuda Svift znal o sputnikakh Marsa' ['The Source of Swift's Knowledge about the Moons of Mars'], in Priroda [Nature], 6, 1974, pp. 111-12), authors of comparative studies outlined parallels between Swift and H. G. Wells (see A. E. Lebedev, 'Traditsii Svifta v tvorchestve Gerberta Uellsa' ['Swiftian Traditions in the Works of H. G. Wells'], in Uchenye zapiski Gor'kovskogo Universiteta [Scientific Notes of Gorky University], 160, Gorky 1973, pp. 14057), and Swift and Saltykov-Shchedrin. By contrast, even towards the end of the 1970s, A. S. Bushmin, in 'Shchedrin i Svift', published in Sravnitel'noe izuchenie literatur: Sbornik statey k 80-letiyu akad. M.P. Alekseeva (Comparative Literature: Essays in Honour of M.P. Alekseev on the Occasion of His 80th Birthday), Leningrad 1976, pp. 520—26 (also in A. S. Bushmin, otv. red., Khudozhestvennyi mir Salty kova-Shchedrina [Saltykov-Shchedrin's Artistic World], Moscow 1987, pp. 357—64), renewed stereotypes of Swift that had been part and parcel of early Soviet studies: Shchedrin's socio-political opinions were more progressive than those of his early English predecessor. This, of course, is not his merit but the merit of his age. [Shchedrin] lived in an epoch in which democratic and socialist ideals developed, revealing clearer perspectives and inspiring great confidence in the victory of justice. (Bushmin 1976, 524—25)" With ideological restrictions gradually weakening at the end of the 1980s, A. Elistratova at last made use of the new freedom that came with 'Glasnost" and 'Perestroika' and discussed Gulliver's Travels as a work of art which encourages its readers to create meaning (see A. A. Elistratova, 'Angliiskaya literatura. Svift i drugie satiriki' ['English Literature: Swift and Other Satirists'], in S. V. Turaev, otv. red., Istoriya vsemirnoi literatury [A History of World Literature], vol. 5, Moscow 1988, pp. 38—46). This interpretation replaced Marxist ones and is, as far as I know, the first to resort to a readerresponse approach. Anglo-American and Western European critics sound similar views in their final assessment on Gulliver's Travels and A Tale of a Tub: The main point in Gulliver's Travels and in A Tale of a Tub is the satiric image of the world, which is imbued with bitter, deeply felt irony. That irony is founded upon the author's conviction of the relativity of the greatest part of the political, social, moral, and spiritual values respected by his contemporaries. (Elistratova 1988, 44)54 53

54

'Sotsial'no-politicheskie voz/reniya Shchedrina byli bolee progressivny, nezheli vozhzheniya ego dalekogo angliiskogo predshestvennika. V etorn, konechno, ne stol'ko ego lichnaya zasluga, skol'ko zasluga ego vremeni. [Shchedrin] zhil v epokhu utverzhdeniya idealov demokratii i sotsializma, otkryvavshikh bolee yasnye perspektivy i vselyavshikh bol'shuyu uverennost' v torzhestve spravedlivosti.' 'Glavnoe v 'Puteshestviyakh Gullivera', kak i v 'Skazke Bochke' - eto satiricheskaya kartina mira, proniknutaya gor'koi, gluboko vystradannoi ironiei,

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Gulliver's Travels. The critical reception of Gulliver's Travels is analogous to the development of 'General Criticism'. V. M. Friche, for one, in his article on Swift, published in 1922, interprets Book Four of the Travels as a Utopia, in which the Yahoos represent the bourgeois system and the Houyhnhnms an ideal, socialist society (see Friche 1922, 66—67). In their monograph Svift, Deych and Zozulya continue this early Soviet approach, reading Gulliver as a 'class giant' who is suppressed by the Lilliputians, personifications of bourgeois modes of conduct. Moreover, Deych and Zozulya 'apply' the Travels to Fascist Germany: Is it not so that, up to the present, leaders keep whole nations in chains, class-giants that could easily crush them as Gulliver could have crushed the Lilliputians? Of course, the Lilliputian way of acting, comparable to that of bourgeois and fascist governments, is based upon a distinctive correlation between economic powers — Swift did not know that to the extent that he should have, and therefore came down upon human 'vices' without knowing anything about their origin. (Deych and Zozulya 1933, 130)55 At the same time, however, Deych and Zozulya anticipate Zabludovskii's thesis that Swift was only able to criticize vices and follies, but incapable of doing anything against them. As in general criticism, Mikhail Levidov is one of the most remarkable figures in the criticism of Gulliver's Travels, his most procreative assumption being that Swift and Gulliver are the same person: Gulliver's Travels is a confession. It is not Gulliver who tells us something about his travels, but doctor Swift, who relates the wanderings of a normal man in a crazy world. (Levidov 1986, 242)56 This quotation, once again, illustrates Levidov's outsider position in Soviet Swift criticism and reminds us of the exceptionality of his theses. In contrast to Levidov, A. Artamonov and Z. Grazhdanskaya, in their literary history (see S. D. Artamonov and Z. T. Grazhdanskaya, sost. Istoriya zarubezhnoy Hteratury XVIII veka [A History of Foreign Literature of the 18th Century], Moscow 1956, pp. 44-66 [1960; 1967]) carry on the Marxist approach. For them, Gulliver's Travels is nothing but Swift's preoccupation with the contradictions of a bourgeois-aristocratic society, Gulliver being a positive hero who fulfils the demands of socialist-realist aesthetics:

55

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osnovannoi na ubezhdenii avtora v otnositel'nosti podavlyayushchego bol'shinstva politicheskikh, sotsial'nykh, moral'nykh i dukhovnykh tsennostei, pochitaemykh ego sovremennikami.' 'Razve kuchki praviteley ne derzhat do pory do vremeni v skovannom sostoyanii tselye narody, klassy-velikany, kotorye mogli by ikh legko razdavit' tak zhe, kak Gulliver Liliputov? Konechno, liliputskie deistviya burzhuaznykh i fashistskikh pravitel'stv osnovany na opredelennom sootnoshenii ekonomicheskikh sil — Svift ne znal etogo v toi mere, v kakoi eto nuzhno bylo znat', i poetomu on tak obrushivalsya na chelovecheskie 'poroki', ne znaya ikh proiskhozhdeniya.' 'Kniga stanovitsya ispoved'yu. Ne khirurg Lemyuel Gulliver, a doktor Svift rasskazyvaet o svoikh puteshestviyakh: skitaniyakh normal'nogo cheloveka v nenormarnom mire.'

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With Gulliver, Swift solves the problem of the positive hero, and he solves it quite successfully. He is eager to show the reader how a real person should be that is incapable of sinking as low as the Yahoos. However, Gulliver is not an ideal. Rather, he is accustomed to human emotions, he does not pretend either to generosity alone or to fearlessness. The whole account of himself carries the stamp of modesty: he openly professes his weaknesses, his faults, and passes over his merits in silence. (Artamonov and Grazhdanskaya 1956, 63)"17 In 1965, ostensibly as part of the general debate on science fiction ('nauchnaya fantastika'), Yu. Kagarlitskii became the first Soviet Swiftian to interpret Swift as a science-fiction author. His conclusion reads: It is true that Swift was limited by his age. But he was not alone. The only thing we can do is to reconcile ourselves to the fact that Swift is a science fiction author. A great one. And we can still learn from him. (Kagarlitskii 1965, 222)58 V. S. Murav'ev's monograph Dzhonatan Svift {Jonathan Swift), Moscow 1968, offers the most comprehensive Russian-language criticism of Gulliver's Travels to date. In it, he not only deals with the mysterious circumstances of its publication and discusses its function as a parody of Robinson Crusoe, but also highlights his thesis of Swift acting behind the mask of Gulliver: Swift leads his attack, masked as a friend and colleague [of Gulliver]. Thus, at the beginning, Gulliver is a typical contemporary traveller with all his knowledge and prejudices. However, trusting Gulliver, who rejoices in his minute accuracy and dives into an incomprehensible world that unfolds in front of him, the reader follows Swift [sid] and, at the end of the book, together with Gulliver, recognizes himself in the most abominable creatures that have ever been discovered by a traveller. (Murav'ev 1968, 211)59 As astonishing as it is unique in Soviet Criticism is Murav'ev's interpretation of Book II, i, 11 (Gulliver viewing the breast of the Brobdingnagian nurse), which he reads as Swift's means of reminding us of our own bodies and, 57

58

59

'Na etom obraze Svift v sushchnosti reshaet problemu polozhitel'nogo geroya, i reshaet ee dostatotchno udachno. On stremitsya pokazat' chitatel'yu, kakim dolzhen byt' nastoyashchii chelovek, ne mogushchii opustit'sya do urovnya iekhu. Gulliver niskol'ko ne idealizirovan. Emu znakomy vse chelovecheskie chuvstva, on ne pretenduet ni na isklyuchitel'noe blagorodstve, ni na isklyuchitel'noe besstrashie. Vse eto povestvovanie o sebe nosit otpechatok skromnosti: on otkryto govorit o svoikh slabostyakh i oshibkakh i umalchivaet o svoikh doistoinstvakh.' 'Pravda, Svift ogranichen svoim vremenem. No ne on odin. I nam ostaetsya lish' soglasit'sya s tern, chto Svift byl nauchnym fantastom. Velikolepnym. Dostoinym togo, chtoby u nego pouchit'sya.' 'Svift vedet napadenie, maskiruyas' pod druga i soyuznika [Gullivera]. Gulliver ponachale - obychnyi sovremennyi puteshestvennik, so vsemi ego ponyatiyami i predrassudkami. I, doveryayas' Gulliveru, raduyas' ego protokol'nyi tochnosti, vzhivayas' v otkrytyi im neveroyatnyi mir, chitatel' idet vsled za Sviftom i v kontse knigi vmeste s Gulliverom uznaet sebya v sarnom omerzitel'nom iz otkrytykh puteshestvennikom sushchestv.'

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more importantly, as a means of arguing against contemporary aesthetic standards: Swift simply reminds his readers that, being proud of their human shape, they must not forget about their own bodies, which are not naturally beautiful and well proportioned. (Murav'ev 1968, 220)60 In the final analysis, Murav'ev reads the Travels as a 'comedy about the detection of truth' (see Murav'ev 1968, 283—84), a view which was also put forward at the same time by the 'soft' school in Anglo-American criticism. Dubashinskii's studies of Gulliver's Travels, written at the turn of the 1960s/ 1970s, provide further examples of 'orthodox' socialist-realist criticism. In many of these, he simply reiterates the views expressed in articles and monographs before. A glimpse at the interpretation of Book Four may suffice: The Yahoo's greed for coloured stone is a kind of criticism of English mercantilism and of human mentality. Moreover, the Yahoos are a people without any prospects. (Dubashinskii 1969a, 66)61 In contrast to Dubashinskii's studies, A. Deych's detailed chapter on Gulliver's Travels contributed to his monograph Dykhanie vremeni (The Breath of Time), Moscow 1974, pp. 31—144, is a highlight of late Soviet Gulliver criticism. It offers a survey to translations and the history of transmission and openly disregards Marxist doctrine by endorsing Ehrenpreis, Johnston, Ross, and Quintana. Deych even ignores Soviet criticism of Swift, Lunacharskii excepted. In 1980, E. Kryuchnikov took up Yu. Kagarlitskii's interpretation of Book Three as science fiction in his note 'Otkuda vzyalas' Laputa?' ('Where is Laputa from?'), in Technika-molodezhi (Technology for Young People), 8, 1980, pp. 46—48. Kryuchnikov considers why Swift opted for the motif of the flying island, how he could have predicted the existence of the two moons of Mars, and how he was able to devise the mechanisms that make Laputa fly. Quoting passages from Book III, Kryuchnikov sums up: As far as I am concerned, the description [of Laputa] might be part of contemporary science fiction novels, in which tales about flying saucers disturb the popular mind, and science fiction authors that are able to use these motifs 'construct' extraterrestrial ships with astonishing unanimity . . . . But Swift wrote 250 years ago! (Kryuchnikov 1980, 47)62

60

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62

'Svift prosto napominaet chitatel'yu, chto, gordyas' svoim chelovecheskim oblikom, ne nuzhno zabyvat' o ego telesnosti, kotoraya neobyazatel'no izyashchna i blagopristoina.' 'Zhadnost' ekhu raznotsvetnymi kamnyami yavlyaetsya kritikoi angliiskogo merkantilizma i chelovecheskogo myshleniya. Krome togo, ekhu — narod bez perspektivy'. 'Takoe opisanie, na moi vzglyad, bylo by vpolne umestno v nauchnofantasticheskom romane nashego vremeni, kogda rasskazy o 'letayushchikh tarelochkakh' postoyanno budorazhat obshchestvennoe mnenie, a pisatelifantasty, umelo pol'zuyas' etim, s porazitel'nym edinodushiem 'konstruiruyut' vnezemnye korabli ... No ved' Svift tvoril chetvert' tysyacheletiya nazad!'

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A Tale of a Tub. In view of the Stalinist anti-church campaign of the 1920s and 1930s, it is rather astonishing to have come across any comprehensive study of A Tale of a Tub. In more than seventy years of Soviet criticism, only six chapters contributed to monographs and a few prefaces to translations were published: these are A. Lunacharskii's review of Deych's translation of the Tale in 1930, and A. A. Frankovskii's preface to his own translation, written in 1931 ('Ot perevodchika', in Svift, D. Skazka o bochke. Moscow and Leningrad 1931, pp. 10—19). In it, Frankovskii maintains that 'for Swift and Hobbes, the Church was just a political institution. This explains why the Dean, actually an atheist, fulfilled the duties of an Anglican priest' (Frankovskii 1931, 15).63 Likewise, other studies of the early 1930s, such as V. Sofronova's 'Protivotserkovnyi pamflet Svifta' ('Swift's Anti-Church Pamphlet'), in M. K. Azadovskii, Istoriko-literaturnye opyty [Literary-historical essays], Irkutsk 1930, pp. 58—75 [Trudy kabineta literatury pri pedagogicheskom fakul'tete irkutskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, vol. 2/Works of the Department of Literature at the Faculty of the State University of Irkutsk, vol. 2] and Deych and Zozulya's chapter in their monograph on Swift (1933), concentrate upon the alleged 'anti-clericalism' of the Tale and therefore have to be seen as part of Stalin's war against religion. Sofronova, for instance, accuses Tsarist censorship of having impeded publication of the Tale before 1917: [A Tale of a Tub] must be acknowledged as one of the most excellent works of its epoch and has not gone out of fashion to this day . . . .In accordance with censorship circumstances, pre-Revolutionary Russia could not allow a complete translation and the circulation of such an atheistic pamphlet. In the age of militant atheism, however, this work undoubtedly deserves translating and adequate investigation. (Sofronova 1930, 69—70)64 The only exception to this general rule of claiming Swift as an atheist is Mikhail Levidov, who rejected the Tale's, anti-religious character out of hand: It is time to tear apart the rotten and protective mystifications, make sense of them and treat the issue seriously. We must affirm that Swift did not write an anti-religious pamphlet, not a misanthropic pamphlet — what he wrote was not a pamphlet at all. He wrote a confession. A Tale of a Tub is the powerful and bitter confession of the only true humanist of his age, who put all his energy, his powerful love of truth, freedom, reason, all the strength of his bitter hatred of lies, slavery, and dullness into modest,

63

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'Dlya Svifta i Gobbsa, tserkov' byla imenno politicheskoe uchrezhdenie. Etim obyasnyaetsya, pochemu on, buduchi ateistom, ispolnyal obyazannosti anglikanskogo svyashennika.' 'Ves' pamflet Svifta . . . dolzhen rastsenivat'sya kak vydayushcheesya proizvedenie svoei epokhi, nichut' ne ustarevshee do nashego vremeni. . . . Po vpolne ponyatnym tsenzurnym usloviyam, dorevolyutsionnaya Rossiya ne mogla dopustit' polnogo perevoda i rasprostraneniya bezbozhnogo pamfleta, no v nashe vremya voinstvuyushchego ateizma eto proizvedenie bezuslovno zasluzhivaet i perevoda i sootvetstvuyushchego izucheniya.'

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but65endlessly dear hope, into thought and compassion. (Levidov 1986, 69) Levidov's efforts notwithstanding, the next articles on the Tale to appear in the 1960s merely repeat the critical discourse of the early 1930s. Dubashinskii, for instance, relapses into pre-World War II categories by propagating the Tale as an anti-religious pamphlet ('Rozhdenie Sviftovskoi satiry' ['The Birth of Swift's Satire']). By contrast, Murav'ev favours an 'open' interpretation in his monograph Dzhonatan Svift (pp. 55—103), warning against identifying the Tale's narrator(s) with Swift. According to Murav'ev, nowhere in the Tale are Swift's opinions to be found. Like Levidov, Murav'ev emphasizes Swift's play with meaning(s) (see Murav'ev 1968, 82). Pamphlets. During the Soviet era, only two studies dedicated to Swift's pamphlets were published. The first, apparently influenced by the new cultural policy during the 'Thaw', was Veselovskaya's in 1958, while Dubashinskii, in his Pamflety Svifta (Swift's Pamphlets, 1968), continued his brand of dogmatic criticism. Dubashinskii carefully selected those pamphlets that are easy to utilize (the Irish pamphlets) but ignored those that argue in favour of the Church. In the context of the late 1960s, Dubashinskii no longer interprets the vices denounced in Swift's pamphlets as 'remains of the past', but as the nucleus of the capitalism of this decade: Swift's pamphlets are a volcano spewing forth fire. His thoughts are lava that destroys all things stagnant, evil, and inhumane. Thus, the peculiarity of satire is to notice and to sarcastically judge evil. Evil, however, is neither the incorrigible folly of all mankind or a characteristic of a single member of society. Swift's mature satire has many faces, but is historically specific. The satirist is deeply concerned about injustice, colonialism, the monstrous absurdity of governmental structures, about the miserable meanness of bourgeois parties that are quarrelsome, mercenary, and irrepressible in their striving for power; he is deeply concerned about the false benevolence of the Church ... about those that become rich by waging wars. All of that is not confined to the past, however, for it represents the essence of contemporary capitalism. (Dubashinskii 1968, 3)66

65

66

'Pora nakonets sorvat' istlevshuyu zashchitnuyu, rasshifrovat' mistifikatsiyu, otnestis' ser'ezno. I skazat': ne antireligioznyi pamflet napisal Svift, i ne chelovekonenavistnicheskii pamflet, i voobshche ne pamflet. Ispoved' on napisal. 'Skazka bochki' - eto moguchaya i gor'kaya ispoved' edinstvennogo v epokhe podlinnogo gumanista, vsyu silu svoei vlastnoi lyubvi k pravde, svobode, razumu, vsyu silu gor'koi svoei nenavisti k Izhi, rabstva, tuposti vlozhivshego v robkuyu, no beskonechno doroguyu emu nadezhdu, mysl', perezhivanie.' 'Pamflety Svifta — ognedyshashchii vulkan. Mysl' — lava, razrushayushchaya vse kosnoe, zlobnoe, beschelovechnoe. Osobennost' satiry — poznanie i nasmeshlivyi sud nad zlom. Zlo - ne zakorenelaya porochnost' vsego chelovecheskogo roda i ne cherta otdel'nogo chlena obshchestva. U zrelogo Svifta zlo mnogoliko, no istoricheski opredelenno. Satirika gluboko vozmushchaet nespravedlivost' kolonial'nogo gospodstva; chudovishchnaya nelepost' gosudarstvennogo ustroistva; zhalkaya melochnost' burzhuaznykh partii - drachlivykh, korystnykh,

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Poetry. As in Western European and Anglo-American scholarship, systematic Soviet criticism of Swift's poetry began only after World War Two. This does not mean, however, that research on Swift's poems was continuously published after then. The contrary is true; up to now only three Soviet studies of Swift's poetry have appeared. The first by Vurgaft, published in 1948 and touching on a great number of titles, is the typical result of 'Stalinist philology', which attempts to harness Swift's poems merely as forces of'classstruggle poetry' and ignores aesthetic aspects as well as questions of satiric and rhetorical strategy. As a result, Vurgaft's essay is nothing but a summary of 'proofs' that the poet Swift fits into the Soviet context, too: Soviet literary criticism must study Swift's poetical heritage particularly seriously, for it would not only refute bourgeois legends about the Dean but would also throw light on many diffuse and still controversial questions about the author's Weltanschauung in general and about his position in the literature of his age. Swift's poetry is the key to his inner world. (Vurgaft 1948, 7)67 Vurgaft's second essay ('Narodnye cherty poeziy Svifta' ['Popular Features of Swift's Poetry'], in Uchenye zapiski Ul'yanovskogo gosudarstvennogo pedagogicheskogo instituta im. I.N. Ul'yanova, Vyp. VIII [Scientific Notes of the I.N. Ul'yanov State Institute for Pedagogy, vol. 8], Ul'yanovsk 1956, pp. 473— 508), although published during the 'Thaw' (1956), at a first glance seems to be a continuation of her first essay. However, a sensitive reader such as the Soviet one who was used to reading between the lines, might heave heard new tones, if only in a quotation like the following: The greatest part of Swift's satirical poems was written on contemporary vice. They were weapons (very effective ones) in the political battles and were often directed openly against the author's political enemies. However, the profound stylizing and the deep generalizations, which are characteristic of Swift's poetry, make his personal satires important also for other epochs. (Vurgaft 1956, 476)68 In contrast to Vurgaft's panoramic survey, Dubashinskii, in 1972, commented on a single poem, 'Verses on the Death of Dr Swift' ('Syuzhet kak sistema otsenok v poeme Dzh. Svifta "Stikhi na smert" doktora Svifta'). As in his

neuderzhimykh v svoem stremlenii k vlasti; Izhivoe blagochestie tserkvy; .. . politika lyubitelei obogatit'sya na voine. Vse eto svuchit ne kak perezhitoe proshloe, eto - sut' sovremennogo kapitalizma.' 67 'I imenno sovetskomu literaturevedeniyu sleduet ser'ezno zanyatsya izucheniem poeticheskogo naslediya Svifta, ibo ono ne tol'ko oprovergaet burzhuaznye legendy o Svifte, no i prolivaet yarkii svet namnogie neyasnye i spornye eshche voprosy mirovozzreniya pisatelya v tselom i mesta ego v literature ego epokhi. Poeziya Svifta - eto klyuch k ego vnutrennemu mini.' 68 'Satiricheskie stikhotvoreniya Svifta bol'shei chast'yu napisany na "zlobu dnya". Oni sluzhili oruzhiem (i ochen' deistvennym) v politicheskoi bor'be i neredko byli neposredsrvenno napravleny protiv politicheskikh protivnikov poeta. No kharakternaya dlya tvorchestva Svifta glubokaya tipizatsiya i shirokoe obobshchenie sotsial'nykh yavleni pridayut dazhe ego lichnoi satire znachenie, vykhodyashchee za ramki epokha.'

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earlier studies, and presumably affected by the last 'Freeze' in the 1960s, Dubashinskii argues that the 'derision of individuals is part of the generalizing satire on human vices like class consciousness and hypocrisy' (see Dubashinskii 1972, 159). In accordance with other Soviet studies on Swift, those dealing with Swift's poetry again demonstrate that their authors always selected those texts only that fitted into the Soviet cultural atmosphere.

The Battle of the Books and Journal to Stella. The Journal to Stella and The Battle of the Books were almost entirely neglected by Soviet Swift critics. Only three short items (chapters in monographs) and a single article on the Battle, written by Vurgaft in 1968, are available; the Journal is discussed in A. Inger's postscript to his translation, made in cooperation with V. Mikushevich ('Doktor Dzhonatan Svift i ego Dnevnik dlya Stelly' ['Dr Jonathan Swift and His Journal to Stella}, in D. Svift, Dnevnik dlya Stelly [Journal to Stella}, Moscow 1981, pp. 467—520). The reasons for this comparative neglect are that The Battle of the Books is too closely connected with historical particulars, such as the Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes and Sir William Temple's role in this controversy. Swift was dealing with an aspect of late seventeenth-century cultural life that was too far away from the interests of Soviet readers. This relative lack of interest notwithstanding, Murav'ev, in his monograph (Dzhonatan Svift, 1968), introduced the Battle as 'an ideological drama': We could label 'The Battle of the Books' a dramatized pamphlet, in which parody leads into reality and which is directed against contemporary types, their way of thinking and talking. (Murav'ev 1968, 125)69 In contrast to Murav'ev, Dubashinskii, in his study of Swift's pamphlets, classified The Battle of the Books as an aesthetic manifesto (see Dubashinskii, 1968, 7). Concentrating upon the fable of the Bee and the Spider, he equates Swift's aesthetic opinions with those of the Bee, at the same time, claiming Swift to have been a 'neutral' observer of the scene. E. M. Vurgaft endorsed Dubashinskii in her interpretation of the Battle, published under the title '"Bitva knig" i formirovanie estetiki Svifta' ('"The Battle of the Books" and the Formation of Swift's Aesthetics') in the same year. The Journal to Stella was seen as a private document not intended for publication, in which Swift appears not as a critic of the 'bourgeois system' but as an active part of it. Not surprisingly, therefore, Inger criticizes Swift as a defender of church interests. Primarily, however, he discusses those parts of the Journal that show Swift as a lover torn between two women, a fact which suggests 'that in the epoch in which rationalism triumphed Swift challenges rationalism and order and, half a century before Tristram Shandy was published, wrote a book truly in Sterne's manner' (Inger 1981, 518).70 69 'No vse taki, Bitva knig' uzhe mozhno nazvat' dramatizirovannym pamfletom, gde parodiya vyvodit v deystvitel'nost', k sovremennym tiparn s ikh obrazom myshleniya i rechi . . . . I nachalo dramatizatsii — v parodii, t.e. v samokharakteristike deistvuyushchikh lits ideologicheskoi dramy.' 70 'Mozhno podumat', chto v epokhu torzhestva ratsionalizma Svift brosil v nem vyzov ratsionalizmu i uporyadochennosti i za polveka do vykhoda 'Tristrama

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Until the Revolution, then, Russian-language Swift critics were eager to replicate Western views. After 1917, this tendency was replaced by cultural politics that tried to establish a 'Soviet Swift', who not only met the demands of the new era but was also useful in the education of new 'socialist' (wo)men. However, a significant part of the Dean's work, such as the correspondence, numerous pamphlets, and, last but not least, the scatological poems, was not discussed at all between 1917 and 1990. Not until after the fall of the Soviet Empire and the end of censorship were some of these 'forgotten', or suppressed, texts (re)discovered for a new generation of readers, in critical studies as well as translations, and on the Internet; for example, by T. N. Cherepova, 'Zhurnalnye pamflety Dzh. Svifta' ('Jonathan Swift's Journalistic Pamphlets'), in I. Z. Kanunova, ed., Problemy literaturnykh zhanrov: Materialy Vll-oi nauchnoi mezhvuzovskoi konferentsii 4-7 may a 1992g (Problems of Literary Genres: Materials from the 7th Inter-University Conference, 4—7 May 1992), Tomsk 1992, pp. 174-76; A. V. Fedorov, 'Predislovie' ('Preface'), in 'Britanskoi muzy nebylitsy . . . ': Iz poezy Anglii i Shotlandi, V perevodakh Yuriya Levina ('The Fancies of the British Muse': From English and Scottish Poetry, translated by Yu. D. Levin), St Petersburg 1996, pp. 5-9; A. Inger, 'Publitsistika Dzhonatana Svifta' ('Jonathan Swift's Pamphlets'), in Iz istorii angliiskoi literatury XVII—XVIII vekov (From the History of English Literature of the 17th and 18th Centuries), Kolomna 1996, pp. 12-30; N. D. Kochetkova, 'Pervyi russkii stikhotvornyi perevod iz Svifta' ('The First Russian Verse Translation of Swift'), in Res traductoria: Perevod i sravnitel'noe izuchenie literatur. K vos'midesyatiletiyu Yu. D. Levina (Res traductoria: Translation and Comparative Literature, in Honour of Yu. D. Levin), St Petersburg 2000, pp. 98-102; A. Livergant, 'Grekh ot uma' ('Sin from Wit'), in D. Svift, Pis'ma (Correspondence), translated, edited, and annotated by A. Livergant, Moscow 2000, pp. 5-12). Finally, occasional verses by Swift published in anthologies may be mentioned: 'Smirennoe priznanie svyashchennika' ('An Epigram'); 'Na svoyu glukhotu' ('On his Own Deafness'), in G. Ben, Posledneepesnopenie: Izbrannye perevody, 1977-1994 (The Last Singing: Selected Translations, 1977-1994), St Petersburg 1996, pp. 144—45; 'Nadpis' na osheinike tigra, bolonki missis Dingli' ('On the Collar of Mrs Dingley's Lap Dog'), in Kniga sudeb: lirika i yumor russkikh i zambezhnykh poetov (Book of Fates: Poetry and Humour by Russian and Foreign Poets), ed. VI. Sidorov, Moscow 1996, p. 38; Aforizmy (Aphorisms), in Sueta suet: 500 let angliiskogo aforizma (Fuss of Fusses: 500 Years of English Aphorism), translated, edited, and annotated by A. Livergant, Moscow 1998, pp. 41—54 [Internet website: www.halyava.ru/deno/ afor6.html]; Pis'ma (Correspondence), edited, introduced, translated, and annotated by A. Livergant, Moscow 2000.

Shendi' sozdal poistine sternianskuyu knigu. Nichego intuitivnogo ili bessoznatel'nogo v ego pis'makh net, kak, v prochem, net etogo i u Sterna; eto soznatel'no izbrannaya i v osnove svoei ochen' golovnaya manera, kotoraya predvoskhitilamnogoe iz togo, chto, lish' neskol'ko desyatileti spustya, bylo samostoyatel'no naideno i vyrabotano angliiskim romanom i v pervuyu ochered' Sternom.'

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II Translations General remarks Swift's translation history in Russia began as early as 1758 with the anonymous publication of an apocryphal part of 'The Bickerstaff Papers', published as 'Pis'mo s predskazatel'stvami' ('Letter of Predictions') in Ezhemesyachnye sochineniya i perevody k pol'ze i uveseleniyu sluzhashchiya (Monthly Works and Translations for the Use and Entertainment of Servants), 2, 1758 (iyul'- dekabr'), 551—58. The next translations to follow were excerpts from 'Thoughts on Various Subjects' (1760) and 'A Meditation upon a Broomstick' (1760), (mock-) moralizing tracts, which the translators fitted into the cultural context of Russian Classicism: 'Shviftovo rasmyshleniya o raznykh materiyakh' ('Swift's Thoughts on Various Subjects'), in Ezhemesyachnye sochineniya i perevody k pol'ze i uveseleniyu sluzhashchiya (Monthly Works and Translations for the Use and Entertainment of Servants), 4, 1760, 335—53 [on the Internet under 'Sviftovy' in www.chat.ru]; 'Razmyshlenie o venike' ('A Meditation upon a Broomstick'), in Svobodnye chasy (Leisure Hours), Mart, 1763, 153—55; 'Raznye mysli Angliiskogo pisatelya g. Svifta' ('Various Thoughts of the English Author Mr Swift', that is, 'Thoughts on Various Subjects'), in Sobranie novostei (News Collection), 4, 1775, 55-74. The 1770s also saw a number of translations, among them 'A Proposal for the Improvement of the English Tongue' ('Predlozhenie ob ispravlenii, rasprostranenii i ustanovlenii Angliiskogo yazyka, v pis'me k Lordu Oksfortu, Velikobritanskomu glavnomu Kaznacheyu', in Opyt trudov Vol'nogo Rossiiskogo sobraniya pri imperatorskom Moskovskom universitete [Scholarly Essays of the Free Russian Assembly at Moscow Imperial University], vol. 3, Moscow 1776, pp. 1—34), 'An Epigram on Fasting' (1778—91) ('Epigramma na post' in Kochetkova 2000, p. 100; see also 'Sviftova Epigramma', in Russkaya Epigramma XVIII — nachalo XX veka [The Russian Epigram from the 18th to the Beginning of the 20th Centuries], sost. M. I. Gillel'son and K. A. Kumpan, Leningrad 1988, p. 207 (translated by A. V. Kolmakov); see also Prekrasnoe plenyaet navsegda: iz istorii angliiskoi poezii XVIII—XIX vekov [The Beautiful Always Fascinates: From the History of English Poetry of the 18th and 19th Centuries], A. V. Parin and A. G. Murik, Moscow 1988, p. 392, and, again, 'A Meditation upon a Broomstick' ('Sviftovo razmyshlenie o metle i kak proizoshlo ono', in Priyatnoe i poleznoe preprovozhdenie vremeni [Pleasant and Useful Spending of Time], chapter 1, nos 1-27, 1794, 81-91). The last translation to be made from Swift's works for almost seventy years after, Gulliver's Travels excepted, was 'When I come to be old' in 1809 (see 'Chto ya budu delat', kogda sostareyus", in Severnyi Merkury [Northern Mercury], 5, 1809, 130-31). The publication of sections from the 'Directions to Servants' in 1864—65 ('Nastavlenie prisluge', in Iskra [The Spark], 39, 1865, 517-19; 42, 1865, 55961) became part of Swift's (re)discovery as a satirical author in Russia towards the end of the nineteenth century. Why he chose this text, the translator, P. Preobrazhenskii, explains as follows: Of [Swift's] minor satirical -writings, the most important ones are 'Directions to Servants' and 'A Modest Proposal'. In place of a dreary

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critical assessment, we want to acquaint the reader with passages from Swift's work, adding only some brief notes that are necessary for a correct understanding. (Preobrazhenskii 1865, 152)71 Preobrazhenskii was soon followed in his efforts by an unknown tranlsator who set one of the early milestones in the history of Swift translations in Russia, the volume Sochineniya (Collected Works). Ready for publication in the 1870s, it was, however, destroyed by Tsarist censorship officials, with only three copies available today at the Book Museum of the Russian State Library, Moscow. In this volume, Swift is portrayed as the author of a heterogeneous oeuvre, including, among other texts, A Tale of a Tub (the first translation of Swift's early masterpiece in Russia), 'A Modest Proposal', and 'Directions to Servants'. The Dean's rediscovery in Russia is characterized, then, by a growing interest in texts beyond Gulliver's Travels. V. V. Chuyko's volume of collected works (Svift, St Petersburg 1881 [in the series 'European Authors and Thinkers'] confirmes this impression. Chuyko was the first to present hitherto unknown essays and pamphlets, among them 'Serioznyi i poleznyi proekt' ('A Serious and Useful Project'), 'Puteshestvie v stranu Guingmov' ('A Voyage to the Country of the Houyhnhnms'), 'Bumagi Bikerstafa' ('The Bickerstaff Papers'), and his version of 'Skromnoe predlozhenie' ('A Modest Proposal'). Chuyko was also the first to bring out a translation of A Tale of a Tub in 1884 ('Skazka o bochke, napisannaya dlya vyashchshego preuspevaniya roda chelovecheskogo', in Izyashchnaya literatura [Belles Lettres], 6, 1884, 299— 325 [continued in no 7, 1884, 102-34; no 8, 1884, 121-51; no 9, 1884, 3053]) and for that reason may justly claim the merit of being Swift's chief propagandist besides Gulliver's Travels in Russia in the 1880s, 1890s, and at the turn of the century. The only other translation published during that period was a cheap and abridged version of'The Bickerstaff Papers' in 1903. Like Soviet Swift criticism, translations of the Dean's work began to pick up after 1917. Two translations of A Tale of a Tub were published in 1930 and 1931, the first, Skazka bochki (A Tale of a Tub) by Aleksandr Deych, has a preface by A. V. Lunacharskii and annotations by T. Levit, Moscow 1930; the second translation, Skazka bochki, was by A. A. Frankovskii and published by 'Academia', Moscow-Leningrad in 1931. In the war years from 1939 to 1945, only two poems were translated: an unidentified one, 'Chernila', which was published in L. G. Leybson, Moi vek (My Age), St Petersburg 1993, p. 26, and 'Kritiki' ('Critics') (an excerpt from 'On Poetry: A Rhapsody'), translated by S. Ya. Marshak (reprinted in S. Ya. Marshak, Izbrannye perevody [Selected Translations], Moscow 1946, pp. 197— 98) and published in Literaturnaya gazeta (The Literary Gazette), 45, 27 October 1945, p. 2. A new era in Swift's translation history began in 1955, with M. P. Alekseev publishing Yu. D. Levin's renderings of the Dean's selected political and 71

'Iz ego melkikh satiricheskikh proizvedeni, zamechatel'nye vsego 'Nastavlenie prisluge' i 'Nevinnoe predlozhenie'. Vmesto sukhoi kriticheskoi otsenki, my poznakomim chitatelei s otryvkami iz nekotorykh ego proizvedeni, predposlav tol'ko neskol'ko koroten'kikh zamechani, neobkhodimykh dlya praviTnoi ikh otsenki samimi chitatelyami.'

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poetic work under the title D. Svift, Pamflety (Pamphlets), Moscow 1955. This volume not only contains the sole Russian translation of The Battle of the Books ('Bitva knig') to date but also 'Razmyshlenie o palke ot metly' ('A Meditation upon a Broomstick'), 'Rassuzhdenie o neudobstve unichtozheniya khristianstva v Anglii' ('An Argument against Abolishing Christianity'); 'Bumagi Bikerstaffa' ('The Bickerstaff Papers'), 'Kratkaya kharakteristika ego svetlosti Grafa Tomasa Uortona' ('A Short Character of His Excellency Thomas Earl of Wharton'), 'Predlozhenie ob ispravlenii, uluchshenii i zakreplenii angliiskogo yazyka' ('A Proposal for Correcting, Improving, and Ascertaining the English Tongue'), 'Predlozhenie o vseobshchem upotreblenii irlandskoi manufaktury' ('Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufacture'), 'Sovet molodomu poetu' ('Letter of Advice to a Young Poet'), 'Pis'ma Sukonshchika' ('The Drapier's Letters'), 'Beglyi vzglyad na polozhenie Irlandii' ('A Short View of the State of Ireland'), 'Skromnoe predlozhenie' ('A Modest Proposal'), 'Nastavleniya slugam' ('Directions to Servants'), 'Put' poezii' ('The Progress of Poetry'), 'Stikhi na smert' doktora Svifta' ('Verses on the Death of Dr Swift'), and 'O poezii: Rapsodiya' ('On Poetry: A Rhapsody'). Although this volume introduced Swift as an author of pamphlets and poems in the Soviet Union, it took almost twenty years to publish further poems in Russian anthologies, to wit, 'Klub Legiona' (1737): Otryvok ('The Legion Club': Excerpts), in Problemy zarubezhnoi literatury (Issues of International Literature), Moscow 1974, pp. 4—5, translated by A. Michal'skaya; 'Basnya o Midase (Na gertsoga Mal'boro, lorda Cherchilla, ch'e imya kak moshennika i kaznokradtsa stalo naritsatel'nym)' ('The Fable of Midas') translated and published by V. V. Levik in Izbrannye perevody v dvukh tomakh (Selected Translations in Two Volumes), vol. 2, Moscow 1977, pp. 95—97 (also in V. V. Levik, Volshebnyi les [The Magical Forest], Moscow 1974, pp. 185—87, and in Poeziya narodov mira [Poetry of the Peoples of the World], Moscow 1986, pp. 61—63); 'Soboleznovanie potomku samoubiytsy' ('Epigram'), published in S. Ya. Marshak's Izbrannye perevody (Selected Translations), Moscow 1978, p. 316. Among Swift's minor prose, A. Livergant published 'Rassuzhdeniya na temy ser'eznye i prazdnye' ('Thoughts on Various Subjects') in Voprosy literatury (Questions of Literature), 9, 1978, pp. 299-304. The 1980s saw the publication of new poems by Swift in Russian translation: in the journal Inostrannaya Hteratura (Foreign Literature) 1, 1983, pp. 235-37, 'Elegiya: Pamyati Diki i Dolli' ('An Elegy on Dicky and Dolly'), 'Kogda za chub ukhvatit Mardzhi Neda' ('When Margery chastises Ned'), 'Tsarstvo proklyatykh' ('The Place of the Damned'), 'Zagadka' ('Riddle'), and 'Odnazhdy dubasila Toma zhena' ('As Thomas was Cudgelled'); and in 1984, the journal Nauka i religiya (Science and Religion), 10, 1984, pp. 57-58 published translations by Al'fred Solyanov: 'Dialog mezhdu izvestnym yuristom i doktorom Sviftom' ('A Dialogue between an Eminent Lawyer and Dr Swift'), 'Chitaya satiru d-ra Yanga' ('On Reading Dr Young's Satires'), 'Atlas', 'Epitafiya' ('Epitaph'), 'lyuda' ('Judas'). The undisputed highlight of Swift's late-Soviet translation history, however, is the volume Izbrannoe (Selected Works) brought out by V. D. Rak and I. I. Chekalov in Leningrad in 1987, which is appealing not only because of its wide range of translated works both prose and poetry (among them, Puteshestviya Gullivera

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[Gulliver's Travels], Skazka bochki [A Tale of a Tub], Bitva knig [The Battle of the Books], 'Razmyshlenie o palke ot metly' ['A Meditation upon a Broomstick'], 'Rassuzhdenie o neudobstvie unichtozheniya khristianstva v Anglii' ['An Argument against Abolishing Christianity'], 'Bumagi Bikerstafa' ['The BickerstafF Papers'], 'Skromnoe predlozhenie' ['A Modest Proposal'], 'Opisanie utra' ['A Description of the Morning'], 'Opisanie livnya v gorode' ['A Description of a City Shower'; on the Internet under www.members .tripod.com/poetry-pearls/ePoetry/Swift.html], 'Put' poezii' ['The Progress of Poetry'], 'Satiricheskaya elegiya na smert' znamenitogo generala' ['A Satirical Elegy on the Death of a Late Famous General'], 'Chertova obitel' ['The Place of the Damned'], 'Sudnyi den" ['On the Day of Judgement'], 'Stikhi na smert' doktora Svifta' ['Verses on the Death of Dr Swift'], but also because of its references to Western European as well as Anglo-American Swift criticism, a first visible result of Glasnost and Perestroika. In the same year, the anthology Angliiskaya klassicheskaya epigramma (The Classic English Epigram), compiled by D. Lozovetskii and translated by S. Ya. Marshak and V. E. Vasil'ev, Moscow 1987, pp. 109—12, presented Russian versions of some epigrams and a second anthology, Angliya v pamflete (England in Pamphlets), Moscow 1987, pp. 70-81, 203-59, 285-347, 413-20, versions of selected pamphlets: 'Predlozhenie ob ispravlenii, uluchshenii i zakreplenii angliiskogo yazyka' ('A Proposal for Correcting, Improving, and Ascertaining the English Tongue'), 'Kratkaya kharakteristika ego svetlosti grafa Tomasa Uortona' ('A Short Character of His Excellency Thomas Earl of Wharton'), 'O grazhdanskom dukhe vigov i pr.' ('The Publick Spirit of the Whigs'), 'Neskol'ko nepredvzyatykh mysley o nyneshnym polozhenie del v Irlandii' ('Some Free Thoughts upon the Present State of Affairs'), and 'Beglyi vzglyad na polozhenie v Irlandii' ('Short View of the State of Ireland'), all translated by M. Shereshevskaya. The last translations of Swift to be published during the Soviet era appeared in an anthology of 1988, entitled Prekrasnoe plenyaet navsegda: iz angliiskoi poezii XVIII—XIX vekov (The Beautiful Always Fascinates: From English Poetry of the 18th and 19th Centuries), Moscow 1988, pp. 16—19. The volume contains 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly' ('Stella's Birthday', 1719), 'Den' rozhdeniya Bekki' ('Bee's Birthday') (1726), translated by V. B. Mikushevich, as well as 'Satiricheskaya elegiya na smert' nekogda slavnogo generala' ('A Satirical Elegy on the Death of a Late Famous General'), translated by A. Livergant, and Tyuda' ('Judas') and 'Chertova obitel' ('The Place of the Damned' translated by V. Toporov). Last but not least, the anthology Poeziya Irlandii (Irish Poetry), compiled by G. Kruzhkov and introduced by A. Saruchanyan, and annotated by T. Mikhaylova and E. M. Genieva, Moscow 1988, on pp. 115—28 presents 'Satiricheskaya elegiya na smert' znamenitogo generala' ('A Satirical Elegy on the Death of a Late Famous General'), 'Retsept, kak Stelle pomolodet' ('A Receipt to Restore Stella's Youth'), 'Smyshlennyi Tom Klinch po doroge na viselitsu' ('Clever Tom Clinch Going to be Hanged'), 'Preobrazhenie krasoty' ('The Progress of Beauty'), 'Kadenus i Vanessa' (segments only), 'Irlandskomu klubu' ('To the Irish Club'), 'lyuda' ('Judas'), and 'Chertova obitel" ('The Place of the Damned'). Likewise, the only translation of the Journal to Stella, which came out in 1981, not only included Swift's intimate diary but also a number of poems unpublished in Russian before: 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly' ('Stella's

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Birthday, 1719'), 'Stelle, posetivshei menya v moei bolezni' ('To Stella, Visiting Me in My Sickness'), 'Stelle, sobravshei i perepisavshei stikhotvoreniya avtora' ('To Stella, Who Collected and Transcribed His Poems'), 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly' ('Stella's Birthday, 1721'), 'Stelle k dnu rozhdeniya' ('Stella's Birthday, 1722'), 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly: Bol'shaya butylka vina, davno pogrebennaya' ('Stella's Birthday, 1723: A Great Bottle of Wine, Long Buried, being that Day Dug Up'); 'Stelle' ('To Stella', 1724), 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly' ('Stella's Birthday, 1725'), 'Retsept, kak Stelle pomolodet" ('A Receipt to Restore Stella's Youth'), and 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly' ('Stella's Birthday, 1727'). Added are 'Na smert' missis Dzhonson' ('On the Death of Mrs Johnson'), and 'Kadenus i Vanessa' as well as selections from Swift's and Vanessa's correspondence. The volume was compiled and translated by A. G. Inger and V. B. Mikushevich and is an outstanding document of Soviet philology. Gulliver's Travels The catalogues of the Russian State Library, Moscow, the Library of the Academy of Sciences, and of the National Library, both in St Petersburg, list 132 different editions of Gulliver's Travels in Russian, which were continually published between 1772-73 and the year 2000. Only between 1780 and 1820 and between 1821 and 1844 are there no translations of Swift's masterpiece. One hundred and thirty-two different editions, however, do not mean 132 different translations. What they boil down to are five complete versions, four different ones for adolescents, and a great number of adaptations for children. Among the translations containing all four books, the first is Erofei Karzhavin's Russian rendering of Desfontaines (1727) (Teerink-Scouten 383— 390), a fact not really surprising. However, Karzhavin likewise consulted the anonymous The Hague-translation into French (Teerink-Scouten 371—372) in doubtful cases and supplied 'offensive' passages, which Desfontaines had left out for reasons of bon gout and of French 'cultural superiority'. For instance, Karzhavin added the 'arse-licking episode' (IV, vii, 13), Gulliver's 'epiphany' after his 'rape' in Book Four (viii, 7), and also rendered Gulliver's misanthropic reactions on his return home (IV, xi, 17—18). Karzhavin's version not only convinced contemporary readers but also his later reading public, as is illustrated by two unaltered reprints: Puteshestviya Gulliverovykh: Knigi I—IV, Izdanie 2-e, V Universitetskoi tipografii, Moscow 1780g (Gulliver's Travels, Books I—IV, 2nd edition; University Publishing House, Moscow 1780), and Gulliverovy puteshestviya v Lilliput, Brodinyagu, Laputu, Bal'nibarby, Glubdubdridu, Lugnagu, Japoniju i Guingmskuju stranu, Izdanie tret'e, V universitetskoi tipografii, Moscow 1820 (Gulliver's Travels to Lilliput, Brobdingnag, Laputa, Balnibarbi, Glubdubbdrib, Luggnagg, Japan, and to the Houyhnhnms, 3rd edition, University Publishing House, Moscow 1820). Although claiming to be a translation from the English original on the title-page, this edition is in fact Karzhavin's (Desfontaine-based) version, slightly reworked stylistically and abridged by the censor, who removed everything he deemed offensive to morals (Levin, 1983, 115). The first complete translation from Swift's original was Yakovenko and Kanchalovskiy's Puteshestviya Gullivera po tnnogim otdalennym i neizvestnym stranam sveta: s

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biografiei avtora i primechaniyami Dzh. Frandsa Uollera, sost. po Orreri, Dileni. Polnyi perevod s angliiskogo, Moscow, M. V. Kushnerev 1889 [ 1901] (Gulliver's Travels into Several Remote and Unknown Countries of the World: With a Biography of the Author and Annotations by John F. Waller, Compiled from Orrery and Delany. Complete Translation from the English Original). This version could not compete with the anonymous, unpublished translation in the 1870s from Sochineniya (Collected Works), but it is more reliable by far than Karzhavin's, which refers to the two leading French translations of the eighteenth century. To these milestones of Gulliver's translation history in Russia may be added A. A. Shishmareva's version Puteshestvie Gullivera po mnogim otdalennym stranam sveta: s biografiei avtora, primechaniyami Uollera, Goksuorta i drugimi i 160 illyustratsiyami. Polnyi perevod s angliiskogo, published in St Petersburg in 1903 (Gulliver's Travels into Several Remote Countries of the World: With a Biography of the Author and Annotations by Waller, Hawkesworth, and Others as well as 160 Illustrations. Complete Translation from the Original), and A. A. Frankovskii's equally complete Soviet translation of 1928: Puteshestviya v nekotorye otdalennye strany sveta Lemyuelya Gullivera, snachala khirurga, a potom kapitana neskol'kikh korablei (Gulliver's Travels into Several Remote Countries of the World, by Lemuel Gulliver, first a Surgeon and then a Captain of Several Ships), published in Leningrad and Moscow by 'Academia' [ 1930; 1932], with prefaces by E. L. Radlov and P. S. Kogan. While Shishmareva's translation is characterized by the I'art pour I'art tendencies of Russian Symbolism at the beginning of the century and at times transforms Gulliver's factual report into ornamental prose, Frankovskii's text is representative of the Soviet school of translation, remaining not only the single 'adult' version for more than sixty years with numerous reprints, but also the only complete version, inasmuch as it includes the Lindalino episode (III, iii, 14—18), which had been cancelled from the editio princeps of 1726 on account of its 'explosive political force'. Versions for adolescents may be characterized by two representative examples. The first is M. Nikol'skii's adaptation Puteshestvie Gullivera po mnogim otdalennym i neizvestnym stranam sveta: Sochinenie Dzhonatana Svifta. S biografiey avtora, 39 otdel'nymi kartinami i 35 risunkami v tekste, published in St Petersburg in 1891 (Gulliver's Travels: A Work by Jonathan Swift. With a Biography of the Author, 39 Separate Illustrations, and 35 Pictures in the Text), with a preface by the translator (reprinted 21902; 31907; 41914). The second is B. M. Engel'gardt's Soviet version Puteshestviya v nekotorye otdalennye strany sveta Lemyuelya Gullivera, snachala khirurga, a potom kapitana neskol'kikh korablei (Travels into Several Remote Countries of the World, by Lemuel Gulliver, first a Surgeon and then a Captain of Several Ships), which was first published in Moscow and Leningrad in 1946 (and later became 'canonized') with a preface by E. P. Brandis. Both versions illustrate the problem of adapting for young people a book originally written for an adult readership: on the one hand, the tellers had to wake interest in Swift's work, on the other, however, they were forced to omit all 'offensive' passages that, whether 'offensive' or not, were thought to be beyond the experience of a young reader. As a result, their versions are often fragmentary, they lose the original's satirical aggressiveness, and tend to change the source text into a thrilling travel account.

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Gulliver's Travels is reduced to an even greater extent to an essentially harmless, funny, and adventurous story in all the children's adaptations published in Russia from 1844 to the present day (Puteshestviya Gullivera: sostavlennye dlya detei: S 16-t'yu litogr. kartinkami, St Petersburg [Gulliver's Travels, Adapted for Children: With 16 Illustrations]), with a total of thirty different versions until 1990. Generally speaking, Russian-language children's editions of Gulliver include only Book One and Two. Passages touching upon sexuality and scatology, politics, and allegory are deleted. Moreover, in many versions the point of view is changed from that of the first-person narratoragent to omniscient narrator, as, for instance, in O. I. Shmidt-Moskvitinova's adaptation Puteshestviya d-ra Gullivera v stranu lilliputov i k velikanam: Po Sviftu peredelano dlya russkogo yunoshestva (Gulliver's Travels to the Countries of the Lilliputians and the Giants: Adapted for the Russian Youth according to Swift), published in St Petersburg by A. F. Devrien in 1883 (reprinted 21885, 1901 and 1914 under the name of Rogova, and in Tamara Gabbe and Z. Zadunaiskaya's Gulliver u lilliputov: Po syuzhetu Svifta (Gulliver in Lilliput: According to Swift's Plot), first published in Moscow and Leningrad by 'Molodaya Gvardiya' in 1931, and later 'canonized' as the sole Soviet children's version (without Zadunaiskaya's name). Only in one adaptation of Book Two (Gulliver u velikanov [Gulliver in the Country of the Giants], Moscow and Leningrad, Publishing House Detskoi Literatury 1937), does Nikolai Zabolotskii retain the narrator's point of view. If all these adaptations for children reveal something of their authors' intentions, these are usually found in the final passages. For instance, the unknown translator of the 1868 version (Puteshestviya Gullivera, Moscow, published by A. Zharkov) ends on this 'philanthropic' note: Later, I got used to my wife, children, and friends and soon learned about the charms of family life. I was healed from travelling to foreign countries for ever. (1868, 93)72 Tamara Gabbe's concluding paragraph, in which equality for all people is posited, illustrates that Marxist ideology found a home even in children's editions: Gulliver began to get used to his home, his home town, and all his familiar things. Day by day his marvel at the sight of simple, ordinary people of ordinary stature diminished. Eventually, he learned to accept them as equals and not to look down or up at them. To treat people like this is more agreeable and practical, because in this way one does not need to crane one's neck or bend one's spine in three. (Gabbe 1993, 136)73

72

73

'Cherez neskol'ko vremeni ya privyk k zhene, detyam i ko vsem druz'yam rnoim, i skoro ponyal vsyu prelest' semeinoi zhizn', i navsegda izlechilsya ot strasti k puteshestviyam v nevedemye strany.' 'Gulliver ponemnogu stal snova privykat' k svoemu domu, k rodnomu gorodu i znakomym veshcham. S kazhdym dnem on vse men'she udivlyalsya, vidya vokrug sebya prostykh, obyknovennykh lyudei obyknovennogo rosta. V kontse kontsov on opyat' nauchilsya smotret' na nikh, kak na ravnikh, a ne snizu werkh i

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In his exemplary adaptation of the second book, Nikolai Zabolotskii, by contrast, entirely refrained from moralizing: In my time, I experienced an even greater number of different adventures. I lived on an enormous flying island. I spent a few years in the Country of the Horses. However, I never again encountered Giants. They stayed far, far away behind the sea. And nobody knows the way into their country. (Zabolotskii 1937, 50)74 A Tale of a Tub Between 1884 and 1931, three different translations of A Tale of a Tub appeared in print. Of these, Chuyko's version, published 1884 as 'Skazka o bochke, napisannaya dlya vyashchshego preuspevaniya roda chelovecheskogo', in Izyashchnaya literatura (Belles Lettres) 6, 1884, 299-325 (continued in 7, 1884, 102-34; 8, 1884, 121-51; 9, 1884, 30-53), however, is not complete with three digressions and parts of the preliminaries left out. Chuyko was primarily interested in the religious allegory. Subsequently, Deych's repnnt of the anonymous translation from the 1870s in 1930 (Skazka bochki, with a preface by A. V. Lunacharskii and annotations by T. Levit) and Frankovskii's Soviet translation of 1931 (Skazka bochki), both complete, laid claim to Swift. In addition, however, A Tale of a Tub began to be read as a text inviting readers to play with several layers of meaning and refusing to be determined by interpretation. Presumably, it was for this reason that the Tale was not published for a long time after 1931: the next edition only followed in 1976, when Frankovskii's Soviet translation was reprinted in one volume, together with Gulliver's Travels. A Modest Proposal As A Tale of a Tub, A Modest Proposal has been translated three times. In the 1870s, it was part of Sochineniya (Collected Works), in 1881, it was corporated into the volume Svift, edited by V. V. Chuyko, and finally, in 1955, it was published in Pamflety (reprinted in 1987 in Izbrannoe [Collected Works]) in B. B. Tomashevskii's translation. Tomashevskii succeeded in preserving the Proposal's 'mercantile discourse', followed by the Anonymous. Chuyko, in 1881, seems to have been carried away by the Proposal's theme, failing to 'retain' the emotional distance necessary for the 'success' of the projector's proposal. While his version may be seen as part of Swift's rediscovery in the last three decades of the nineteenth century, Tomashevskii's Soviet translation is an(other) attempt to 'sell' Swift as an anti-capitalist author. For a reading public that first of all knew Gulliver's Travels, A Modest Proposal would have

74

ne sverkhu vniz. Smotret' na lyudei takim obrazom gorazdo udobnee i priyatnee, potomu chto pri etom ne prikhoditsya zadirat' golovu i ne nado sgibat'sya v tri gibeli.' 'Eshche mnogo raznykh priklyucheniy uvidel ya na svoern veku. Zhil ya na ogromnom letayushchem ostrove. Neskol'ko let provel v strane loshchadei. No velikanov bol'she ya ne vstretil nikogda. Oni ostalis' daleko-daleko za morem. I nikto ne znaet dorogi v ikh stranu.'

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appeared not only irritating but shocking, the bitter irony, and hopelessness, of its 'cannibalistic' theme contradicting the general (party) view of the Dean.

Directions to Servants

In Russian-language translation history, sections of Directions to Servants were rendered twice. The first was published by P. Preobrazhenskii ('Nastavlenie prisluge', in Iskra, 39, 1865, pp. 517-19; 42, 1865, pp. 559-61) in the wake of the Dean's rediscovery in Russia. Preobrazhenskii, a pseudonym of V. S. Kurochkin, translated from the English original. He turned his source text into a sharp accusation of the 'bourgeois' servant system, thus presenting Swift as compassionate fighter for the rights of exploited domestics. Moreover, Kurochkin fitted cultural realia into his target context by using restaurant names known in St Petersburg, for instance. In the following example, Kurochkin replaced 'Pall-mall' and 'Temple-bar' by 'Donon' and 'Ersh' (family names) as well as 'Mys Dobroi Nadezhdy' ('The Cape of Good Hope'): You were told your Master had gone to a Tavern, and come to some Mischance, and your Grief was so great that you inquired for his Honour in a Hundred Taverns between Pall-mall and Temple-bar. (Prose Works XIII 1959:8)

Vam vstretilsya lakei gospodina, familiyu kotorogo vy zabyli, i skazali, chto s barinom sluchilos' v traktire kakoe-to neschastie — i vy opromet'yu brosilis' otyskivat' barina, i perebyvali vo vsekh restoranakh, nachinaya ot Donona i okanchivaya Ershami i Mysom Dobroi Nadezhdy.

Swift also appears in the Russian garb in this paragraph: When you want proper Instruments for any Work you are about, use all Expedients you can invent, rather than leave your Work undone. (Prose Works XIII 1959:14)

Esli sluchitsya, kogda-nibud', chto pri ispolneniya vashikh sluzhebnykh obyazannostei ne dostanet u vas dlya etogo neobkhodimogo orudiya, . . . , ne ostanavlivaytes' pred takimi nichtozhnymi prepyatstviyami i berite vse, chto popadetsya vam pod ruku; . . . deutscher Einflusse im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, Leipzig: Bernhard Tauchnitz. Boschung, Urs (1995) '"Mein Vergniigen . . . bey den Biichern": Albrecht von Hallers Bibliothek — Von den Anfangen bis 1736', Librarium, 38: 154— 74.

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Chapter 6 TRANSLATIONS Gulliver's Travels Danish Swift, Jonathan (1768) Kapitain Lemuel Gullivers Reise til Lilleput eller til de smaae Folk, skreven paa Engelsk og deraf i det Danske oversat [af Sejer Olrog], K0benhavn: August Friedrich Stein (Captain Lemuel Gulliver's Voyage to Lilliput or to the Small People, written in English and thence translated into Danish by Sejer Olrog). (1775) Capitain Lemuel Gullivers Reise til Brobdingnag eller de Store Folk, skreven paa Engelsk og deraf i det Danske oversat ved C. Hamming, K0benhavn: August Friedrich Stein (Captain Lemuel Gulliver's Voyage to Brobdingnag or to the Tall People, written in English and therefrom translated into Danish by C. Hamming). (1786) Lemuel Gullivers Reise nach Lilliput, aufs neue frei verdeutscht von C[arl] Hfeinrich] K[roge]n, Kopenhagen: Ole Hegelund; Flensburg: in Kommission bey Korte (Lemuel Gulliver's Voyage to Lilliput, in a new German adaptation by by C[arl] Hfeinrich] K[roge]n). (1836) Gullivers Reiser til adskillige fjerne Folkeslag i Verden, oversat af Engelsk ved C[arl] Jansen, Kjobenhavn: C. Steens Forlag (Gulliver's Travels to Various Remote Peoples in the World, translated from the English by C[arl] Jansen). [1839a] Capitain Lemuel Gullivers Reise, bearbejdet for B0rn, efter det Tydske, 2 vols, Kobenhavn (Captain Lemuel Gulliver's Travel, adapted for children, from the German). (1839b) Capitain Lemuel Gullivers Reise til Lilliputernes Land, bearbeidet for B0rn, efter det Tydske, K0benhavn: J. S. Bing (Captain Lemuel Gulliver's Voyage to the Land of the Lilliputians, adapted for children, from the German). [1839c] Capitain Lemuel Gullivers Reise til Kicempernes Land Brobdignack, bearbeidet for B0rn, efter det Tydske, Kobenhavn (Gulliver's Voyage to the Land of the Giants, Brobdingnag, adapted for children, from the German). [1850] Gulliver's scelsomme og eventyrlige Haendelser i det vidunderlige Land Lilliput, Kobenhavn (Gulliver's Strange and Adventurous Experiences in the Marvellous Land Lilliput). (1864) Gullivers Reiser til Lilliput og Brobdingnag, oversat fra Engelsk, K0benhavn: Fr. W01dikes Forlags-Expedition (Gulliver's Travels to Lilliput and Brobdingnag, translated from the English). (1878) Gullivers Rejse til Kosmpernes Land, fortalt for B0rn, Kobenhavn (Gulliver's Voyage to the Land of the Giants, adapted for children). (1888) Gullivers Rejse til Lilliput, oversat af Charles Sveistrup, Kobenhavn: Hauberg (Gulliver's Voyage to Lilliput, translated by Charles Sveistrup). [1890] Gullivers Rejser i Lilleputternes Land og Brobdingnag, efter Jonathan Swift, bearbejdet for Ungdommen, n.p. (Gulliver's Travels to the Lands of Lilliput and Brobdingnag, after Jonathan Swift, adapted for adolescents).

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illustrerad av Fibben Hald, Stockholm: Raben & Sjogren (Gulliver's Travels: A Voyage to Lilliput and a Voyage to Brobdingnag, illustrated by Fibben Hald). (1965b) Gullivers resor, oversattning Per Kellberg och Clae's Gripenberg, Stockholm: Raben & Sjogren (Gulliver's Travels, translated by Per Kellberg and Clae's Gripenberg). (1968a) Gullivers resor, oversatt av Oscar Wellgren, Malmo: Norden (Gulliver's Travels, translated by Oscar Wellgren). (1968b) Gullivers underbara resor till lilleputtarnas och jattarnas land,

bearbetning for svensk ungdom af Hugo Gyllander, med teckningar af David Ljungdahl, Stockholm: Lararetidnings forlag (Gulliver's Marvellous Travels to the Lands of the Lilliputians and the Giants, adaptation for Swedish young people by Hugo Gyllander, with illustrations by David Ljungdahl). (1970a) Gullivers resor, Stockholm: Forum (Gulliver's Travels). (1970b) Gullivers resor, till svenska av Anna Berg-Mortensen, Helsingborg: Bokframjandet (Gulliver's Travels, into Swedish by Anna Berg-Mortensen). (1976) Gullivers resor, oversatt av Jakob Gunnarsson, illustrationer av T. Morten, inledning av Gunnar Edman, Uddevalla: Niloe (Gulliver's Travels, translated by Jakob Gunnarsson, illustrations by T. Morten, introduction by Gunnar Edman). (1977) Gullivers underbara

resor till lilleputtarnas och jattarnas land,

bearbetning for svensk ungdom af Hugo Gyllander, med teckningar af David Ljungdahl, Stockholm: Lararetidnings forlag (Gulliver's Marvellous Travels to the Lands of the Lilliputians and the Giants, adaptation for Swedish young people by Hugo Gyllander, with illustrations by David Ljungdahl). (1979) Gullivers resa till Lilleputtarnas land, svensk text av Ingrid Emond, illustrationer av Stale Melvaer, Malmo: Skandinavisk press (Gulliver's Voyage to the Land of the Lilliputians, Swedish text by Ingrid Emond, illustrations by Stale Melvaer). (1980a) Gullivers resor, Stockholm: Atlantic (Gulliver's Travels). (1980b) Gullivers resor, oversatt av Anna Berg-Mortensen, Stockholm: Forum (Gulliver's Travels, translated by Anna Berg-Mortensen). (1980c) Gullivers resor, oversattelse av Ann Mari Falk efter norsk bearbetning, illustrationer av Charles E. Brock, Stockholm: Lindblad (Gulliver's Travels, translated by Ann Mari Falk, after Norwegian adaptation, illustrations by Charles E. Brock). (1983) Gullivers resor, oversattelse av Ingrid och Tryggve Emond, illustrationer av Mauro Cutrona, Hoganas: Bokorama (Gulliver's Travels, translated by Ingrid and Tryggve Emond, illustrations by Mauro Cutrona). (1985) Gullivers underbara

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bearbetning for svensk ungdom af Hugo Gyllander, med teckningar af David Ljungdahl, Stockholm: Lararetidnings forlag (Gulliver's Marvellous Travels to the Lands of the Lilliputians and the Giants, adaptation for Swedish young people by Hugo Gyllander, with illustrations by David Ljungdahl).

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(1987a) Resor till flera avlagset belagna lander i vdrlden, i fyra delar av Lemuel Gulliver, forutvarande skeppslakare sedermera kapten pa olika fartyg, i oversattning av Per Erik Wahlund, illustrerad av Mark Sylwan, Stockholm: Tiden (Travels to Several Remote Countries in the World, in Four Parts by Lemuel Gulliver, First a Surgeon, then a Captain of Several Ships, translated by Per Erik Wahlund, illustrated by Mark Sylwan). (1987b) Gullivers resor, Bromma: Atlantic (Gulliver's Travels). (1989) Gullivers resor, bearbetad av Gilberte Millour, illustrerad av Pierre Fassel, oversattning fran franska av Ingrid Emond, Helsingborg: Bokborgen (Gulliver's Travels, adapted by Gilberte Millour, illustrated by Pierre Fassel, translation from the French by Ingrid Emond). (1990a) Gullivers resa till Lilliput, illustrerad av Erik Hjorth Nielsen, svensk text av Helen L. Lilja, Bromma: Opal (Gulliver's Voyage to Lilliput, illustrated by Erik Hjorth Nielsen, Swedish text by Helen L. Lilja). (1990b) Gullivers resor, av Lemuel Gulliver som forst var lakare, sedan kapten pa dtskilliga fartyg, oversattning och bearbetning for barn av Beppe Wolgers, illustrerad av Charles E. Brock, Stockholm: Natur och kultur (Gulliver's Travels, by Lemuel Gulliver, First a Surgeon, then a Captain of Several Ships, translated and adapted for children by Beppe Wolgers, illustrated by Charles E. Brock). (1991) Gullivers resor, oversattning av Anna Berg-Mortensen, Stockholm: Forum (Gulliver's Travels, translated by Anna Berg-Mortensen). (1992) Gullivers underbara resor till Hlleputtarnas och jdttarnas land, bearbetning for svensk ungdom af Hugo Gyllander, med teckningar af David Ljungdahl, Stockholm: Lararetidnings forlag (Gulliver's Marvellous Travels to the Lands of the Lilliputians and the Giants, adaptation for Swedish young people by Hugo Gyllander, with illustrations by David Ljungdahl). (1994a) Gullivers underbara resor till Hlleputtarnas och jdttarnas land, bearbetning for svensk ungdom af Hugo Gyllander, med teckningar af David Ljungdahl, Stockholm: Norstedt (Gulliver's Marvellous Travels to the Lands of the Lilliputians and the Giants, adaptation for Swedish young people by Hugo Gyllander, with illustrations by David Ljungdahl). (1994b) Gullivers dventyr in Lilliput, oversattning och bearbetning av Anna-Lena Wastberg, illustrationer av Gennadij Spirin, Uppsala: Eldmor (Gulliver's Adventures in Lilliput, translation and adaptation by Anna-Lena Wastberg, illustrations by Gennadij Spirin). (1997a) Gullivers resor, aterberattad av Maj Bylock, illustrationer av Tord Nygren, Stockholm: Klassikerforlaget (Gulliver's Travels, retold by Maj Bylock, illustrations by Tord Nygren). (1997b) Resor till flera avlagset belagna lander i vdrlden, i fyra delar av Lemuel Gulliver, forutvarande skeppslakare sedermera kapten pa olika fartyg, i oversattning av Per Erik Wahlund, illustrerad av Mark Sylwan, Stockholm: Tiden, Klassikerforlaget; Natur och kultur (=distributor) (Travels to Several Remote Countries in the World, in Four Parts by Lemuel Gulliver, First a Surgeon, then a Captain of Several Ships, translated by Per Erik Wahlund, illustrated by Mark Sylwan). (1999) Gullivers resor, aterberattad av Maj Bylock, illustrationer av Tord Nygren, Stockholm: Klassikerforlaget (Gulliver's Travels, retold by Maj Bylock, illustrations by Tord Nygren).

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(2001) Gullivers resor, oversatt fran spanskan av Karin Sanfridson, Aneby: KM-forlaget (Gulliver's Travels, translated from the Spanish by Karin Sanfridson). (2002) Gullivers resor, aterberattad av Maj Bylock, illustrationer av Tord Nygren, Stockholm: Raben & Sjogren (Gulliver's Travels, retold by Maj Bylock, illustrations by Tord Nygren). Other Works Danish Swift, Jonathan (1946) Dagbog til Stella, i udvalg og oversat ved Niels Haislund (Journal to Stella, selected and translated by Niels Haislund), K0benhavn: Hasselbalch. (1947) B0gernes kamp, oversat af Niels Haislund, illustreret af Alex Secher (The Battle of the Books, translated by Niels Haislund, illustrated by Alex Secher), K0benhavn: Forum. (1961) 'Et beskedent forslag' (A Modest Proposal), in Vagn Grosen and Mogens Knudsen (eds) Engelske fortcellere fra Geoffrey Chaucer til Somerset Maugham (English Authors from Geoffrey Chaucer to Somerset Maugham], K0benhavn: Carit Andersens Forlag, pp. 273-79. (1987) 'Et beskedent forslag' ('A Modest Proposal'), in Dan Turell (ed.) Lutter latter: et udvalg af Dan Turells yndlingshumor (Pure Laughter: A Selection from Dan Turell's Favourite Humour), Frederiksberg: Jorgen Fiskers Forlag, pp. 141-50. (1998) 'Et klitisk essay vedrarende andens forskellige evner: 1707', oversaettelse og noter ved Tue Andersen Nex0 ('A Tritical Essay upon the Different Faculties of the Mind: 1707', translation and notes by Tue Andersen Nexo), Den bid port, 46: 69-76. Swedish Swift, Jonathan (1708a) Wundersahmes Prognosticon oder Prophezeyung, was in diesem 1708 Jahr geschehen soil, Wobey nebst dem Monath auch der eigentliche Tag, und bey einigen gar der Orth und die Stunden auszgedruckt, die Persohnen genennet, auch alle sonst vorfallende grosse Sachen desselben Jahrs specialiter erzehlet sind, so urie dieselbe kunfftighin sich zutragen werden. Beschrieben durch Isaac Bickerstaff, Edelmann, [Stockhohn: J.H. Werner]. (1708b) Verkiindigungen auf das Jahr MDCCVIII, Worinnen die Monate und Tage angezeiget, die Persohnen benennet, und die wichtige Begebenheiten des bevorstehenden Jahrs eigendlich bemercket werden, heraus gegeben, das Volck in Engeland fur fernerem Betrug des gemeinen Hauffens der Calendermacher zu verwahren, durch Isaac Bickerstaff, Ritter, Gedruckt in Londen, 1708, Aus dem englischen Original iibersetzet, [Lund]. (1767) 'Ett bref til en nygift fru, i anledning af hennes ingangna giftermal', ofwersatt af angelskan ('Letter to a Newly Married Lady, on the Occasion of her Marriage', translated from the English), Gefle: Ernst P. Sundqvist. (1768) 'Afhandling om oenigheterne emellan adelen och folket uti republiquerne Athen och Rom, samt om de olyckeliga pafolgder desamma haft for berorde samhallen', ofversatt ifran angelskan ('Discourse on the

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Contests and Dissensions between the Nobles and the Commons in the Republics of Athens and Rome, including the Unfortunate Consequences they had upon the Societies Concerned', translated from the English), Stockholm: Carl Stolpe. Jarv, Harry (1970) 'Jonathan Swift: Den politiska lognens konst' ('Jonathan Swift: The Art of Political Lying') [sid\ in Klassisk horisont: esstier/ran fern sekler (Classical Horizon: Essays from Five Centuries), n.p.: Bo Cavefors Bokforlag. Swift, Jonathan (1974) Ett ansprdkslost forslag (A Modest Proposal), Bromma: Delta. Westman, Christina (1996) 'Om konsten att samtala' ('On the Art of Conversation') in Om konsten att samtala, Stockholm: Fabel, pp. 9—26. Carlquist, Carl (1998) 'Djurens bikt: poem foranlett av iakttagelsen att de fiesta manniskor felbedomer sin begavning' ('The Beasts' Confession: Poem on the Occasion of Observing that Most People Misjudge their Talents'), in Anders Burius (ed.) Ndgra hyll(nings) centimeter (Some Shelfcentimetres), Stockholm: Kungliga Biblioteket, pp. 41-48.

OTHER MEDIA Audiobooks Danish Swift, Jonathan (1981) Gullivers rejser, indtaling Torben Sekov, oversaettelse Poul Steenstrup (Gulliver's Travels, spoken by Torben Sekov, translated by Poul Steenstrup), four tapes, Kobenhavn: Gyldendal AV. (1985) Eventyret om Gullivers rejse til lilleputternes land, fortalt af Per Sille (The Fairy-Tale of Gulliver's Voyage to the Land of the Lilliputians, told by Per Sille), n.p.: Starsound. (1986) Gullivers rejser (Gulliver's Travels), nine tapes, n.p. Statens Bibliotek og Trykkeri for Blinde. (1989) Gullivers rejser, indtalt af Troels M011er (Gulliver's Travels, spoken by Troels M011er), n.p.: Den grimme filing. (1990) Gullivers rejser, intdtalt af Jannie Faurschou (Gulliver's Travels, spoken by Jannie Faurschou), Pandrup: Elap. (1993) Gullivers rejser, indtalt af S0ren Elung Jensen (Gulliver's Travels, spoken by S0ren Elung Jensen), three tapes, n.p.: Den grimme filing. (1999) Gullivers rejser, genfortalt af Maj Bylock, oversaettelse afjette Lond (Gulliver's Travels, retold by Maj Bylock, translated by Jette Lond), K0benhavn: Gyldendal. Norwegian Swift, Jonathan (1998) Gullivers reiser: reisen til Lilliput (Gulliver's Travels: The Voyage to Lilliput), two tapes, Billingstad: Fono. Swedish Swift, Jonathan (1988) Gullivers resor: resan till Lilliput, baserad pa Anna BergMortensens svenska oversattning, berattare Stefan Moberg (Gulliver's

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Travels, Based on Anna Berg-Mortensen's Swedish translation, speaker Stefan Moberg), Vallingby: B. Blomberg. (1993) Gullivers resor (Gulliver' Travels), Hoganas: Bra Bocker. (1998) Gullivers resor (Gulliver's Travels), in Alia tiders klassiker: en introduction till de stora litterara verken (All-Time Classics: An Introduction to Great Literary Works), three tapes, Stockholm: Utbildningsradion.

CRITICISM Denmark Paludan, Julius (1878) 'Swift og hans efterlignere' (Swift and his Imitators) in Om Holbergs "Niels Klim" (On Holbergs "Niels Klim"), K0benhavn: Wilhelm Priors Hof-Boghandel, pp. 119-64. Hansen, Adolf (1892) 'Swift', in En engelsk Forfattergruppe: litteraturhistorisk Skildring fra del attende Aarhundredes forste Halvdel (An English Group of Writers: Literary-Historical Description from the First Half of the Eighteenth Century), K0benhavn: Jakob H. Mansas Forlag, pp. 175—285. Falbe-Hansen, Ida (1904) 'Steen Blichers "Min egen Gravsang" og dens forbillede' ('Steen Blicher's "My Own Funeral Hymn" and its Model'), Danske studier, 1: 46-48. Kruuse, Jens, 'Holberg og Swift' ('Holberg and Swift') (1934), in Vilhelm Andersen, Gustav Albeck and Alf Henriques (eds) Fern danske studier tilegnet Vilhelm Andersen den 16. oktober 1934 (Five Danish Studies Dedicated to Vilhelm Andersen), K0benhavn, pp. 48—67. Jensen, Johannes V. (1941) 'Jonathan Swift', in Mindets Tavle: portrxter og personligheder (Commemorative Plaque: Portraits and Personalities), Kobenhavn: Gyldendal, pp. 123-41. Schack, Tage (1947) 'Jonathan Swift', in Afhandlinger (Treatises), Kobenhavn: Tidehverv, pp. 139—66. Jensen, Johannes V. (1950) Swift og Oehlenschldger (Swift and Oehlenschldger), K0benhavn: Gyldendal. Kruuse, Jens (1955) 'Lad os sede b0rnene' ('Let us Eat the Children') in Mestervoerker: en indforing i tredive afde storste digtervoerkerfra alle tider og en kort oversigt over verdenslitteraturens historic fra den grozske oldtid til vort drhundredes begyndelse (Masterpieces: An Introduction to Thirty of the Greatest Works of World Literature of all Times and a Short Survey of Literary History from Ancient Times to the Beginning of our Century), K0benhavn: Hasselbalch, pp. 216—25. (Published in Norwegian: Oslo: Aschehoug 1956.) Friis M011er, Kai (1960) 'Gullivers Rejser' ('Gulliver's Travels'), in Udvalgte Essays, 1915-1960 (Selected Essays, 1915-1960), K0benhavn: Reitzel, pp. 156-62. Dreyer, Carl Theodor (1964) 'Gulliver-Filmen' ('The Gulliver-Film'), in Erik Ulrichsen (ed.) Om Filmen, Artikler og Interviews (About the Film: Articles and Interviews), K0benhavn: Gyldendal, pp. 37—38. Gress, Elsa (1966) 'Den store foragter' ('The Great Despiser'), in Del professionelle menneske (The Professional Human Being), K0benhavn: Gyldendal, pp. 190-95. Billeskov Jansen, F. J. (1968) 'Gullivers rejser: en studie i Tendensromanens ^stetik' ('Gulliver's Travels: A Study in the Aesthetics of the Roman a

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These'), in Merete Gerlach-Nielsen, Hans Hertel and Morten N0jgaard (eds) Romanproblemer: Teorier og Analyser, Festskrift til Hans S0rensen, den 28. September 1968 (Problems with the Novel: Theories and Analyses], Odense: Universitetsforlag, pp. 140-51. Prahl-Lauersen, Vagn (1968-69) 'Jonathan Swift: mennesket bag satirikeren' ('Jonathan Swift: the Man behind the Satirist'), Extracta, 2: 281—87. Scherfig, Hans (1973) 'Jonathan Swift og "Gullivers rejser'" (Jonathan Swift and Gulliver's Travels), in Jens Kr. Andersen and Leif Emerek (eds) Hans Scherfig: Holberg og andre forfaftere: udvalgte essays (Hans Scherfig: Holberg and Other Authors: Selected Essays], K0benhavn: Vinten, pp. 15—23. Sven M011er Kristensen and Preben Raml0v (1974) B0rne- og ungdomsb0ger: problemer og analyser (Children's Books and Books for Young People: Problems and Analyses], 2nd edn, K0benhavn: Gyldendal, pp. 94—95 and 222. Billeskov Jansen, F.J. (1977) 'Gullivers rejser: en studie i Tendensromanens ^Estetik' (Gulliver's Travels: A Study in the Aesthetics of the Roman a These), in Merete Gerlach Nielsen, Hans Hertel and Morten N0jgaard (eds) Romanteori og Romananalyse (Theory and Analysis of the Novel), Odense: Universitetsforlag, pp. 209—20. Kirk, Hans (1978), 'Om "Gullivers rejse'" (On Gulliver's Travels], in Del borgerlige frisinds endeligt: essays og artikler (The End of the Open-Minded Society: Essay and Articles], 2nd edn, K0benhavn: Gyldendal, pp. 142-50. Estrup, Hector (1979) 'Tradition og fornuft' (Tradition and Reason), in Vincens Steensen-Leth (ed.) Trofasthed og tradition: en essaysmaling (Loyalty and Tradition: A Collection of Essays], K0benhavn: Krohns Bogtrykkeri, pp. 74-99. Billeskov Jansen, F.J. (1983) 'Gulliver's Travels: A Study in the Aesthetics of the Roman a These', in Orbis litterarum, 38. 1: 13—23. Larsen, Steffen (1990) 'Gulliver igen: Erik Hjorth Nielsen kaster glans over en klassiker' ('Gulliver again: Erik Hjorth Nielsen Casts Splendour on a Classic'), Detfri aktuelt, 24 April, p. 20. Hiorth-Lorenzen, Marianne (1990) 'De storste fortaellere for de mindste: James Joyce og Jonathan Swift som originale danske billedboger' (The Greatest Writers for the Smallest: James Joyce, and Jonathan Swift as Original Danish Picture-Books), Politiken, 23 April. Andersen, Jens (1990) 'Grimm, Swift og Joyce for unge filologer' ('Grimm, Swift and Joyce for Young Philologists'), Weekendavisen B0ger, 10 May, 6. West, Michael (1995) 'Geswifte losninger' ('Swift Solutions'), Politiken, 5 March, p. 9. Meyer, Gitte and Mogens Dam (1996) 'Gullivers rejser' (Gulliver's Travels), in Sjcelens sorte huller (Black Holes of the Soul), K0benhavn: Munksgaard, pp.130-35. Winge, Mette (1999) 'Indaedt satire: verden mangier satire som i "Gullivers Rejser'" (Biting satire: the world is missing satire as in Gulliver's Travels), Politiken, 28 July, 6.

Norway Kruuse, Jens (1956) 'La oss spise barna' ('Let us Eat Children'), in Mesterverker: en innf0ring i noen av verdenslitteraturens st0rstedikterverker og en kort oversikt over

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litteraturhistorien fra den greske oldtid til begynnelsen av vdrt arhundre (Masterpieces: An Introduction to Some of the Most Splendid Works of World Literature and a Short Survey of Literary History from Ancient Times to the Beginning of our Century), Oslo: Aschehoug, pp. 212—21. (Published in Danish: K0benhavn: Hasselbalch 1955.) R0stvig, Maren-Sofie (1961) The Background of English Neo-Classicism, with Some Comments on Swift and Pope, Oslo; Bergen: Universitetsforlag. Engelstad, Carl Fredrik (1967) 'Jonathan Swift og det fantastiske' ('Jonathan Swift and the Fantastic'), Vinduet, 21: 118-21. Hagemann, Sonja (1974) Barnelitteratur i Norge 1850-1914 (Children's Literature in Norway), Oslo: Aschehoug, p. 14.

Sweden Nyren, Carl (1760) Lefvernes—beskrifning over den bekante doctorn och domprosten Jonathan Swift, ofversatt ur Londonska magasinet af Carl Nyren (Description of the Life of the Well-Known Doctor and Dean Jonathan Swift, translated from the London Magazine by Carl Nyren), Gotheborg. Stjernstolpe, Jonas Magnus (1807) Jonathan Swifts lefverne, af Samuel Baur, ofversatt af Jonas Magnus Stjernstolpe (Jonathan Swift's Life, by Samuel Baur, translated by Jonas Magnus Stjernstolpe), Stockholm: C.S. Marquard. Him, Yrjo (1918) Swift, Helsingfors: Holger Schildt. Wahlund, Per Erik (1955) En Gulliverkommentar (A Commentary on Gulliver), Stockholm: Hedengren. Spector, Robert Donald (1958) 'Lagerkvist, Swift and the Device of Fantasy', The Western Humanities Review, 12. 1: 75—79. Wahlund, Per Erik (1964) 'Den gatfulle domprosten' ('The Enigmatic Dean'), in Bordssamtal: essayer och causerier (Dinner Conversations: Essays and Causeries), Stockholm: Natur och Kultur, pp. 45—61. Klingberg, Gote (1964) Svensk bam- och ungdomslitteratur 1591—1839: en pedagogikhistorisk och bibliografisk oversikt (Swedish Literature for Children and Adolescents: A Historical and Bibliographical Survey), Stockholm: Natur och Kultur, pp. 191-92. Carlsson, Ingemar (1966) 'Dalin, Swift och den politiska allusionstekniken' ('Dalin, Swift and the Technique of Political Allusion') in Olof Dalin och den politiska propagandan infor "lilla ofreden": Sagan Om Hasten och Wdr-Wisa i samtidspolitisk belysning (Olof Dalin and Political Propaganda in 'lilla ofreden': The Tale about the Horse and Spring-Song in the Perspective of Contemporary Politics), Lund: Gleerup, pp. 79-81. Soderlind, Johannes (1968) 'The Word "Lilliput"', Studia Neophiblogica, 40: 75-79. Bolin, Greta, Eva von Zweigbergk and Mary 0rvig (1974) Barn och bocker: en orientering (Children and Literature: An Orientation), Stockholm: Raben & Sjogren, pp. 92—93. Furuland, Lars, Orjan Lindberger and Mary 0rvig (1979) Ord och bilderfor barn: historik, texturval, kommentarer (Words and Pictures for Children: History, Text Selection, Comments), Stockholm: Raben & Sjogren, pp. 168-69. Grimvall, Goran (1979—80) 'Science in Fiction: en litteraturvetenskaplig vandring genom litterara citat' (Science in Fiction: A Literary Historical

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Journey Through Literary Quotation), Tal over blandade dmnen: drsbok/ collegium curiosorum novum: 1—11. Bergstrand, Ulla (1982) 'Gullivers underbara resor', illustrator David Ljungdal, bearbetare Hugo Gyllander' ('Gulliver's Marvellous Travels, illustrated by David Ljungdahl, adapted by Hugo Gyllander'), in Fran Prins Hatt till Gulliver: en stilhistorisk och textrelaterad analys av illustrationema i Bambiblioteket Saga, volym 1-10 dren 1899-1902 (From Prince Hatt to Gulliver: A StylisticHistorical and Text-Related Analysis of the Illustrations in Bambiblioteket Saga, Volumes 1-10, Years 1899-1902), Lund: Gleerup, pp. 171-88. Pohjanen, Cecilia (1997) 'Satire in Swift and McEwan: A Study of Satire as a means of Criticizing Society' (unpublished extended essay, Lulea tekniska universitet). Ogden, Daniel (1999) 'Looking for Utopia, Swift's Gulliver's Travels (1726) as a Commentary on More's Utopia (1516)', in Rut Bostrom Andersson (ed.) Ordets makt och tankens frihet: om sprdket som maktfaktor (Power of the Words and Freedom of Thought: On Language as a Factor of Power), Uppsala: Studentbokhandeln, pp. 247—51. Hellstrom, Par (2000) 'Jonathan Swift: tidsenlig cyniker eller tidlos humanist?' ('Jonathan Swift: Contemporary Cynic or Timeless Humanist?'), in Stefan Mahlqvist and Torsten Pettersson (eds) Tid och evighet: nedslag i del gdngna drtusendets europeiska litteratur (Time and Eternity: The Impact on European Literature of the Last Millennium), Uppsala: Litteraturvetenskapliga institutionen Uppsala universitet, pp. 76—91.

REFERENCE WORKS AND LITERARY HISTORIES Denmark Salmonsens Konversations Leksikon (Salmonsen's Encyclopaedia), (1915—30), ed. Johannes Brondum Nielsen and Palle Raunkjaer, 26 vols, Kobenhavn: J. H. Schultz Forlagsboghandel, vol. 22 (1927), pp. 490-91 (s.v. 'Swift'). Illustreret Dansk Litteraturhistorie (Illustrated History of Danish Literature) (1924— 34), ed. Carl S. Petersen and Vilhelm Andersen, 4 vols, K0benhavn: Gyldendal, vol. 2: 'Det attende aarhundrede' ('The Eighteenth Century') (1934), ed. Vilhelm Andersen, pp. 131 and 1050-51. Illustreret Dansk Konversations Leksikon (Illustrated Danish Encyclopaedia) (1933— 37), ed. P. A. Rosenberg, C. A. Schou and T. Vogel-J0rgensen (vol. 1— 15); C. A. Schou, T. Vogel-Jorgensen (vol. 16-24), 24 vols, K0benhavn: Berlingske Forlag, vol. 20 (1936), pp. 482-83 (s.v. 'Swift'). Raunkjcers Konversations Leksikon (Raunkjozr's Encyclopaedia), (1948—57), ed. Palle Raunkjoer, 13 vols, Kobenhavn: Det Danske Forlag, vol. 11 (1953), col. 495-96 (s.v. 'Swift'). Dansk litteratur historic (History of Danish Literature) (1964-66), ed. P. H. Traustedt, 4 vols, Kobenhavn: Politikens Forlag, vol. 1: 'Fra runerne til Johannes Ewald' ('From the Runes to Johannes Ewald') (1964), ed. Gustav Albeck and F. J. Billeksov Jansen, p. 327. Nordisk Konversations Leksikon (Nordic Encyclopaedia) (1960—64), ed. Harald W. M011er, 8 vols, Kobenhavn: Nordisk Konversations Leksikon, vol. 8 (1964), p. 104 (s.v. 'Swift').

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Gyldendals Litteraturleksikon (Gyldendals Encyclopaedia of Literature) (1974), ed. Henning Harmer and Thomas J0rgensen, 4 vols, K0benhavn: Gyldendal, vol. 4, p. 166 (s.v. 'Swift'). Gyldendals Tibindsleksikon (Gyldendals Encyclopaedia), (1977—78), ed. J0rgen Bang, 10 vols, K0benhavn: Gyldendal, vol. 9 (1978), p. 241 (s.v. 'Swift'). Dansk litteratur historic (History of Danish Literature) (1983—85), ed. and written by a group of authors, 9 vols, K0benhavn: Gyldendal, vol. 4: 'Patriotismens Tid' ('The Time of Patriotism') (1983), ed. Johan Fjord Jensen and others, p. 206. Lademann, (1982—88), ed. Torben W. Langer, 30 vols, K0benhavn: Lademann, vol. 27 (1987), pp. 231-32 (s.v. 'Swift'). Den Store Danske Encyklopcedi (The Big Danish Encyclopaedia) (1994—2001), ed. J0rn Lund, 20 vols, K0benhavn: Danmarks Nationalleksikon, vol. 18 (2000), p. 380 (s.v. 'Swift'); vol. 8 (1997), p. 85 (s.v. 'Gullivers rejser'). Norway Illustrert Norsk Litteratur Historic (Illustrated History of Norwegian Literature) (1934—35), ed. Kristian Elster, 6 vols, Oslo: Gyldendal, vol. 1: 'Fra norr0n diktning til Ludvig Holberg' ('From Old Norse Poetry to Ludvig Holberg') (1935), pp. 12-13. Norsk Litteratur Historic (History of Norwegian Literature) (1955-63), ed. Francis Bull and others, 6 vols, Oslo: Aschehoug, vol. 2: 'Norges Litteratur: fra Reformasjonen til 1814' ('Norway's Literature: From the Reformation till 1814') (1958), ed. Francis Bull, pp. 357-58. Aschehougs Konversasjons Leksikon (Aschehoug's Encyclopaedia), (1968-73), ed. Arthur Holmesland, 2nd edn, 19 vols, Oslo: Aschehoug, vol. 18 (1972), col. 450-51 (s.v. 'Swift'). Aschehoug og Gyldendals Store Norske Leksikon (Aschehoug and Gyldendal's Big Norwegian Encyclopaedia), (1986—89), ed. Egil Tveteras, 2nd edn, 12 vols, Oslo: Kunskapsforlaget, vol. 13 (1989), p. 299 (s.v. 'Swift'). Sweden Nordisk Familjebok: Konversationslexikon och Realencydopedi (Nordic Familybook: Enyclopaedia and Specialist Encyclopaedia) (1904—26), ed. Bernhard Meijer, 2nd edn, 38 vols, Stockholm: Nordisk Familjebok, vol. 27, col. 1297-1301 (s.v. 'Swift'). Illustrerad svensk litteraturhistoria (Illustrated History of Swedish Literature) (191116), ed. Henrik Schiick and Karl Warburg, 2nd edn, 5 vols, Stockholm: Geber, vol. 2: 'Sveriges litteratur under frihetstidens och gustavianska tidehvarfvet' ('Sweden's Literature in the Age of Freedom and the Gustavian Epoch'), p. 14. Illustrerat svensk litteraturhistoria (Illustrated History of Swedish Literature) (192649), ed. Henrik Schiick and Karl Warburg, 3rd edn, 8 vols, Stockholm: Natur och kultur, vol. 8: 'Fyra decennier af nittonhundratalet' ('Five Decades of the Twentieth Century') (149), ed. Erik Hjalmar Linder, pp. 372 and 392. Allmdn Litteraturhistoria (General History of Literature) (1946-54), ed. Henrik Schiick, 2nd edn, 7 vols, Stockholm: Geber, vol. 5 (1952): 'Upplysningen och fbrromantiken' ('Enlightenment and Pre-Romanticism'), pp. 75—100.

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Svensk Uppslagsbok (Swedish Encyclopaedia), (1947-55), ed. Gunnar Carlquist and Josef Carlsson, 2nd edn, 32 vols, Malmo: Forlagshuset Norden, vol. 28 (1954), col. 519-20 (s.v. 'Swift')Bonniers allmdnna litteraturhistoria (Bonniers General History of Literature) (1959— 66), ed. E. N. Tigerstedt, 7 vols, Stockholm: Bonnier, vol. 3 (1960): 'Renassans — barock — klassicism' ('Renaissance — Baroque — Classicism'), pp. 390-94. Svenskt Litteraturlexikon (Swedish Encyclopaedia of Literature) (1970), 2nd edn, Lund: Gleerup, p. 407. Litteraturen genom tidema: kortfattad litteraturhistoria for gymnasieskolan (Literature through the Times: Concise Literary History for Grammar Schools) (1982), ed. Hugo Ruden, Gunnar Stenhag and Dick Widing, Stockholm: Natur och kultur, pp. 79-82. Den Svenska Litteraturen (Swedish Literature) (1987—90), ed. Lars Lonnroth and Sven Delblanc, 7 vols, Stockholm: Bonnier, vol. 2: 'Upplysning och romantik 1718-1830' ('Enlightenment and Romanticism') (1988), pp. 18 and 23. Nationalencyklopedin (The National Encyclopaedia), (1989—96), 20 vols, Hoganas: Bokforlaget Bra Bocker, vol. 17 (1995), p. 549 (s.v. 'Swift').

CREATIVE RECEPTION Ludvig Holberg Holberg, Ludvig (1960) The Journey of Niels Klim to the World Underground, ed. James I. McNelis, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. (1970) Me/5 Klims underjordiske rejse, 1741-1745 (The Journey of Niels Klim to the World Underground, 1741-1745), ed. A. Kragelund, 3 vols, Kobenhavn: Gad. Olqf von Dalin Dalin, Olof von (1910—19) Then Swdnska Argus (The Swedish Argus), ed. B[engt] Hesselmann and M[artin] Lamm, 3 vols, Stockholm: Bonnier. (1977) Sagan om Hasten och annan prosa (The Tale of the Horse and Other Prose Works), ed. Sven G. Hansson, Stockholm: Norstedt. J0rgen Riis Riis, J0rgen (1744—45) Den danske Spectator samt Sande- og Granskningsmand (The Danish Spectator, together with Truth-Tellers and Scientists), K0benhavn. Carl Nyren Nyren, Carl (1786) Mappa Geographica Scelestinae: eller Stora skdlms-landets geographiska beskrifning (Geographical Map of the Land of Crime: or, A Geographical Description of the Land of the Big Rogues), Stockholm: Johan Georg Lange. Hans Bergestrom Bergestrom, Hans (1770) Indianiske Bref: eller utforlig beskrifning ofver twdnne obekanta rikens moraliska, politiska och oeconomiska beskaffenhet (Indian Letters:

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or, A Detailed Description of two Unknown Empires' Moral, Political, and Economical Constitution), Carlscrona: Ameralitetsboktryckeriet. (1771) Om Nahkhanahamahhem: eller dumhetens och ddrskapens land (About Nahkhanahamahhem: or, The Country of Stupidity and Foolishness), Carlskrona: Ameralitetsboktryckeriet. Steen Steensen Blicher Blicher, Steen Steensen (1842) 'Min egen Gravsang' 'My Own Funeral Song' in Samlede Skrifter (Collected Works) (1920-34), ed. Jeppe Aakjasr and others, 33 vols, Kobenhavn: Gyldendal, vol. 25 (1929), ed. Jeppe Aakjaer andjohs. N0rvig, pp. 61—64. Par Lagerkvist Lagerkvist, Par (1919) 'Himlens hemlighet' ('Secret of the Sky') in Dramatik (Dramatic Works), 3 vols, Stockholm: Bonnier, vol. 1, pp. 133—55. (1924) Onda Sagor (Bad Tales), Stockholm: Bonnier. (1944) Dvdrgen (The Dwarf), Stockholm: Bonnier. Sven Clausen Clausen, Sven (1966) Digte (Poems), K0benhavn: Gyldendal. Carl Bjarne Skov and Kenny Jensen Minimarengs og makromakroner: en musical om stort og smat — og ondt og godt (Minimarengs and Makromakroner: A Musical about Large and Small — and Bad and Good), music by Kenny Jensen, text by Carl Bjarne Skov, Herning: Folkeskolens Musiklaererforening.

OTHER WORKS CITED IN THE TEXT (IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER) Baur, Samuel (1803—07) Interessante Lebensgemdlde der denkwurdigsten Personen des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts (Interesting Portraits of the Most Memorable Persons of the Eighteenth Century), 6 vols, Leipzig: VoB. Bergman, Gosta M. Par Lagerkvists dramatik (Par Lagerkvist's Dramatic Art), Stockholm: Norstedt. Book, Fredrik (1907) Romanens och prosaberdttelsens historia i Sverige infill 1809 (The History of the Novel and of Prose Writing in Sweden until 1809), Stockholm: Bonnier. (1922) Svensk Vardag: Essayer (Swedish Everyday: Essays), Stockholm: Norstedt. Falck-Ytter, [Oluf Vilhelm] (1873) Haakon Haakonsen: en Norsk Robinson (Haakon Haakonsen: a Norwegian Robinson), Kristiania: Falck Ytters Forlag. Holberg, Ludvig (1943) Moralske Tanker (Moral Thoughts), ed. F. J. Billeskov Jansen, Kobenhavn: Hagerup. Hornstrom, Erik (1946) Par Lagerkvist: fran den roda tiden till del eviga leendet (Par Lagerkvist: From the Red Period to the Eternal Smile), Stockholm: Bonnier. Karahka, Urpu-Liisa (1978) Jaget och Ismerna: Studier i Par Lagerkvists estetiska teori och lyriska praktik t.o.m. 1916 (The Ego and the Isms: Studies on Par

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Lagerkvist's Theory of Aesthetics and Lyrical Practice until 1916), n.p.: Bo Cavefors Bokfbrlag. Lamm, Martin (1908) OlofDalin: En litteraturhistorisk undersokning afhans verk (OlofDalin: A Literary-Historical Analysis of his Works), Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell. Mjoberg, Joran (1951) Livsproblemet hos Lagerkvist (The Problem of Life with Lagerkvist), Stockholm: Bonnier. Oberholzer, Otto (1958) Par Lagerkvist: Studien zu seiner Prosa und seinen Dramen (Par Lagerkvist: Studies on his Prose and Dramas), Heidelberg: Winter. Paludan, Jjulius] (1878) Om Holbergs 'Niels Klim'; med scerlig Hensyn til tidligere Satirer i Form afopdigtede og vidunderlige Reiser (On Holberg's 'Niels Klim', with Particular Reference to Earlier Satires in the Form of Invented and Marvellous Travelogues), K0benhavn: Wilhelm Priors Hof-Boghandel. (1913) Fremmed Indflydelse paa den danske Nationallitteratur i det 17. og 18. Aarhundrede: en litteraturhistorisk Unders0gelse, vol. 2: 'Fransk-Engelsk Indflydelse i Holbergs Tidsalder' (Foreign Influence on Denmark's National Literature in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: A Literary-Historical Analysis, vol. 2: 'French-English Influence in Holberg's Time'), K0benhavn: Nationale Forfatteres Forlag. Real, Hermann Josef (1998) 'Reisen ins Nirgendwo: Mores "Utopia" und Swifts "Gullivers Reisen" (Travels to Nowhere: More's "Utopia" and Swift's "Gulliver's Travels"} in Barbara Bauer und Wolfgang G. Miiller (eds) Staatstheoretische Diskurse im Spiegel der Nationalliteraturen von 1500—1800, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 445—68. Ridder, Iris (1998) 'Uberlegungen zur Rezeption des mittelalterlichen deutschen Volksbuches "Konig Salomon und Markolfus'" in Carl Nyrens 'Mappa Geographica Scelestinae' ('Reflections on the Reception of the Mediaeval German Volksbuch "King Salomon and Markolfus'" in Carl Nyren's 'Mappa Geographica Scelestinae') in Heiko Uecker (ed.) Opplysning i Norden (Enlightenment in the North), Frankfurt/M.: Peter Lang, pp. 439-44. Schoier, Ingrid (1981) Som i Aftonland: Studier kring temata, motiv ch metod i Par Lagerkvists sista diktsamling (Like in 'Aftonland': Studies in Themes, Motifs, and Method in Par Lagerkvist's Last Collection of Poems), Stockholm. (1987) Par Lagerkvist: en biografi (Par Lagerkvist: A Biography), Stockholm: Bonnier. Spector, Robert Donald (1973) Par Lagerkvist, New York: Twayne.

Chapter 7 1. CRITICISM (IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER) Dimarco, K. (1787) Uwagi filozoficzne, krytyczne i moraine nad Gulliwerom, W-wa. Maczewski, Przemyslaw (1904) 'Mikolaja Doswiadczyiiskiego przypadki', in Pamietnik literacki, 3: 33-54 and 185-207. Wojciechowski, Konstanty (1907) 'Utopia i satyra w ks. Krajewskiego Wojdecha Zdarzynskim a Swifta Podroze Guliwera', in Pamietnik literacki, 10:

501-07.

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Tarnawski, Wladyslaw (1930) 'Swift', in Historia literatury angielskiej od Swifta do Burnsa, Lwow, pp. 16—43. Kott, Jan (1949) ' Podroze Guliwera', in Szkola klasykow, Warszawa: PWN, pp. 91-140. Triller, Eugenia (1953) 'Pierwsze polskie wydanie Podrozy kapitana Guliwera, in Ze skarbca kultury, 1: 117-19. Kipa, Emil (1956) 'Niektore mysli Swifta', Kwartalnik neofilologiczny, 3: 41-42. Mikos, J. (1962) 'Swift's World Comedy', Annales Universitatis MCS, 17: 2738. Suchodolski, Bogdan (1967) 'Opowiesc o czlowieku zdradzanym przez samego siebie', in Przeglad humanistyczny, 1: 11—31. Anon (1968) 'Swift', in Wielka encyklopedia powszechna PWN, vol. 11, Warszawa: PIW, p. 133. Nalecz-Wojtczak,Jolanta (1971) 'Swift', in Wojtczak, J. N. (ed.) Maty stownik pisarzy angielskich i amerikanskich, Warszawa: Wiedza powszechna, pp. 474— 76. Kydrynski, Juliusz (1979) 'Poslowie', in Swift, Jonathan Podroze do wielu odlegtych narodow swiata przez Lemuela Gullivera, translated by Maciej Slomczynski, Krakow: Wydawnictwo literackie, pp. 318-25. Mroczkowski, Przemyslaw (1986) 'Swift', in Historia literatury angielskiej. Zarys, wyd. II uzup., Wroclaw and Warszawa: Ossolineum, pp. 282—90. Slomczynski, Maciej (1988) '"Gdzie straszliwe oburzenie juz nie rozszarpuje jego serca" [Poslowie]', in Swift, Jonathan Podroze Gulliwera do wielu odlegtych narodow swiata, translated by Maciej Slomczyfiski, Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo Dolnoslaskie, pp. 303—07. Anon (1997) 'Swift', in Nowa encyklopedia powszechna PWN, vol. 6, W-wa: PIW, p. 131.

2. TRANSLATIONS (IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER) 2.1 Gulliver's Travels 1784 Podroze kapitana Gulliwera w rozne kraje dalekie, 2 vols, Suprasl (reprinted by Biblioteka powszechna in 1804, 4 vols, including Le Nouveau Gulliver by Desfontaines). 1892 Podroze Guliwera w ukladzie dla mtodziezy, translated by Cecylia Niewiadomska, Warszawa: Gebethner and Wolff (reprinted 1899, 1911, 1916, 1928, 1949, 1958, 1985, and later). 1893 Podroze Guliwera do nieznanych krajow, 4 vols, Zloczow: Biblioteka powszechna (reprinted 1913). 1901 Podroze Guliwera do liliputow i olbrzymow, adapted for young people by Zbigniew Kaminski, Warszawa 1901. 1908 Przygody Guliwera w krainie kartow i olbrzymow, retold for young people by A. Callier, Warszawa (reprinted 1912). 1914 Przygody Guliwera. Kraina Olbrzymow, new edition for children, Krakow. 1933 Gulliwer w krainie czarodziejow, translated by Jan Walicki, Warszawa. 1947 Podroze Guliwera, translated by W. Dobrowolski, Krakow: Reklama. 1949 Podroze Guliwera, translated by Jan Kott, Warszawa: PIW (reprinted 1951, 1952, 1956, 1957, 1987, 1995).

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1961 Podroze Guliwera, translated by Jacek Bochefiski and Marian Brandys, Warszawa: Nasza ksiegarnia (reprinted 1967, 1970, 1972, 1981, 1997). 1979 Podroze do wielu odleglych narodow swiata przez Lemuela Guliwera, poczatkowo lekarza okretowego, nastepnie kapitana licznych okretow, translated by Maciej Slomczynski, Krakow: Wydawnictwo Literackie (reprinted 1982, 1983, 1988, 1994, 1995, 1998). 1992 Podroze Gulliwera, adapted by Dirk Walbrecker, and from the German translated by Wawrzyniec Sawic, Warszawa: Liberal. 2.2 Other Works 1933 Wielka literatura powszechna, ed. Stanislaw Lam, Warszawa: Nakladem ksiegarni Trzaski, Everta i Michalskiego (including 'Medytacje nad stara miotla' ['A Meditation upon a Broomstick'], translated by Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz and excerpts from 'Wiersze na smierc Doktora Swifta' ['Verses on the Death of Dr Swift'], adapted by Feliks Jezierski, pp. 15659). 1971 Poeci jezyka angielskiego, vol. 1, eds Henryk Krzeczkowski, Jerzy S. Sito and Juliusz Zulawski, Warszawa: PIW, pp. 802—12 (includes 'Na urodziny Stelli [1718/19]' ['Stella's Birthday']; 'Urodziny 13 marca [1726/27]' ['Stella's Birthday']; 'Dzielny Tom Clinch w drodze na szubienice, w roku 1727' ['Clever Tom Clinch Going to be Hanged']; 'Opis poranka' ['A Description of the Morning']; 'Szubienica' ['There is a Gate I know full well']; 'Dr Swift do pana Pope'a' ['Dr Swift to Mr Pope']; 'Wiersze na smierc Doktora Swifta — przez niego samego' ['Verses on the Death of Dr Swift'].

3. CREATIVE RECEPTION Bryll, Ernest (1958) 'Guliver', in Wiersze wybrane, Krakow: Wydawnicto literackie, p. 7 (from the volume Wigilie wariata [1958]). Broszkiewizc, Jerzy (1962) 'Dwie przygody Lemuela Gulliwera'. Sztuka w dwu aktach, in Szesc sztuk scenicznych, Krakow: Wydawnictwo literackie, pp. 195-222. Bryll, Ernest (1975) 'Do Jonatana Swifta', in Wiersze wybrane, Krakow: Wydawnictwo literackie, pp. 284—85 (from the volume Zwierzatko [1975]).

4. FURTHER SOURCES Fisiak, Juliusz (ed.) (1977) Bibliograjla anglystiki polskiej 1945—1975. Jezykoznawstwo-literaturoznawstwo, Warszawa: PIW. Krajewska, Wanda (1971) Recepcja literatury angielskiej w Polsce w okresie modernizmu (1887-1918), Wroclaw and Warszawa, PIW. Kurowska, Elzbieta (1987) Recepcja literatury angielskiej w Polsce (1932—1939), Wroclaw: Zaklad Nar. im. Ossolinskich. Sinko, Zofia (1961) Powiesc angielska osiemnastegu wieku a powiesc polska lat 1764-1830, Warszawa: PWN.

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2. TRANSLATIONS (IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER) 2.2 Works 1759 'Ispolnenie pervogo iz prorochestv mistera Bikerstafa', Prazdnoe vremya v pol'ze upotreblennoe, ch. II (s iyulya mesyatsa), 30 Oktyabrya, XL: 278—83. 1759 'Kratkoe izobrazhenie o estestve, pol'ze i neobkhodimoi potrebnosti voiny i ssor lonafana Svifta nazyvaemoi: Skazka o bochke', Trudolyubivaya pchela, 9: 571-74. 1760 'Shviftovo rasmyshleniya o raznykh materiyakh', Ezhemesyachnye sochineniya i perevody k pol'ze i uveseleniyu sluzhashchiya, 4: 335—53. 1770 Puteshestvie Samuila Brunta v Kaklogaliniyu, Hi ezda v zemlyu petukhov, a ottuda v lunu. Sochinenie G. Svifta, translated from German [translator unknown], St Petersburg. 1776 'Predlozhenie ob ispravlenii, rasprostranenii i ustanovlenii Angliinskogo yazyka, v pis'me k Lordu Oksfortu, Velikobritanskomu glavnomu Kaznacheyu', in Opyt Trudov Vol'nogo Rossiiskogo Sobraniya pri Imperatorskom Moskovskom Universitete, t. 3, Moskva, pp. 1—34. 1794 'Sviftovo razmyshlenie o metle i kak proizoshlo ono', Priyatnoe ipoleznoe preprovozhdenie vremeni, ch. 1, No 1—27: 81—91. 1809 'Chto ya budu delat', kogda sostareyus'', Severnyi Merkuriy [Moskva], 5: 130-31. 1864 'Nastavlenie prisluge', Iskra [Moskva], 39: 517-19; 42: 559-61.

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1870s 'Skazka bochki'; 'Skromnoe predlozhenie'; 'Puteshestviya Gullivera'; 'Nastavlenie prisluge'; 'Razoblachennyi Bikerstaf; 'Razmyshlenie nad ruchkoi o metly', in Sochineniya, n.p., n.d. 1881 'Serioznyi i poleznyi proekt ...'; 'Skromnoe predlozhenie'; 'Puteshestvie v stranu Guingmov'; 'Bumagi Bikerstafa', in Chuyko, V. V. Svift, St Petersburg. 1884 'Skazka o bochke, napisannaya dlya vyashchshego preuspevaniya roda chelovecheskogo'. Sochinenie Dzhonatana Svifta, translated by V. V. Chuyko, Izyashchnaya literatura, 6: 299-325 [continued in 7: 102-34; 8: 121-51; 9: 30-53]. 1930 Skazka bochki, translated from the English and edited by A. Deych; preface: A. V. Lunacharskii; annotations by T. Levit, Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura. 1931 Skazka bochki, translated and annotated by A. A. Frankovskii, Moskva and Leningrad: Academia. 1955 Pamflety, translated from the English and edited by M. P. Alekseev and E. I. Klimenko, annotations by Yu. D. Levin and M. A. Shereshevskaya, Moskva: Nauka. 1974 'Klub Legiona (1737). Otryvok', translated by A. Michal'skaya, in Problemy zarubezhnoi literatury, Moskva: Nauka, pp. 4—5. 1977 'Basnya o Midase (Na gertsoga Mal'boro, lorda Cherchilla, ch'e imya kak moshennika i kaznokradtsa stalo naritsatel'nym)', in Levik, V. V. Izbrannye perevody v dvukh totnakh, t. 2, Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, pp. 95-97. 1978 'Soboleznovanie potomku samoubiitsy. Epigramma', translated by S. Ya. Marzhak, in Izbrannye perevody, Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, p. 316. 1978 'Rassuzhdeniya na temy ser'eznye i prazdnye', translated by A. Livergant, Voprosy literatury [Moskva], 9: 299—304. 1981 'Dnevmk dlya Stelly'; 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly (1719)'; 'Stelle, posetivshei menya v moei bolezni'; 'Stelle, sobravshei i perepisavshei stikhotvoreniya avtora'; 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly (1721)'; 'Stelle k dnu rozhdeniya (1722)'; 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly (Bol'shaya butylka vina, davno pogrebennaya)'; 'Stelle (1724)'; 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly (1725)'; 'Retsept, kak Stelle pomolodet"; 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly (1727)'; 'Na smert' missis Dzhonson'; 'Kadenus i Vanessa'; 'Perepiska Svifta i Vanessy', in Dnevnik dlya Stelly, translated and compiled by A. G. Inger and V. B. Mikushevich; afterword by A. G. Inger, Moskva: Nauka. 1983 'Kogo svirepyi Bog ognem poezii obzheg', translated from the English by A. Solyanov, Inostrannaya literatura [Moskva], 1: 235—37 (includes: 'Moi obraz zhizni'; 'Elegiya: Pamyati Diki i Dolli'; 'Nam luchshe zhit' v mogil'noi yame...'; 'Kogda za chub ukhvatit Mardzhi Neda'; 'Tsarstvo proklyatykh'; 'Zagadka'; 'Odnazhdy dubasila Toma zhena'). 1984 'Dialog mezhdu izvestnym yuristom i doktorom Sviftom...', translated by A. Solyanov, Nauka i religiya [Moskva], 10: 57-58 (includes 'Chitaya satiru d-ra Yanga "Vselenskaya lyubov""; 'Atlas'; 'Epitafiya'; 'Uniya'; 'lyuda'). 1987 'Puteshestviya Gullivera'; 'Skazka bochki'; 'Bitvaknig'; 'Razmyshlenie o palke ot metly'; 'Rassuzhdenie o neudobstvii unichtozheniya khristianstva

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v Anglii'; 'Bumagi Bikerstafa'; 'Pervoe pis'mo Sukonshchika'; 'Skromnoe predlozhenie'; 'Opisanie utra'; 'Opisanie livnya v gorode'; 'Put' poezii'; 'Satiricheskaya elegiya na smert' znamenitogo generala'; 'Epigramma'; 'Chertova obitel"; 'Sudnyi den"; 'Stikhi na smert' doktora Svifta', in Izbrannoe, ed. V. D. Rak and I. I. Chekalov; preface by V. D. Rak, Leningrad: Khudozhestvennaya literatura. 1987 'Predlozhenie ob ispravlenii, uluchshenii i zakreplenii angliiskogo yazyka', 'Kratkaya kharakteristika ego svetlosti grafa Tomasa Uortona', 'O grazhdanskom dukhe vigov i pr.', 'Neskol'ko nepredvzyatykh myslei o nyneshnym polozhenie del v Irlandii', 'Beglyi vzglyad na polozhenie v Irlandii', in Angliya v pamflete, Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, pp. 70-81, 203-59, 285-347, 413-20. 1988 'Den' rozhdeniya Stelly (1719)', 'Den' rozhdeniya Bekki (1726)', 'Satiricheskaya elegiya na smert' nekogda slavnogo generala', 'lyuda', 'Chertova obitel', in Prekrasnoe plenyaet navsegda. Iz angliiskoi poezii XVIII—XIX vekov, compiled by A. V. Parin and A. G. Murik, Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, pp. 16—19. 'Satiricheskaya elegiya na smert' znamenitogo generala', 'Retsept, kak Stelle pomolodet", 'Smyshlennyi Tom Klinch po doroge na viselitsu', 'Preobrazhenie krasoty', 'Kadenus i Vanessa (excerpts)', 'Irlandskomu klubu', 'lyuda', 'Chertova obitel", in Poeziya Irlandii, compiled by G. Kruzhkov, introduced by A. Sarukhan, annotated by T. Mikhailov and A. Sarukhan, Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, pp. 115—28.

2.1 Gulliver's Travels 2.1.1 Complete versions 1772/73 Puteshestviya Gullivera [v Liliput', Brodinyagu, Laputu, Bal'nibarby, Guingmskuyu stranu, ili k loshadyam. Satiricheskoe soch. G. Svifta], knigi I—IV, perevedeny s frantsuzskogo yazyka na rossiiskii Gosudarstvennoi Kollegii Inostrannykh Del perevodchikom Erofeem Karzhavinym v Sanktpeterburge pri Imperatorskoi Akademii nauk. [Second edition in 1780.] 1844 Puteshestviya Gullivera, retold for children, St Petersburg. 1870s Puteshestviya k raznym otdalennym narodam mira, Lemuelya Gullivera, snachala lekarya, a potom kapitana raznykh korablei, in Svift, Dzh. Sochineniya (n.p., n.d.}, pp. 133—421. 1889 Puteshestviya Gullivera po mnogim otdalennym i neizvestnym stranam sveta, s biografiei avtora i primechaniyami Dzh. Francisa Uollera, sost. po Orreri, Dileni, complete translation from the English by P. Kanchalovskii and V. Yakovenko, Moskva (reprinted 1901). 1903 Puteshestvie Gullivera po mnogim otdalennym stranam sveta, s biografiei avtora, primechaniyami Uollera, Goksuorta i drugimi i 160 illyustratsiyami, complete translation from the English by M. A. Shishmareva, St Petersburg: Narodnaya Pol'za. 1928 Puteshestviya v nekotorye otdalennye strany sveta Lemyuelya Gullivera, snachala khirurga, a potom kapitana neskol'kikh korablei, translated by A. A.

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Frankovskii and introduced by E. L. Radlov; preface by P. S. Kogan, Moskva and Leningrad: Academia (1930; 1932) 2.1.2 Adaptations for adolescents 1891 Puteshestvie Gullivera pomnogim otdalennym i neizvestnym stranam sveta, sochinenie Dzhonatana Svifta. S biografiei avtora, 39 otdernymi kartinami i 35 risunkami v tekste, adapted by M. Nikol'skii, St Petersburg: M.O. Vol'f. 1946 Puteshestviya v nekotorye otdalennye strany sveta Lemyuelya Gullivera, snachala khirurga, a potom kapitana neskol'kikh korablei, adapted by B. M. Engel'gardt, Moskva and Leningrad: Khudozhestvennaya literatura. 1976 Skazka bochki. Puteshestviya Gullivera. Biblioteka vsemirnoi literatury. Introduced by A. Inger Seriya pervaya, vol. 59, Moskva: Gosudarstvennoe izdatel'stvo khudozhestvennoi literatury. 2.1.3 Children's versions 1883 Puteshestviya d-ra Gullivera v stranu lilliputov i k velikanam, adapted for the Russian youth by O. I. Shmidt-Moskvitinova, St Petersburg: Izdatel'stvo A.F. Devriena (reprinted 1885; 1901 and 1914 under the name of Rogova). 1912 Puteshestviya Gullivera, adapted for the Russian youth, Moskva: Sablin. 1931 Gulliver u lilliputov, adapted by Tamara Gabbe and Z. Zadunaiskaya, Moskva and Leningrad: Detskaya literatura. 1937 Gulliver u velikanov, adapted by N. Zabolotsky, Moskva and Leningrad: Detskaya literatura. 1996 Gulliver u liliputov, adapted by Natal'ya Shelipova, Moskva: Rosmen. 1996 Gulliver u velikanov, adapted by Natal'ya Shelipova, Moskva: Rosmen. 1999 Puteshestvie Gullivera, edited by B. Engel'gardt, Moskva: Bambuk. 1999 Puteshestvie Gullivera v stranu liliputov, adapted by T. Grabbe, Moskva: Strekoza. 2000 Puteshestviya Gullivera: roman. Dzhonatan Svift, translated and adapted by T. Gabbe, Moskva: Rosmen. 2000 Priklyucheniya Gullivera v strane liliputov i v strane velikanov, Moskva: Omega. 2000 Puteshestvie Gullivera v stranu liliputov, adapted by T. Gabbe, Moskva: Strekoza. 2000 Puteshestviya v nekotorye otdalennye strany sveta Lemyuelya Gullivera, snachala khirurga, a potom kapitana neskol'kikh korablei, adapted by A. Frankovskii, Moskva: Eksmo Press. 2000 Puteshestviya Lemyuelya Gullivera, edited by E. V. Peremyshlev, Moskva: AST Olimp. 2004 Puteshestviya Gullivera: roman. Dzhonatan Svift, adapted by T. Gabbe, Moskva: Rosmen (Series: Luchshie skazki mira).

3. CREATIVE RECEPTION (IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER) 3.1 Gulliver's Travels 1910 Andreev, L. N. (1971) 'Smert' Gullivera', in Povesti i rasskazy v dvukh tomakh, t. 2., Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, pp. 162—72 (for the

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German translation by Wolfgang Staerkenberg, see L. Andrejew [1979], Gullivers Tod, Leipzig: Reclam). 1926 Tikhonov, N. S. (1985) 'Gulliver igraet v karty', in Sobranie sochinenii v semi tomakh, t. 1., Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, p. 122. 1929 Antokol'skii, P. G. (1966) 'Gulliver', in Izbrannoe: Stikhotvoreniya ipoemy 1915-1965, 2 vols. (vol. 1: 1915-1940), Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, pp. 91—92 (also in Stikhotvoreniya i poemy, Leningrad: Sovetskii pisatel', 1982, pp. 89-90). 1936 Kozyrev, M. (1991) 'Pyatoe puteshestvie Lemyuelya Gullivera, Kapitana vozdushnogo korablya, v Yuberalliyu, luchshuyu iz stran mira, nazyvaemuyu takzhe stranoi litsemeriya i Izhi', in Pyatoe puteshestvie Gullivera, Moskva: Tekst, pp. 101-99. 1973 Osipova, N. Ch. (1973) V strane Lilliputov. P'esa v trekh deistviyakh po knige Dzh. Svifta 'Puteshestviya Gullivera', Moskva: Otdel rasprostraneniya dramaticheskikh proizvedenii VAAP. 1980s Petrushevskaya, L. (1995) 'Novyi Gulliver', in Tayna doma. Povesti i rasskazy, Moskva: Kvadrat, pp. 301—04. 1983 Gorin, G. (1997) 'Dom, kotoryi postroil Svift', in Korolevskie igry, Moskva: Tekst, pp. 160-231 (first published 1983 in Teatr, 4: 161-90; as a short novel in Gorin, G. [1994] Formula lyubvy, Ekaterinburg, pp. 217—88). 1988 Andreev, Ya. (1988) 'Proshchanie s GuUiverom', Ural, 9: 118. 1989 Lisovoi, N. N. (1989) 'Gulliver', in Krug zemnoi. Stikhi i poemy, Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, pp. 54—55. Bakhnov, V. E. (1989) 'Chitaya Gullivera', in Don Kikhot, Don Guan i dr., Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, p. 34. 2003 Krzhizhanovskii, S. D. 'Gulliver ishchet raboty' in Sobranie sochinenii v pyati tomakh, t. 3, St Petersburg: Symposium, pp. 92—7. Krzhizhanovskii, S. D. 'Moya partiya s korolem velikanov' in Sobranie sochinenii v pyati tomakh, t. 3, St Petersburg: Symposium, pp. 83—91. 3.2 A Modest Proposal 1976 Karvovskii, A. (1992) 'Ubit' detei', in Proby, puteshestviya i drugoe. Stikhi, Moskva: Prometei, pp. 28—30. 3.3 Criticism 1920 Tikhonov, N. (1985) 'Svift', in Sobranie sochinenii v semi tomakh, t. 1., Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, pp. 56—57. 1969 Belinskii, Ya. L. (1969) 'Nesgibaemy Svift', in Talant lyubit', Moskva: Khudozhestvennaya literatura, pp. 96—97.

Chapter 9 CRITICISM (IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER) Anon (1906) 'Swift', in Ottuv SlovnikNauchny: Illustrovana encyklopedia obecnych vedomosti, vol. 24, Starozenske — Syl, V Praze: Otto, pp. 467—69. (1932) 'Swift', in Masarykuv Slovnik Naucny: Lidova encyklopedie vseobecnych vedomosti, vol. 6, Praha: Nakladem 'Ceskoslovenskeho kompasu', p. 1111.

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(1940) 'Swift', in Ottuv Slovnik Move Doby, vol. 6.1, Praha: Novine, P- 631. (1967) 'Swift', in Pnrucni Slovnik Naucny, vol. 4, Praha: Ceskoslovenska Akademie, p. 389. Skoumal, Aloys (1968) 'Swiftuv Gulliver', in Swift, Jonathan Cesty k rozlicnym dalekym narodum sveta ve ctyrech dilech napsal Lemuel Gulliver zprvu ranhojic, pozdeji kapitdn na rozlicnych lodich, Praha: Odeon, pp. 199—200. (1970) 'Prekladateluv doslov', in Swift, Jonathan Gulliverovy cesty, Praha: krnc, pp. 325—28. Davidova, Lenka (1984) The Narrator in Jonathan Swift's Gulliver's Travels, Brno. Stribrny, Zdenek (1987) Dejiny anglicke literatury, Praha: Academia, pp. 294— 301. Macura, Vladimir (1988) Slovnik svetovy literarnich del, Praha: Odeon, pp. 287— 88. Feureislova, Marcela (1988) The -er Deverbative in the Works of Jonathan Swift and of his Contemporaries, Brno. (1996) Slovnik spisovatelu, Praha: Nakladatelstvi Libri, pp. 650—53.

TRANSLATIONS (IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER) Gulliver's Travels 1875 Gulliverovy cesty do Liliputu a Brobdignaku, retold by Josef Vojtech Houska, Praha: Theodor Mourek. 1905/6 Gulliverovy cesty, I: Do Liliputu, Praha: Simacek, 1905; Gulliverovy cesty, II: Do Brobdennaku, ^Praha: Simacek, 1905; Gulliverovy cesty, III: Do zeme Hujhnhnmu, Praha: Simacek. 1911 Guliverovy cesty, I: Cesta do Liliputu; Guliverovy cesty, II: Cesta do Brodbingnabu; Guliverovy cesty, III: Cesta do Lapaty, Balnibarby, Luggnaggu, Glubbdubdribbu a Japanu; Guliverovy cesty, IV: Cesta do zeme Hujhnhnmu, Praha: Otto. 1920 Gullivera cestovani domnohych a vzdalenych koncin sveta, Praha: Alois Hynek. 1921 Dobrodruzne cesty Gullivera do Liliputska a do kraju obrov, retold by Janko Strychko, Nove Mesto nad Vahom: Horowitz. 1927 Gulliverovy cesty do zeme trpasliku a do zeme obru, adapted for the Czech Youth by H. Senicky, Praha: Nakladatel Kober. 1929 Cesty k rozlicnym vzdalenym narodum sveta ve ctyrech dilech od Lemuela Gulivera: dil I, II, translated by L. Vymetal, V Praze: Ladislav Kuncif. Cesty k rozlicnym vzdalenym narodum sveta ve ctyrech dilech od Lemuela Gulivera: dil III, IV, translated by L. Vymetal, V Praze: Ladislav Kuncir. 1930 Gullivera cestovani domnohych a vzdalenych koncin sveta, V Praze: Aloys Hynek (repnnted in 1953, 1955, 1958, 1965, 1968, 1970, 1975, 1985, 1990). 1931 Gulliverovy cesty, translated by Aloys Skoumal, V Praze: Druzstevni prace. 1932 Gulliverove cesty k trpaslikom a k obrom, V Ziline: Ucitel'ske nakladatel'stvo O. Travnicek (Slovak edition).

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1934 Guliverova cesta do Liliputu, adapted by Otakar Seller, Smichov: Vanek a Votava. Guliverove cesty, Praha and Bratislava: L. Mazac. 1936 Guliverovy cesty k ruznym narodum sveta, adapted by B. Hlouskova, V Praze: Gustav Volesky. 1937 Gulliverovy cesty do zeme^ trpasliku a do zeme obru, adapted by Karel Herman, V Praze: Vojtech Seba. 1940 Gullivera cestovani domnohych a vzdalenych konctn sveta, V Praze: Aloys Hynek. 1946 Guliverovy cesty, Praha: Statni nakladatelstvi.

Works 1911 Pohadka o kadi (A Tale of a Tub], translated by V. Chenek, Praha: K. St. Sokol: Osveta. 1930 Skromny navrh (A Modest Proposal), translated by Aloys Skoumal, Praha: Arnost Vanecek, 1930 (reprinted in only twenty-five copies on the occasion of the tercentenary in 1967: Skromny navrh: jak zabraniti tomu, aby deti chudasu nepripdaly na obtiz rodicum i zemi, a jak to zariditi, aby z nich mela verejnost prospech: k 300. vyroci narozeni Jonathana Swifta). 1953 Vybor z dtla (Collected Works), Praha: Statni nakladatelstvi. 1967 Zaklety duch (Enchanted Mind), translated by Aloys Skoumal, Praha: Odeon.

CREATIVE RECEPTION Riha, Bohumil (1973) Novy Gulliver, Praha: Albatros.

FURTHER SOURCES Mestan, Antonin (1984) Geschichte der tschechischen Literatur im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Koln; Weimar: Bohlau.

Chapter 10 Abadi-Nagy, Zoltan (1973) Surift, a szatirikus es a tervezo. Budapest: Akademiai. Angyal, David (trans.) (1880) 'Glumdalclitch panasza', Egyetemes Philologiai Kozlony (Budapest), 4: 457-59. Anon (1935) 'Swift uj fenyben', Nyugat (Budapest), 28: 173. Babits, Mihaly (1979) Az europai irodalom tortenete. Budapest: Szepirodalmi, pp. 202-04. Battlay, Imre (trans.) (1865) Gulliver utazasai ismeretlen orszdgokban Swift Jonathantol. Pest: Bartalits Imre. Berczy, Karoly (1860) 'Az irodalmi humorrol', Szepirodalmi Figyelo: 65—67, 81-83, 97-99, 113-15. Boldizsar, Ivan (1941) 'Level Swifthez', Pasztortuz (Cluj), 27: 226-27. Bongerfi, Janos (trans.) (1900) Jonathan Swift: Gulliver csodalatos utazasai a torpek es az oriasok orszagaban, Budapest: Nagel.

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Danielne-Lengyel, Laura (1929) 'Swift Jonathan', Nyugat (Budapest), 22: 327— 31. Fest, Sandor (2000) Skociai Szent Margittol a walesi bdrdokig: magyar-angol torteneti es irodalmi kapcsolatok, eds Lorant Czigany andJanos H. Korompay, Budapest: Universitas. Gereb, Laszlo (1962) 'Pogany Jozsef', in Kultura, dlkultura, Budapest: Magveto, pp. 301-28. Gyarfas, Endre (2001) Gulliver utolso utazasa. Budapest: Polgart. Halasz, Gabor (1943) 'Ket kiabrandult: a keseru', Magyar Csillag (Budapest), 3: 394-400. Hartvig, Gabriella (2002) 'Gulliver csodalatos utazasa Magyarorszagon', in Hartvig, Gabriella, Maria Kurdi and Gabriella V66 (eds) Az irlandisztika nemzetkozisege, Pecs: PTE, pp. 18—24. Kabdebo, Tamas (1988) Tort dlmok. Ir koltok antologidja. Budapest: Kozmosz konyvek. Kacziany, Geza (1901) Swift Jonathan es kora. Budapest: Eggenberger. Kalnoky, Laszlo (1979) 'Jonathan Swift nyomdokain', Elet es irodalom (Budapest), 24: 51-52. Karinthy, Frigyes (trans.) (1914) Gulliver utazasai. Budapest: Revai. Karinthy, Frigyes (1938) 'Mikrofonia', Pesti Naplo, 11 May, p. 9. Kazinczy, Ferenc (trans.) (1815) 'Ossziannakmindenenekeiharomkotetben',in Kazinczy Ferenc munkai. Szepliteratura, vols 6—7, Pest: Trattner Janos Tamas. Kazinczy, Ferenc (trans.) (1815) 'Yorick's Eliza levelei', in Kazinczy Ferenc munkai. Szepliteratura, Pest: Trattner Janos Tamas, 4: 3—79. Kazinczy, Ferenc (trans.) (1815) 'Erzekeny utazasok Franczia- es Olaszorszagban', in Kazinczy Ferenc munkai. Szepliteratura, Pest: Trattner Janos Tamas, 4: 87-346. Kazinczy, Ferenc (1890—1911) Levelezese [Correspondence], 22 vols, ed. Janos Vaczy, Budapest: MTA. Kelevez, Agnes (1979) 'Gulliver ujabb utazasai (Karinthy Frigyes: Utazds Faremidoba, Capilldria, Szathmari Sandor: Kazohinia)', in Kabdebo, Lorant (ed.) Valosag es varazslat, Budapest: PIM, pp. 215—23. Kery, Laszlo (trans.) (1959) Hordomese. Budapest: Europa. Kery, Laszlo (trans.) (1961) Szatirdk es ropiratok. Budapest: Europa. Kocztur, Gizella (1971) Irish Literature in Hungarian Translation: A Bibliography. Budapest: Hungarian P.E.N. Club. Kocztur, Gizella (1987) Regeny es szemelyiseg. Az angol regeny szuletese. Budapest: Akademiai. Kolcsey, Ferenc (1960) Osszes muvei, vol. 1, ed. Jozsef Szauder, Budapest: Szep irodalmi. Kolcsey, Ferenc (1968) 'Az Anglus Zuschauer' historiaja', in Szauder, Jozsef (ed.) Kiadatlan irdsai, Budapest: Akademiai, p. 193. Kolcsey, Ferenc (2003) 'Elobeszed', in Gyapay, Laszlo (ed.) Minden munkai, Budapest: Universitas, 1: 110-21, 477-92. Kontler, Laszlo (1999) Millennium in Central Europe: A History of Hungary. Budapest: Atlantisz. Kurdi, Maria (ed.) (2003) Critical Anthology for the Study of Modern Irish Literature. Budapest: Nemzeti Tankonyvkiado. Laszlo, Bela (trans.) (1921) Jonathan Swift: Pamfletek, Bekescsaba: Tevan.

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Lengyel, Bela and Flora Vincze (eds) (1965) A vildgirodalom ars poetical. Budapest: Gondolat. Lutter, Tibor (1954) Jonathan Swift. Budapest: Muvelt Nep. Lutter Tibor (1960) 'Jonathan Swift', in Szentkuthy, Miklos (trans.) Gulliver utazdsai. Budapest: Europa, pp. I—XVI. Paloczi, Horvath Gyorgy (trans.) (1935) Gulliver utazdsai a vildg tb'bb tdvoli orszdgdba. Budapest: Est, Pesti Naplo. Siklosi Horvath, Klara (1997) Gulliver injoygorod. Budapest: Littera Nova. Siklosi Horvath, Klara (2001) Gulliver legujabb kalandjai Pinkwellben. Budapest: Orpheusz. Spieckermann, Marie-Luise (2002) 'Swift in Germany in the Eighteenth Century: A Preliminary Sketch', The Reception and Reputation of Jonathan Swift in Germany: Essays and Investigations, ed. Hermann J. Real, with the assistance of Melanie Just, Neil Key and Helga Scholz, Bethesda, Dublin, Oxford: Maunsel & Company, pp. 15—38. Swift, Jonathan (2002) Gulliver's Travels, ed. Albert J. Rivero, New York, London: W. W. Norton. Szalay, Karoly (1961) Karinthy Frigyes. Budapest: Gondolat. Szathmari, Sandor (1941) Gulliver utazdsa Kazohinidban. Budapest: Magveto. Szemere, Miklos (1960) 'Level Erdelyi Janoshoz: [1841] majus 19', in Erdelyi, T. Ilona (ed.) Erdelyi Janos: Levelezese, Budapest: MTA, 1: 162-63. Szentkuthy, Miklos (trans.) (1952) Gulliver utazdsai. Budapest: Szepirodalmi. Szilagyi, Julia (1968) Jonathan Swift es a huszadik szdzad. Budapest: Ifjusagi konyvtar. Takacs, Ferenc (1979) 'Jonathan Swift es a Gulliver utazdsai', in Szentkuthy, Miklos (trans.) Gulliver utazdsai. Budapest: Europa, pp. 355—58. Vas, Imre (1914) 'Gulliver', Elet (Budapest), 6: 500. Wildner, Odon (trans.) (1923) Gulliver utazdsai. Budapest: Rozsavolgyi.

Chapter 11 CRITICISM Anonymous (1957) 'Jonathan Swift', Nasha Rodina, 11: 22. Anonymous (1960) 'Nashiyat Kalendar. 215 Godini ot smurtta na Swift', Bibliotekar, 10: 55. Bouce, Paul-Gabriel (2003) 'Gulliver's Frenchified Travels to Blefuscu: The First Two Translations', in Real, Hermann J. and Helgard Stover-Leidig (eds) Reading Swift: Papers from The Fourth Munster Symposium on Jonathan Swift, Miinchen: Wilhelm Fink, pp. 379-86. Desfontaines, Abbe Pierre Francois Guyot (1727) 'Preface du Traducteur', Voyages de Gulliver, in Williams, Kathleen (ed.) (1970) Swift: The Critical Heritage, London: Routledge, pp. 77—83. Ernst, Otto (1912) Gulliver in Lilliput, Berlin: Verlag von Ullstein & Co. Filipova, Filipina (1999a) '"Gulliver's Travels" na bulgarski ezik: purvi prevodi i ranna retseptsiya', Foreign Language Teaching [Sofia], 4: 57—67. (1999b) 'The Early Reception of Swift's "Gulliver's Travels" in Bulgaria', British and American Studies [Timisoara: Hestia], 4.1: 121—26. (2000) 'Fretting over the Fire: Gulliver through Bulgarian Eyes', in Catalan, Z., Stamenov, Christo and Evgenia Pancheva (eds) Seventy Years of

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TRANSLATIONS Swift, Jonathan (1887a) Puteshestvieto na Doktor Gulliver v Stranata na Liliputite I Velikanite (s 10 krasivi kartini), retold by O. I. Smidt-Moskovitenov [sic], trans. Ch. Popov, Rousse: Drobnyak Printing House. (1887b) Satira Vurhu Chelovechestvoto. Putouvaniyata na Gullivera v Stranata na Houaihnhnmite, trans. I. P. Plachkov, Plovdiv: Turgovska Printing House.

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(1910) V Stranata na Dzhoudzhetata, translator unknown, Sofia: Iv. K. Bozhinov. (1912—14) Putouvaniyata na Gulivera iz Dalechni I Neznaini Strani, trans. Dimiter Podvurzachov, Sofia: Al. Paskalev & Co. (1914) Mezhdu Velikanite. Neobiknovenite Priklyucheniya, trans, from French, translator unknown, Sofia: Iv. Bozhinov. (1918) Gulliver pri Dzhoudzhetata, trans, from German by Geno Dochev, 2nd edition 1923,3rd edition 1929,4th edition 1937, Sofia: Hemus. (1919) Gulliver pri Velikanite, trans, from German by Geno Dochev, 2nd edition 1923, 3rd edition 1929, 4th edition 1937, Sofia: Hemus. (1921) Priklyucheniyata na Gulliver v Stranata na Lilliputite I Velikanite, translator unknown, Sofia: St. Atanassov. (1930) Putouvaneto na Gulliver iz Choudni Strani, retold by Otto Ernst, trans, from German under the editing of D. Babev, Sofia: Tsviat. (1934) Putouvaniyata na Gullivera, trans. A. Karaliichev, 2nd edition 1945, Sofia: Hemus, 3rd edition 1949, Sofia: Narodna Mladezh, 4th edition 1995, Sofia: Fama. (1937) V Stranata na Lilliputite, ed. Yo Danailov, translator unknown, Sofia: Zlatna Biblioteka, no 9. (1938) V Stranata na Velikanite, ed. Yo Danailov, translator unknown, Sofia: Zlatna Biblioteka, no 35. (1941) Gulliver v Tsarstvoto na Lilliputite, trans. Pelin Velkov, Sofia: Globus, 2nd edition 1947, Sofia: Lotos. (1956) Puteshestviyata na Gulliver, trans. Vessela Zhelyazkova and Tsvetan Stoyanov, 2nd edition 1969, 3rd edition 1976, 4th edition 1980, Sofia: Otechestvo, 5th edition 1991, Sofia; Sviyat, 6th edition 1997, Sofia: Pan. (1957) Gulliver pri Lilliputite, trans. Tsvetan Stoyanov, Sofia: Narodna Mladezh. (1957) Gulliver pri Velikanite, trans. Tsvetan Stoyanov, Sofia: Narodna Mladezh, 2nd edition 1991, Veliko Turnovo: Phoenix. (1977) Puteshestviyata na Gulliver, trans. Teodora and Boyan Atanassovi, 2nd edition 1979, Sofia: Narodna Kultura.

Chapter 12 TRANSLATIONS Jonathan Swift (1848) Calatoriile lui Gulliver in fere indepartate, vols I and II, trans. loan D. Negulici, confronted with the English original by D. Em. Angelescu, Bucharest: Tipografia losef Kopaining. (1885) Gulliver in fara piticilor, trans. Demas, Bucharest: I.G. Hai'man. (1898) Trei ani de suferinfd. O cdldtorie curioasd, trans, and with a bibliographical note by Caion, Bucharest: Editura Tipografiei Adevarul. (1899) Pdfaniile lui Gulliver. Gulliver in fara piticilor $i Gulliver in fara uria§ilor, translator unknown, Bucharest: Vocea inva^atorului Publishing House. (1902) Pdfaniile lui Gulliver. Gulliver in fara piticilor $i Gulliver in fara uria$ilor, translator unknown, Bucharest: Biblioteca pentru to$i.

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(1902) Cdldtoriile lui Gulliver. La insula Lilliput, la Brobdingnac, fara Uries,ilor, no translator's name, Galafi: Libraria G. D. Nebunelli & Fil. (1905) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. R. D. Rosetti, Bucharest: Socec Publishing House. (1908) Gulliver in fara piticilor, trans. Ludovic Dau§, Bucharest: Alcalay. (1909) Gulliver in fara uria§ilor, trans. Haralamb G. Lecca, Bucharest: Biblioteca pentru tofi. (1920) Gulliver in fara pitidlor, trans. Ludovic Dau§, Bucharest: Editura Via£a romaneasca, 'Alcalay'. (1934) Pdfaniile lui Gulliver in fara pitidlor $i a uria§ilor, translator unknown, Bucharest: Cultura romana. (1938) Gulliver in fara pitidlor, trans. Ad. Z., Bucharest: Papetaria romana Publishing House. (1938) Guliver [sic] in fara pitidlor, told in Romanian by Panait Nicolae, Buzau: Editura loan Calineanu. (1942) Gulliver in fara pitidlor. Poveste dupa Swift. Prelucrare de Mo$ Ene (M. Drumes,), no place: Bucur Ciobanul. (1942) Gulliver in fara uria§ilor. Poveste dupa Swift. Prelucrare de Mos, Ene (M. Drumes,), no place: Bucur Ciobanul. (1943) Pdfaniile lui Gulliver in fara pitidlor §i a uria§ilor, translator unknown, Bucharest: Cultura romana. (1946) Calatoriile lui Gulliver (in fara liliputanilor, a urias,ilor §i in fara nechezitorilor), trans. Mihail Straje, Bucharest: Veritas Publishing House. (1947) Calatoriile lui Gulliver care afost mai intai chirurg apoi cdpitan pe cateva corabii in mai multe fdri ale lutnii, trans. Vera Calin, Bucharest: Editura de Stat. (1952) Calatoriile lui Gulliver care afost mai intai chirurg apoi cdpitan pe cateva corabii in mai multe fdri ale lumii, trans. Vera Calin, preface Vera Calin, Bucharest: Editura de Stat pentru Literatura s_i Arta. (1954) Gulliver utazasai, trans. Szentkuthy Miklos, preface A. Kiado, Bucharest: Ifjusagi Konyvkiado. (1955) Gulliver utazdsa Lilliputaban, trans. Gyorgy Miklos, preface A. Kiado, Bucharest: Ifjusagi Konyvkiado. (1956) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon D. Levi^chi, Bucharest: Editura Tineretului. (1956) Gulliver utazdsa Lilliputaban, trans. Gyorgy Miklos, preface A. Kiado, Bucharest: Ifjusagi Konyvkiado. (1959) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon Levifchi, Bucharest: Editura Tineretului. (1964) Cdldtoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon Levifchi, preface Leon Levifchi, Bucharest: Editura Tineretului. (1965) Gulliver's Travels (Part I: A Voyage to Lilliput), introduction, notes, vocabulary by Nicolae Burghelea, Bucharest: Editura §tiinfifica. (1967) Cdldtoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon Levifchi, preface Vera Calin, Bucharest: Editura pentru literatura. (1969) Cdldtoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon Levifchi, preface Vera Calin, Bucharest: Editura pentru literatura. (1971) Cdldtoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon Levifchi, preface Vera Calin, Bucharest: Minerva.

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(1973) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon Levi^chi, Bucharest: Ion Creanga Publishing House. (1973) Gullivers Reisen, trans. Walter Scherf, Bucharest: Ion Creanga Publishing House. (1974) Gullivers Reisen, trans. Walter Scherf, Bucharest: Ion Creanga Publishing House. (1974) Gulliver's Travels, London and Bucharest: Abbey Classics, Cresta House and Ion Creanga Publishing House. (1982) Gulliver utazasai: regeny J. Swift, trans. Szentkuthy Miklos, Bucharest: Kriterion. (1983) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon Levi^chi, Bucharest: Ion Creanga Publishing House. (1985) Calatoriile lui Gulliver; Povestea unui poloboc §i alte satire, trans. Leon Levi^chi and Andrei Brezianu, Bucharest: Univers. (1985) Les Voyages de Gulliver, translator unknown, Bucharest: Ion Creanga. (1989) Calatoriile lui Gulliver repovestite in versuri dupa Jonathan Swift de Sterie Ciulache, Bucharest: Litera. (1992) Gulliver in fara pitidlor, trans. Gustav Wahl, drawings by Fritz Bergen, after the 1863 edition of Loewe Verlag Ferdinand Carl in Stuttgart, Bucharest: Funda^ia Culturala Romana. (1992) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Petronela Nego§anu. Bucharest: Editura H. (1993) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon Levi^chi, Bucharest: Cantemir. (1995) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Petronela Nego§anu. Bucharest: Corint. (1996) Gulliver's Travels, Bucharest: Prietenii car^ii. (1997) Calatoriile lui Gulliver repovestite de Mo| Ene (Mihail Drumes,), Ia§i: Casa Editoriala Regina. (1997) Calatoriile lui Gulliver in fara pitidlor §i uria$ilor, translator unknown, Bucharest: TeditFZH Publishing House. (1997) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, translator unknown, Bucharest: Regis Publishing House. (1998) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, translator unknown, Bucharest: Regis Publishing House. (2000) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon Levi^chi, Bucharest: 1000+1 Gramar Publishing House. (2000) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Ludovic Dau§, Bucharest: Cartex. (2000) Gulliver in fara pitidlor, trans. Gelu Georgescu, Bucharest: Teora. (2002) Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Leon Levi^chi, Bucharest: Alfa.

EDITIONS OF GULLIVER'S TRAVELS WITHOUT A DATE Swift, Jonathan, Calatoriile lui Gulliver: I. In fara pitidlor. II. In fara urias,ilor, trans. Tr. Popescu Tracipone, Bucharest. Calatoriile lui Gulliver la insula Lilliput, la Brobdingnac, fara uries,ilor, etc. Galafi.

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Gulliver in fara uria$ilor, trans. Haralamb Lecca, Bucharest: Editura Librariei Leon Alcalay. Gulliver in fara pitidlor $i uria$ilor, trans, and abridged S.R., Bucharest. Gulliver in fara piticilor, trans. Ludovic Dau§, Bucharest. Gulliver in fara piticilor povestit de Panait Nicolae, Buzau. Gulliver in fara piticilor, trans. Ad. Z., Bucharest. Pafaniile lui Gulliver in fara piticilor §i urias,ilor, Bucharest. Pafaniile lui Gulliver in fara piticilor §i uria§ilor, trans, and abridged by S.R., Bucharest. Calatoriile lui Gulliver, trans. Petronela Nego§anu, no place: Forum Publishing House. Pd^aniile lui Gulliver in fara piticilor §i a uria$ilor, no translator mentioned, Bucharest: Cultura romana. Pafaniile lui Gulliver in fara piticilor §i a uria§ilor, no translator mentioned, Bucharest: Caminul Biblioteca literara §i §tiin|ifica. Pafaniile lui Gulliver, translator unknown, Bucharest: Editura Caminul. Other works (1971) Povestea unui poloboc. Satire $i alte pamflete, trans., introduction, and notes by Andrei Brezianu, Bucharest: Univers. (1973) Jurnalpentru Stella (EstherJohnson) 1710-1713, trans., preface, notes by Andrei Brezianu, Bucharest: Univers.

TRANSLATIONS IN ANTHOLOGIES (1975) 'Meditate despre soarta unei cozi de matura', trans. Andrei Brezianu, Eseul englez, selection and preface Virgil Nemoianu, presentations Andrei Brezianu, Bucharest: Editura Minerva, pp. 174—76. (1975) 'Digresiune intru lauda digresiunilor', trans. Andrei Brezianu, Eseul englez, selection and preface Virgil Nemoianu, presentations Andrei Brezianu, Bucharest: Editura Minerva, pp. 176—83. (1975) 'Indreptari spre folosul slugilor', trans. Andrei Brezianu, Eseul englez, selection and preface Virgil Nemoianu, presentations Andrei Brezianu, Bucharest: Editura Minerva, pp. 183—95. (1975) 'Indrumari pentru bucatareasa', trans. Andrei Brezianu, Eseul englez, selection and preface Virgil Nemoianu, presentations Andrei Brezianu, Bucharest: Editura Minerva, pp. 195—200. (1975) 'Despre arta minciunii politice', trans. Andrei Brezianu, Eseul englez, selection and preface Virgil Nemoianu, presentations Andrei Brezianu, Bucharest: Editura Minerva, pp. 200—08. (1975) 'Smerita jalba spre a impiedica pruncii Irlandei de a deveni povara pentru parinp §i pentru fara §i spre a-I face ob§tei de folos', trans. Andrei Brezianu, Eseul englez, selection and preface Virgil Nemoianu, presentations Andrei Brezianu, Bucharest: Editura Minerva, pp. 200—20.

TRANSLATIONS IN PERIODICALS AND JOURNALS Anonymous (1882) 'Calatoriile lui Gulliver. Cap. II din 'Jara liliputanilor', Noua bibliotecd romana [Bras,ov] no. 6, pp. 125—26.

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Anonymous (1897) 'O calatorie curioasa (Moravuri din alte lumi)', Adevarul [Bucharest], vol. X, no. 3005, pp. 4-5. Anonymous (1897) 'Hotarari pentru vremea cand voi imbatrani', Foaie pentru toli [Bucharest], vol. I, no. 18, p. 139. Anonymous (1899) 'Gulliver in fara piticilor Foaia populara', [Bucharest], vol. II, nos 7-8. Anonymous (1899) 'Pa^aniile lui Gulliver. Gulliver in £ara uria§ilor', Foaia populara [Bucharest], vol. II, nos 20—23. Anonymous (1935) 'Calatoriile lui Gulliver in £arile departate', Albina [Bucharest], no. 34, p. 533. Anonymous (1938) Calatoriile lui Gulliver in £ara uria§ilor', Foaia Noastra [Cluj], no. 645-46. Anonymous (1938) Gulliver in £ara uria§ilor', Albina [Bucharest], no. 11, p. 166. Anonymous (1939) 'Cugetari', Jurnalul literar [Bucharest], no. 15, p. 1. Caion, Ion (1897) 'Calatorie in Laputa', Adevarul [Bucharest], vol. X, no. 3043, pp. 2-3. Negulici, I. D. (1935) 'Calatoriile lui Gulliver in £arile indepartate', Albina [Bucharest], vol. XXXVIII, no. 34, 30 August, p. 533. Grimm, Peter (1927) 'Meditatie asupra unei maturi', Societatea de maine [Cluj, Bucharest], pp. 16—17. Kottenkamp, Franz (1967) 'Ein bescheidener Vorschlag', Neue Literatur [Bucharest], no. 11-12, pp. 117-19. Olariu, Constantin (1968) 'Cugetari despre felurite subiecte morale §i amuzante', Romania literard [Bucharest], no. 5, 1968, p. 31. PHD. THESES (UNPUBLISHED)

Botorog, Mariana (1983) Satird §i utopie in opera lui Jonathan Swift $i Voltaire cu referire la Calatoriile lui Gulliver §i Micromegas, University of Bucharest. Brezianu, Andrei (1981) Swift and His Romanian-Speaking Audience before 1944, University of Bucharest.

ARTICLES IN PERIODICALS Anonymous (1926) 'Bicentenarul lui Gulliver', Propilee literare [Bucharest], vol. I, no. 19, 15 December, p. 16. (1935) 'Calatoriile lui Gulliver', Dimineafa copiilor [Bucharest], vol. XII, no. 600, 9 October, p. 10. (1937) 'Gasateria lui Swift cu Stella', Adevarul literar §i artistic [Bucharest], vol. XVIII, series 3, no. 858, 16 May, p. 18. (1939) 'Vanessa §i decanul Swift', Adevarul literar s,i artistic [Bucharest], vol. XIX, series 3, no. 958, 23 April, p. 11. (1939) 'Memento literar al celor mai ilu§tri scriitori englezi', Britanica [Czernowitz], no. 7—8, pp. 6—13. Achim[escu], I. (1896) 'Swift §i servitorul sau', Adevarul ilustrat [Bucharest], vol. II, no. 7, p. 6. Antemirescu. Al. (1896) 'Celebritate literara', Epoca [Bucharest], vol. II, no. 297, pp. 1-2.

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Cehan, B. (1936) 'Jonathan Swift §i cinernatograful', Rampa noud ilustratd [Bucharest], vol. XIX, no. 5417, p. 5. Ciotori, D. N. (1915) 'Utopia. Insemnari din literatura engleza', Flacdra [Bucharest], vol. I, no. 44, pp. 459-61. Cowley, A. (1940) 'Car$i populare engleze§ti', Insemnari ies_ene [Ia§i], no. 2, 1 February, pp. 273—87. Densusianu, Ovid (son) (1930) 'Intre spirit §i umor', Cele trei Cri$uri [Oradea], no. 3-4, pp. 36-37. Eulenberg, H. J. (1925) 'Un scriitor satiric al Irlandei', trans. C. Sateanu, Mi$carea [Ia§i], vol. XX, no. 241, 23 October, pp. 1-2. (1925) 'Un scriitor satiric al Irlandei', trans. C. Sateanu, Mi§carea [Ia§i], vol. XX, no. 243, 25 October, pp. 1-2. Georgescu, loan (1928) 'Don Quijote de la Mancha in opozifie cu Gulliver din £ara uria§ilor §i in fara piticilor', Zorile Romanafiului [Caracal], no. 5, pp. 85-86. (1928) 'Don Quijote de la Mancha in opozrfie cu Gulliver din fara uria§ilor §i in £ara piticilor', Zorile Romanafiului [Caracal], no. 8, pp. 130—31. lordan, Alexandru (1935) 'Viafa lui Jonathan Swift', Mi$carea [Bucharest], vol. XXVIII, no. 1240, 20 April. (1935) 'Via^a lui Jonathan Swift', Mi§carea [Bucharest], vol. XXVIII, no. 1241, 21 Apnl. (1935) 'Viafa lui Jonathan Swift', Mi§carea [Bucharest], vol. XXVIII, no. 1243, 22 April. (1935) 'Viata lui Jonathan Swift', Mi$carea [Bucharest], vol. XXVIII, no. 1224, 26 Apnl. Munteanu, Ion (1926) 'Jonathan Swift', Biruinfa [Cluj], vol. I, no. 177, p. 2. Philippide, Alexandru (1943) 'Car$i pentru toate varstele', Sdptdmdna CFR [Bucharest], vol. Ill, no. 49, 9 May, p. 5. Protopopescu, Drago§ (1924) 'Platonism in literatura engleza', Cugetul romanesc [Czernowitz], vol. Ill, no. 2—4, April-June, pp. 102—17. Scanlau, Robert (1938) 'Dublin, iubitul §i murdarul meu ora§. Locul de ba§tina al lui S\vift, O. Wilde, Yeats, J. Joyce §i B. Shaw', Lumea romdneascd [Bucharest], vol. Ill, no. 510, 30 October, p. 6. Solomon, Petre (1967) 'Swift in Romania', Romania Today, no. 10, p. 34. Taine, Hyppolite (1879) 'Jonathan Swift. Geniul §i operele sale' anonymous translation, Jurnalul pentru tofi [Bucharest], vol. I, no. 38, pp. 302—04.

CHAPTERS (FRAGMENTS) IN BOOKS Anixt, A. (1961) 'Jonathan Swift', Istoria literaturii engleze, translated from Russian by Leon Levifchi and loan Aurel Preda [Ion Preda], Bucharest: Editura s,tiin£ifica, pp. 148-58. Brinzeu, Pia (1995) 'Jonathan Swift and His Many Faceted Novel', The Protean Novelists: The British Novel from Defoe to Scott, Timi§oara: Tipografia Universitafii din Timi§oara, pp. 28—43. Ciocoi-Pop, Dumitru (2001) 'Jonathan Swift', Notes on English Literature. The Seventeenth and the Eighteenth Centuries, Sibiu: Editura Universitafii Lucian Blaga, pp. 69-78.

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Curtui, Aurel (1978) 'Jonathan Swift', History of English Literature (from Johnson to Swift), pp. 155-59. (1991) 'Jonathan Swift' in Aurel Curtui, loan Cre£iu, Corneliu Nicolescu (eds) A History of English Literature, Cluj-Napoca: Babes-Bolyai University Press, pp. 200—12. Diaconu, Emil I. (1936) 'Jonathan Swift', Utopia in literatura englezd, Cluj: Tipografia Gloria, pp. 54-64. Drumes,, Mihail (1997) 'Calatoriile lui Gulliver', Cdrfi celebre, Ia§i: Editura Regina. Gavriliu, Eugenia (1978) 'Jonathan Swift', A History of English Literature and Civilisation from the Anglo-Saxon Period to the Rise of Neodassicism, Gala^i: University of Gala^i, pp. 319—31. Levi^chi, Leon D., Sever Trifu and Veronica Foc§aneanu (1998) 'Jonathan Swift', Istoria literaturii engleze §i americane, vol. II, Bucharest: AllEducational Publishing House, pp. 38—49. Matei-Chesnoiu, Monica (2001) 'Jonathan Swift', A Survey Course in British Literature. The Seventeenth and the Eighteenth Centuries, Bucharest: Credis, pp. 130-34. Munteanu, Romul (1971) 'Jonathan Swift', Literatura europeand in epoca luminilor. Iluminism, Preromantism, Sturm und Drang, Neoumanismul german, Bucharest: Editura enciclopedica romana, pp. 172—74. (1981) 'Jonathan Swift', Cultura europeand in epoca luminilor, Bucharest: Minerva, vol. 2, pp. 17—23. (1998) 'Jonathan Swift', Iluminism §i romantism european, Bucharest: Odeon, pp. 56-58. Olteanu, Tudor (1974) 'Spa^ii fictive', Morfologia romanului european in secolul al XVIII-lea, Bucharest: Univers, pp. 179-80. Volceanov, George (2000) 'The Eighteenth-Century Mind. The Satire. The Apologue', A Survey of English Literature from Beowulf to Jane Austen, Bucharest: Editura Funda^iei 'Romania de maine', pp. 126—28.

ARTICLES IN COLLECTIONS OF ESSAYS Brezianu, Andrei (1977) 'O noua abordare a satirei swiftiene', Odiseu in Atlantic, Cluj-Napoca, pp. 28-76. (1977) 'Un Swift fara masca', Odiseu in Atlantic, Cluj-Napoca, pp. 77— 115. (1977) 'Inorogul §i Gulliver', Odiseu in Atlantic, Cluj-Napoca, pp. 116-39. (1977) 'Swift §i Cantemir sau Gulliver §i licorna', Dimitrie Cantemir interpretat de. . ., ed. preface, chronology, bibliography Suzana-Carmen Dumitrescu, Bucharest: Editura Eminescu, pp. 198-218. Craciun, Mircea (1986) 'Gulliver's Travels' and 'Utopia' in Galea, Ileana, Virgil Stanciu and Liviu Cotrau (eds) Studies in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth-Century English Novel, Cluj-Napoca: Babes-Bolyai University Press, pp. 26-41. Cristea, Valeriu (1977) 'Orgoliul satirei', Alianfe literare. Cinci studii critice, vol. I, Bucharest: Cartea romaneasca, pp. 215—334.

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Gheorghiu, Mihnea (1958) 'Jonathan Swift - O carte cu talc (Tale of a Tub)', Orientdri in literatura strdind, Bucharest: ESPLA, pp. 80—95. (1969) 'Ciudatul decan', Dionysos, Bucharest: Editura pentru literatura, pp. 183-97. Martinescu, Pericle (2001) 'O satira nepieritoare', Existence s,i crea^ii literare, Constanfa, Editura Ex Ponto. Pillat, Monica (1985) 'Utopia limbajului pur: Jonathan Swift, Cdldtoriile lui Gulliver', Ie§irea din contur, Bucharest: Editura Erninescu, pp. 112—21. Sever, Trifu (1986) 'Satire with Fielding and Swift' in Galea, Ileana, Virgil Stanciu and Liviu Cotrau (eds) Studies in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century English Novel, Cluj-Napoca: Babes-Bolyai University Press, pp. 42-51.

ENTRIES IN DICTIONARIES Preda, loan Aurel (1970) 'Jonathan Swift' in Ana Cartianu and loan Aurel Preda (eds) Dicfionar al litemturii engleze, Bucharest: Editura §tiinfifica, pp. 341-3.

ARTICLES IN JOURNALS Anghelescu-Irimia, Mihaela (1992) 'Swift-Caragiale-Ionescu: An Absurdist Triad', Synthesis, no. XIX, pp. 15—28. Anonymous (1966) 'Ernest Tuveson: Swift, A Collection of Critical Essays', Gazeta literard [Bucharest], no. 45, p. 8. Antemireanu, Alexandru (1896) 'Celebritate literara', Epoca [Bucharest], no. 297, pp. 1-2. Balint, Tibor (1969) 'Mi ujsag a torpe orszagaban' Korunk [Cluj-Napoca]', no. 4, pp. 648-51. Balota, Nicolae (1971) 'Jonathan Swift contestatarul', Romania literard [Bucharest] no. 50, p. 13. (1974) 'Jurnalul pentru Stella', Romania literard [Bucharest], no. 2, P- 15. Bel^ic, Augustina (1974) '"Lurnile" liliputane in viziunea lui Swift §i Wells', Analele ^tiinfifice ale Universitdfii 'Al. I. Cuza' din Ia§i. Literatura [Ia§i], pp. 133-37. Bogdan, Mihail (1958) 'Despre traducerile romane§ti ale operei "Calatoriile lui Gulliver" de Jonathan Swift', Revista de Jilologie romanicd §i germanicd. Academia R.P.R., no. 1, pp. 105-20. Botez, Constantin Ion (1955) 'Jonathan Swift', Studii §i cercetdri de istorie literard §ifoldor [Bucharest], no. 1—4, pp. 603—9. (1965) 'Jonathan Swift', Revista de istorie §i teorie literard [Bucharest], no. 4, pp. 603-4. Brezianu, Andrei (1981) 'George Co§buc as a Reader of Jonathan Swift', Revista de istorie $i teorie literard [Bucharest] no. 4, October-December, pp. 581-87. (1973) 'Swift §i Cantemir sau Gulliver §i licorna', Secolul 20 [Bucharest], no. 11-12, pp. 39-53. (1972) 'Smerita jalba', Secolul 20 [Bucharest], no. 2, pp. 40-42.

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Calin, Vera (1967) 'Swift — astazi. 300 de ani de la na§tere', Via\a romdneasca [Bucharest], no. 11, pp. 167-70. Cezza, Leo (1939) 'Swift', Jurnalul literar [Bucharest], no. 28, 9 July, p. 4. Charpentier, John (1936) 'Despre umor', Adevdrul literar §i artistic [Bucharest], no. 795, pp. 6 and 8. Constantinescu, Ilinca (1966) 'Jonathan Swift. 'Gulliver's Travels (Part I: A Voyage to Lilliput)", introd., notes, vocabulary Nicolae Burghelea, Bucharest: Editura §tiin£ifica' (review) Luceafarul, no. 1, pp. 110—11. Cristea, Valeriu (1967) 'JonathanSwift', Contemporanul [Bucharest], no. 48, p. 2. Davidescu, N. (1921) 'Pamnetul', Adevdrul literar §i artistic [Bucharest], no. 52, p. 1. (1924) 'Pamfletul', Cuvdntul literar [Bucharest], no. 10, pp. 12-14. Dobrovici, Viorica (1967) 'Calatoriile lui Gulliver §i semnificatia lor. Swift — 300 de ani de la na§tere', Ia§ul literar [Ia§i], no. 11, pp. 63—73. Du£u, Alexandru (1960) 'Biblioteca lui George Co§buc', Studii §i cercetdri de bibliologie, Editura Academiei, no. 3, p. 182. (1974) 'Swift', Secolul XX [Bucharest] no. 8, pp. 21-22. Gheorghiu, Mihnea (1967) 'Acel tandru secret. Note §i contra-note', Luceafarul, no. 10, p. 6. (1967) 'Ciudatul decan. Note §i contra-note', Luceafarul, no. 10, p. 6. (1972) 'Irlanda. Nimic despre cei vii daca nu-i adevarat', Secolul 20 [Bucharest], no. 2, pp. 57-60. Hobana, Ion (1968) 'Swift §i satelitii lui Marte', Luceafarul, no. 7, p. 6. Ivanescu, Mircea (1967) 'Alegoria lui Swift', Gazeta literard [Bucharest], no. 48, p. 8. Jacquier, Henri (1956) 'Jonathan Swift — Calatoriile lui Gulliver', Steaua [Cluj-Napoca], no. 11, pp. 94-96. Kottenkamp, Franz (1967) 'Jonathan Swift. Betrachtungen Ober einen Besenstiel', Neue Literatur [Bucharest], nos 11—12, pp. 116—17. Lang, Gusztav (1968) 'Kiseletok es eredmenyek', Utunk [Cluj-Napoca], no. 51, p. 8. Levi^chi, Leon (1968) 'Marginalii la actualitatea lui Swift', Colocvii [Bucharest], on the back of the cover. (1967) 'Swift §i 'Batalia cartilor', Revista bibliotecilor [Bucharest], no. 11, pp. 684-86. Macsiniuc, Cornelia (1992) 'The Rhetoric of Verisimilitude in the Eighteenth-Century First Person Narrative Fiction', Analele Universitdjii 'Stefan eel Mare' Seria Filologie [Suceava], vol. I, pp. 59—63. Martinescu, Pericle (1952) 'O satira nepieritoare', Viafa romdneasca [Bucharest], no. 1, pp. 295-99. Mesch, Harald (1967) 'Swift und das menschliche Bewusstsein', Neue Literatur [Bucharest] no. 11-12, pp. 113-15. Nemoianu, Virgil (1972) 'Cucerirea lui Swift', Secolul 20 [Bucharest], no. 2, pp. 61-63. (1969) 'O noua monografie Swift: Philipp Wolff-Windegg, Stuttgart, Klett, 1967', Revista de istorie s,i teorie literard [Bucharest] no. 2, pp. 322-23. (1967) 'Swift printre stiluri', Secolul 20 [Bucharest] no. 9, pp. 195-99. (1967) 'Swift §i istoria rimei engleze', Revista de istorie s_i teorie literard [Bucharest], no. 3, pp. 441-48.

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Nistor, Corneliu (1970) 'Ratiune, filosofie §i spiritul luminilor', Analele Universitdfii Timi§oara. $tiin{e filologice [Timis,oara], pp. 205-10. Perez, Hertha (1968) 'Jonathan Swift: Viziune §i stil', Analele $tiin{ifice ale Universitdfii 'ALL Cuza' din Ia$i. Stiinfe sociale. Limbdji literalurd [Ia§i], no. 1, pp. 103-10. Popescu, Sanda (1939) 'Calatoriile lui Gulliver', Jurnalul literar [Bucharest], no. 33, pp. 1 and 3. Sadoveanu, Ion Marin (1956) 'Doua rude literare, Gulliver §i Robinson Crusoe', Gazeta literard no. 46, 15 November, pp. 19—20. Sarbulescu, Marin (1944) 'Gulliver', Timpul [Bucharest], no. 2607, p. 2. §erbanescu, Petru (1939) 'Teatrul irlandez', Jurnalul literar [Bucharest], vol. I, no. 46, 12 November, p. 1. Szilagyi, Julia (1967) 'Gulliver Uzenete', Igaz Szo [Targu Mures,], no. 11, pp. 777-80. (1967) 'Gulliver, Robinsontol elteroen', Korunk [Cluj], no. 12, pp. 1675-79. (1967) 'A haromszazeves Swift', Utunk [Cluj], no. 51, pp. 7-8. Turcu, Lumini^a (1992) 'The Use and Abuse of Masks in Jonathan Swift's Satire', Analele Universitdfii 'Stefan eel Mare' Seria Filologie [Suceava], vol. II, pp. 111-15. Vazaca, Marina (1993) 'Calatoriile lui Gulliver. Prima traducere in limba romana', Romania literard, no. 5, 11—16 February, p. 10. Veres, Daniel (1968) 'Julia Szilagyi — 'Jonathan Swift 6s a huszadik szazad. Kismonografia', Bucharest: Ifjusagi Konyvkiado', Igaz Szo [Targu MuresJ, no. 12, p. 911.

BROCHURES Cartianu, Ana (1981) Swift in traducere §i receptare romaneascd mainte de 23 August 1944, Bucharest: Editura Universitatii. Szilagyi, Julia (1968) Jonathan Swift es a huszadik szazad. Kismonografia, Bucharest: Ifjusagi Konyvkiado/Editura Tineretului.

BOOKS WITH GULLIVER-IMAGERY Balai^a, George (1994) Gulliver in fara nimdnui, Bucharest: Cartea Romaneasca. Eremia, Ion (1992) Gulliver in fara minciunilor, pref. Petre Raileanu, Bucharest: Fundada Culturala Romana. (2003) Gulliver in fara minciunilor, pref. Petre Raileanu, Bucharest: Profile Publishing House. Gavriliu, Eugenia (1998) Sindromul Gulliver. Reprezentdri ale romanilor in di§ee literare engleze. Studii de imagologie literard, Braila: Evrika. Sarbu, Ion D. (1993) Adio, Europa!, vol. II, Bucharest: Cartea Romaneasca.

SHORT STORIES WITH GULLIVER IMAGERY Vintila, Petru (1954) 'Mr. Guliver Pickerston in fara uria§ilor', romaneascd [Bucharest], pp. 92—117.

Viafa

362

Bibliography

ARTICLES RELYING ON GULLIVER IMAGERY Cazacu, Alexandria (2001) 'Delimitate', Amurg sentimental, no. 5, May, p. 7. Cesereanu, Ruxandra (1997) 'Lumea stapanilor in antiutopia romaneasca', Vatra [Targu MuresJ no. 6, pp. 80—82 (review to Ion Eremia, Gulliver in fara mindunilor). Deciu, Andreea (1997) 'Gulliver in postmodernitate', Secolul 20 [Bucharest], no. 10-11-12, pp. 56-62. Dragomir, Caius Tr. (2001) 'Problema geniului §i speran^ele Romaniei actuale', Luceafarul [Bucharest], no. 4, pp. 3 and 31. Manolescu, Florin (1992) 'Republica Populara Kukunia. Ion Eremia Gulliver in fara minciunilor', Luceafarul [Bucharest], no. 48, 16 December, P-5§tefanescu, Alexandru (1995) 'Consecven^a lui Balai^a. George Balai^a — Gulliver in £ara nimanui' (review), Romania literara [Bucharest], no. 20, 31 May, p. 6. (1992) 'Un Orwell roman', Romania literara [Bucharest], no. 28, September 1992, p. 9 (review of Ion Eremia, Gulliver in fara minciunilor). Vintila, Horia (2003) 'Moartea lui Gulliver', Jurnalul literar [Ia§i], no. 7—12, April-May-June, p. 1. Voncu Razvan (1996) "... Scriind, scriind ..." sau Gulliver in Tara lui Tzara', Literatorul, 15 November, p. 4 (review to Ion Eremia, Gulliver in fara minciunilor).

RADIO ADAPTATIONS FOR CHILDREN Papatanasiuc, N. (1935) Gulliver in fara piticilor, Radio Bucharest, apud Victor Craciun (1986) Scena undelor (Teatru radiofonic), Bucharest: Editura Eminescu, p. 73. Moldoveanu, N. N. (1938) Gulliver in fara piticilor, Radio Bucharest, apud Victor Craciun (1986) Scena undelor (Teatru radiofonic), Bucharest: Editura Eminescu, p. 74. Velcescu, Virginia (1992) Gulliver in fara piticilor, Radio Bucharest.

THEATRICAL ADAPTATIONS FOR PUPPET AND CHILDREN'S THEATRES Pehr, Joseph, Gulliver in \am papu$ilor, (unpublished manuscript), Teatrul pentru copii 'Arlechino', Bra§ov, 1997. Pehr, Joseph and Leo Spacil, Gulliver in fara papu§ilor, (unpublished manuscript), Teatrul de papu§i, Baia Mare, 2001. Pehr, Joseph and Leo Spech, Gulliver in fara papu^ilor, trans. Nicolae Popovici (unpublished manuscript), Teatrul pentru copii §i tineret 'Ariel' Targu Mures,, 1986. Swift, Jonathan, Gulliver in Tara Lilliput (adapted by Cristina Pepino), (unpublished manuscript), Teatrul de papu§i 'Gulliver', Gala^i, 1998. Swift, Jonathan, Gulliver in Tara Uria§ilor (adapted by Cristina Pepino), (unpublished manuscript), Teatrul de papu§i 'Gulliver', Gala^i, 1999.

Bibliography

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Swift, Jonathan, Gulliver in \.ara pdpujilor (adapted by Silvia Kerim, (unpublished manuscript), Teatrul de papu§i §i marionete 'Tandarica', Bucharest, 1991. Swift, Jonathan, Gulliver in fara liliputanilor (adapted by Constantin Cuble§an), (unpublished manuscript) Teatrul de papu§i 'Puck', Cluj-Napoca, 2000. Velich, A., Gulliver in fara pdpu$ilor, (unpublished manuscript), Teatrul pentru copii §i tineri 'Merlin', Timi§oara, 2000.

ARTICLES ON THE WEB §erban, Alex Leo, South Park-ul explicat adulfilor, http://www.algoritma.ro/ dilema/355/Alex.Leo.html Turner, Kevin J., Vezicile urinare s,i Brobdingnag, http://www.bmj.ro/numar/ 2000nr09/special3.html (accessed on 5 May 2002). Vlad, Corneliu, Amintirile din Tara Huaboinilor, http://www.lumeam.ro/ nrll_2000 (accessed on 5 May 2002).

Chapter 13 ADAC Motorwelt, March 1999. Apotheken-Umschau, 3 May 2004. Ariazad (Varoujan Kazanjian) (2000) Gulliver in Cloneland, Lewes: Book Guild. DePorte, Michael (1997) 'Novelizing the Travels: Simon Moore's Gulliver', Swift Studies, 12: 99-102. Fell, Alison (1999) The Mistress ofLilliput, or The Pursuit, London: Doubleday. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 4 April 1995. Frey, Robert-Marie (1999) Gullivers Reise ins Zahnspangenland: eine Abenteuergeschichte fiir Kinder und Eltern fur die erfolgreiche kieferorthopddische Behandlung, Heidelberg: Hiithing. Gasbarra, Felix (1968 [1978]) Schule der Planeten, Zurich: Diogenes. Gill, Bartholomew (1995) Death of an Ardent Bibliophile, New York: William Morrow. Kelly, Ann Cline (2002 Jonathan Swift and Popular Culture: Myth, Media, and the Man, New York and Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave. Kosok, Heinz (2002) 'Stage Versions of Gulliver's Travels', Swift Studies, 17: 88-99. Mahony, Robert (1995) Jonathan Swift: The Irish Identity. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Manara, Milo (1996) Gullivera, New York: Nantier, Beall, Minoustchine. Munsterische Zeitung, 17 August 2000. New York Times, 9 January 1994. Nocon, Peter (2002) 'Versions of the Dean: Swift in Modern German Fiction and Drama', The Reception and Reputation of Jonathan Swift in Germany: Essays and Investigations, ed. Hermann J. Real, with the assistance of Melanie Just, Neil Key and Helga Scholz, Bethesda, Dublin, Oxford: Maunsel, pp. 325-51. Real, Hermann J. (1988) 'Swiftiana locosa', Swift Studies, 3: 125. Ruhr-Nachrichten, 25 January 2003.

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Sharee, Keith (1990) Gulliver's Fugitives, London: Titan Books. Der SPIEGEL, 17 March 2003. TIME, 27 February 1995; 3 June 2002. Die WELT, 15 April 2000. Die ZEIT, 13 January 2000. Ziegler, Robert (1980 [1928]) Gulliver und Glumdalklitsch, Miinchen: Neue Miinchner Galerie.

Index

Abadi-Nagy, Zoltan 224 Addison, Joseph 26, 27, 28, 29, 35, 94, 126, 167, 227 Alcott, Louisa M(ay) 84 Aleksandre I, Tsar of Russia 177 Alekseev, M. P. 173, 201-2 Allgemeine LJtemtur-Zeitung, see Journals and newspapers Allgemeine Moden-Zeitung, see Journals and newspapers Algarotti, Francesco 17, 26, 27 Allario, C. 37 Alvaro, Corrado 55 Andersen, Hans Christian 84, 149 Andre, Fabrizio de 49 Andreev, L.N. 210 Andreev, Yakov 211-12 Andres, Giovanni 33 Anghelescu-Irimia, Mihaela 266 Angyalhazi, David 236 Antemireanu, Alexandra 255—6 Antich, Ismael 62 Antokol'skn, P. G. 210 Araujo, Alice 81 Arbuthnot, John 25, 32, 42, 92, 11718, 261 Arcoleo, Giorgio 38 Arevalo, Rodolfo 71 Arghezi, Tudor 263 Ariazad (Varoujan Kazanjian) 281 Aristophanes 34, 226 Armellin, Bruno 54 Arnold, Roland 119, 120 Artamonov, A. 192 Atanassovi, T. & B. xxix Aungerville, Richard 73 Astaldi, Maria Luisa 49 Aulnoy, Countess d' 72 Azadovskii, M. K. 195 Azana, Manuel 63

Ba, Paolo 54 Baadke, Fnednch 120 Babits, Mihaly 232

Bacon, Francis, Baron Verulam viii, xi, 58, 63 Bakhmutskii, V.Ya. 189 Bakhnov, V.E. 212 Balai^a, George 270 Balota, Nicolae 261 Barbadillo, Pedro 67 Barbieri, Gaetano xxiii, 36—37, 40 Baretti, Giuseppe 17, 27 Barros, Joao de 82, 85-86, 87 Barry, Thomas xxi, 30—33 Bartenschlager, Klaus 119 Battlay, Imre 228 Baumgaertner, J. 160 Baur, Samuel xxiii, 134, 147 Bava, Pino 48-49 Behnskn, Ya.L. 212 Belinskri, V. G. xxiii, 180, 190 Belloc, Hilaire 64 Ben, G. 199 Bentley, Richard 73 Berczy, Karoly 227-28 Berengo, Marino 18 Berger, Dieter A. xxix, 139 Bergestrom, Hans 153 Berkeley, Bishop George 4, 53 Berkh, V. N. 179 Berto, Giuseppe 55 Berwick, Donald M. xxvi Best, Steve 278 Bettinelli, Saverio 27, 34 Bible, The 53 Old Testament 23 Biffi, Giambattista 28 Bigazzi, Carlo 54 Bini, Carlo 35 Blair, Tony 278-79 Blake, William x Blicher, Steen Steensen 153—54 Bobrowicz, Jan Nepomuc 160 Bobryshev, V. 188 Boccaccio, Giovanni 7 Boccalosi, Girolamo 35 Bochenski, Jacek 159-60 Bodmer, Johann Jakob 113

366

Index

Bongerfi, Janos 228, 233 Book, Fredrik 153 Boero, R. xxix, 76 Bogdan, Mihail xxvii, 254, 258 Boileau-Despreaux, Nicolas 27—28, 150 Boldizsar, Ivan 232—33 Borkowsky, Theodor 136—37 Borsa, Matteo 33-34 Boswell, James 27 Botez, Constantin Ion 257 Bouterwek, Friedrich xxiii, 125 Boyle, John, fifth Earl of Orrery xx, xxii, 28, 30, 44, 101-02, 103, 104, 105, 106-07, 116, 123, 126, 227 Boyle, Robert 93 Brandis, E.P. 205 Brandys, Marian 159-60 Breitenfels, Johann von, see Waser, J. Heinrich Breton, Andre 90 Brezianu, Andrei xxviii, xxix, 253, 255, 259-60, 263, 261-62, 264, 266 Brief an Hermione 112 Brilli, Attilio xxix, 50-51, 52, 54 Brinzeu, Pia 266 Brjus, Yakov Vilimovich 171 Brodzinski, Kazimierz 162 Broszkiewicz, Jerzy xxvii, 134, 166—67, 222 Brunetti, Giuseppe 52 Bryll, Ernest 156, 166, 168-69 Bueno, Javier 62-63,64-65,66,68,71 Bulgarelli, Elisa 54 Bullitt, John M. 222 Bulwer Lytton, Sir Edward 2, 227 Buonafede, Father Appiano 27 Burke, Edmund viii Burns, Robert 214, 233 Burton, Robert 50 Bushmin, A. S. 191 Butler, Samuel 94 Buzzati, Dino 55 Byron, Lord George Gordon ix, x, xi, xii, 214, 226 Caffe, H, see Journals and newspapers Caion, see Jonescu-Caion, C. A. Calm, Vera 251, 254, 256, 257, 258, 259 Callier, A. 158 Calogera, Angelo 20, 21, 22, 26 Calvino, Italo 55 Camerini, Eugenic 38

Caminer, Domenico 29 Caminer, Elisabetta 29 Camoens, Luiz Vaz de 85 Cantemir, Dimitrie 263—64 Capek, Karel 220 Capodilista, Marina Emo 54 Carlyle, Thomas 128, 230 Caragiale, Ion Luca 266 Carroll, Lewis 84 Casasnovas-Marques, Luis 70 Casaubon, Isaac 103 Catharine II, Tsarina of Russia 175 Cazacu, Alexandra 269 Ceau§escu, Nicolae 258 Celati, Gianni xxviii, xxxi, 49-50, 51, 52, 54-55 Ceronetti, Augusto 55 Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de ix, 55, 72, 73, 147, 175, 219, 225, 279 Cesarotti, Melchiorre 34-35 Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor 226 Chaucer, Geoffrey 91 Chekalov, I. I. xxx, 189, 202 Chenek, V. xxv, 215 Cherepova, T. N. 199 Chiari, Pietro 24, 34 Chinol, Elio 49 Chomon, Segundo de 72 Christian VI, King of Denmark 150 Chuyko, V. V. xxiv, 182, 201, 207, 209 Ciotori, D.N. 256 Clausen, Sven 154 Clewes, Winston 133 Collins, John Churton 136, 219 Colombo, Michele 19, 35 Colombo, Rosa Maria 53 Congreve, William 30 Conti, Antonio 17, 18 Cooper, James Fenimore 85 Corbi, Laura 54 Co§buc, George 265—66 Cowley, Abraham 94 Coyen, Abbe 29 Craciun, Mircea 265 Craik, Sir Henry 44, 134, 136, 148, 162, 219 Cristea, Valeriu 259, 264-65 Cuble§an, Constantin 268—69 Cunqueiro, Alvaro 64 Cyrano de Bergerac 136, 137, 220 D'Agostino, Nemi 48 Dalin, Olof von 152

Index Dam, Mogens 148 D'Amato, Elia 22, 23, 24 D'Amico, Masolino xxx, 45, 54 Danielne-Lengyel, Laura 232 Danske Spectator, Den, see Journals and newspapers Danson, Ted xxxi, 280 Dante, AHghien 39, 44, 85 Darwin, Charles viii, 230 Dau§, Ludovic 252 Deciu, Andreea 269 Defoe, Daniel 7, 50, 59, 63, 84, 144, 163, 172, 193, 220, 224, 248, 258 Delany, Patrick 44 Delgado, Cruz 72 De Marchi, Luigi 37, 45 Denina, Carlo 27 Dennis, G. Ravenscroft 216 Densus,ianu, Ovid 256 Descartes, Rene 91 Desfontaines, Pierre-Francois Guyot, Abbe Le Nouveau Gulliver xix, xxiii, 15, 21, 22, 23, 34, 36-37, 88, 157 Voyages de Gulliver xix, xx, xxi, xxii, 2, 5-6, 10-14, 18, 19, 20, 23, 36, 41-42, 58, 61, 62, 78, 79-80, 9798, 100, 145, 157, 161-62, 175, 204, 239, 250 Dettore, Ugo 47 Deych, Alexsandr xxvi, 186, 192, 194, 195, 201, 207 Deztany, Lluis xxvii 72, 73, 76 Diaconu, Ernil 256 Dickens, Charles ix, 84, 85, 163, 227, 233, 234 Dimarco, K. xxii, 162 Di Piazza, Elio 53 Dobrovici, Viorica 259 Dobrowolski, W. 159 Dochev, Geno 241 Donoghue, Denis 222 Doren, Carl van 219 Dossi, Carlo 38 Dostoevsky, F. M. 82 Dragomir, Caius Traian 269 Dryden, John 48, 94, 103, 104 Dubashmskn, I. A. xxviii, 187, 189, 190, 194, 196, 197-98, 222 Dubmskii, M. 184 Dusi, Giovanni 55 Dutu, Alexandru 259

Dumas, Alexandre 85 Dunkel, Johann Gottlob Wilhelm 95

367 94-

Effen, Justus van xviii, 3, 7-10, 15, 96— 97, 115, 172 Ehrenpreis, Irvin xxviii, 138-40, 194, 222 Eich, Giinter 130 Eichhorn, Johann Gottfried 125 Ejchler, Joann 171 Elena, Pilar 66, 74, 76, 77, 78 Ehstratova, A.A. 189, 191 Engel'gardt, B.M. 145, 205 Engelstad, Carl Fredrik xxix, 145 Erasmus, Desiderius 55 Eremia, Ion xxvii, 11, 271-72 Eskeland, Severin 145 Europa Letteraria, L', see Journals and newspapers European Messenger, see Journals and newspapers Faggi, Adolfo 43, 46 Falbe-Hansen, Ida 153 Faletti, Ottavio Alessandro 35 FalckYtter, Oluf Vilhelm 144 Fanciulli, Giuseppe 39, 45 Farinas, E.M. 70-71 Farran y Mayoral 64 Faulkner, George xix, 66, 80, 114 Fedorov, A.V. 199 Fell, Alison 282 Fernandes, Anibal xxix, 90 Ferrari, Renato 54 Ferreira, Leyguarda 82, 83, 85, 87 Ferreira de Sousa, Maria Francisca 80 Fest, Sandor 225 Fielding, Henry 176 Flaubert, Gustave 46 Flogel, Carl Friedrich xxii, 105, 106 Formichi, Carlo 45 Forster, John 44, 134, 136, 181, 219 Fortis, Abbe Alberto 29 Foscolo, Ugo 27, 35 Fougeret de Montbrun, Jean-Louis 10 Franco, Maria 81 Frankovskn, A. A. xxv, 195, 201, 205,

207 Franta, Z. 219, 222 Frassinetti, Augusto 55 Freisburger, Walther 119 Frey, Robert-Marie 282

368

Index

Freymuthige Nachrichten, see Journals and newspapers Friche, V. M. 185-86, 192 Fromm, Hieronimus 83 Frustra Letteraria, La, see Journals and newspapers G., J. B. xxii, 79-80, 92 Gabbe, Tamara 206 Gadda, Carlo Emilio 55 Galiani, Abbot Ferdinando 25 Gallo, E. xxix, 76 Garate-Ayastuy, Begona 65, 67, 76, 77 Gasbarra, Felix xxviii, 131, 132-33, 281-82 Gasparne, Margit D. 233 Gassenmeier, Michael xxx, 119, 140—41 Gausseron, Bernard-Marie-Henri 83 Gavriliu, Eugenia 270 Gazzetta Urbana Veneta, see Journals and newspapers Gelany, Tingusa 88 Genieva, E. M. 203 Genovesi, Antonio 25 Gernhardt, Robert xxxi, 130 Gheorghiu, Mihnea 259 Gibbon, Edward x Gill, Bartholomew 281 Glumer, Claire von xxiv, 120 Godwin, William 137 Goranson, Julius Axel Kjellman xxiii, 145 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von 225, 263 Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen, see Journals and newspapers Gogol, Nikolai Vasilevich 180 Goldsmith, Oliver 94, 176, 224, 233 Gorin, Grigorii I. xxx, 211, 213 Gorkii, Maksim 186 Gosche, Richard 135 Gosse, Edmund 44 Gottsched, Johann Christoph 99, 10001, 124, 227 Goulding, Sybil xxv, 219 Gozzi, Gaspare 28, 29, 34 Graf, Arturo 17 Grandville (Jean Ignace Isidore Gerard) 36, 137, 250 Graustein, Gottfried 120 Grass, Giinter 133 Gray, Thomas 161 Grazhdanskaya, Z. T. 192 Graziano, Alba 52

Greve, Felix Paul xxv, 119-20 Griffin, Victor 273 Grimm Brothers 84 Grimvall, Goran 148 Grove, Frederick Philip, see Felix Paul Greve Guardamagna, Daniela 53 Guardia, Pedro 65, 66, 77, 78 Gueglio, Vincenzo 54 Guidetti, Augusta Grosso 45 Gulliver Taschenbiicher 278 Gwynn, Stephen 219 Gyllander, Hugo 146 Hagedorn, Friedrich von 113 Haislund, Niels xxvii, 143 Halasz, Gabor 233 Haller, Albrecht von 93-94, 100, 101, 104, 106-07, 124 Hamann, Johann Georg 94, 99, 122 Hamming, C. 142 Handro, Lilli 135 Hansen, Adolf 147-48 Hansen, Kurt Heinrich 138 Hardy, Thomas 233 Hare, Francis 141 Harley, Robert, first Earl of Oxford 30 Harris, James 104 Hatar, Gyozo 234 Hawkesworth, John xxi, 29, 30, 37, 74, 110, 122, 219 Hayward, John 235 Heidenhain, Adolf 136 Hennings, Paul xxvii, 119, 130-31 Herder, Johann Gottfried xxii, xxiii, 119, 121, 122-25, 126 Hermann, Karel 216 Hermmez, Pollux xxx, 65-66, 67, 68, 78 Hettner, Hermann 180 Him, Yrjo xxv, 147 Hirsching, Friedrich Carl Gottlob 125 Hlouskova, B. 216, 217 Hodrova, Daniela 222 Hoehne, Edmund xxvi, 131—32 Hohne, Horst 120 Honncher, E. 137 Hoffmann, Alexander Friedrich Franz 228 Hoffmann, E(rnst) T(heodor) A(madeus) 84 Hoffhieister, A. 215 Hohenhausen, Elise von 135

Index Holberg, Ludvig xi, xx, 4, 149, 150-52, 155 Homer ix, 84, 85, 222, 225 Hone, J. S. xxvi, 46 Horatius Flaccus, Quintus 28, 32 Horstmann, Ulrich 140 Houska, Josef Vojtech xxiv Hugo, Victor 84 Hume, David viii, 33 Husband, Tom 278 Huus, Hans Christian xxvii, 143, 149 Hyde, Edward, first Earl of Clarendon 27 Inger, A. 198, 199, 204 lonescu, Eugen 266 lonescu-Caion, Constantin Al. 251 Iskra, see Journals and newspapers Ivanchenko, A. L. 191 Ivanescu, Mircea 259 Izzo, Carlo 49 Jacobs, Monty 133-34 Jacquier, Henri 257 Jahnsson, Bengt xxvii, 154 Jakobson, Roman 72 Janin, Jules 13 Jansen, Carl xxiii, 143, 148-49 Jeffrey, Lord Francis 180 Jensen, Johannes V. xxvi, 149 Jensen, Kenny 154 Jezierski, Feliks 161 Johnson, Esther (Stella) 102, 164, 181, 183, 184, 211, 218, 220 Johnson, Samuel 27, 126, 134 Johnston, Denis 194 Jolowicz, H. xxiv, 134 Jonson, Ben 94 lordan, Alexandru 255 Journal des Savants, see Journals and newspapers Journals and newspapers Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung 102—3 Allgemeine Moden-Zeitung 102 Caffe, II 28, 49 Condliatore, II 36 Curieml romanesc 250 Danske Spectator, Den 153 Elet 232 Europa Letteraria, L' 29, 30 Freymiithige Nachrichten 121 Frustra Letteraria, La 27 Gazzetta Urbana Veneta 28, 29

369

Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen 100, 101, 102, 104, 107 Iskra (The Spark) 181, 200 Journal Anglais xxi, 9 Journal des Savants 13, 20, 100 Literatumaya gazeta (Literary Gazette) 187, 188, 201 London Magazine, The 147 Mercure de France 29 Moskovskii zhurnal (Moscow Journal) 174 Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen xix, 96, 100 New Memoirs of Literature 97 Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres 6—7 Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria xix, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25 Nyugat 229, 232, 233, 236 Osservatore Venet, L' 29 St James's Chronicle 128 Secolul 249, 261, 263 Severny Merkurii (Northern Mercury) 178, 179, 200 Tubingische gelehrte Anzeigen 103 Vestnik Evropy (European Messenger) 178, 181 Joyce, James viii, x, xii, 234, 263 Jungmann, Josef 214 Kabdebo, Tarnas 237 Kacziany, Geza xxv, 224 Kafka, Franz 133 Kagarlitskii, Yu. 189, 193, 194 Kalnoky, Laszlo xxvii, 236 Kanchalovskii, P. 204-5 Kantemir, Prince Antiokh D. 173 Karaliichev, A. 246 Karamzm, Nikolai M. 174, 178 Karinthy, Frigyes xxv, 224, 228-31, 232, 233, 235 Karvovskii, A. 212 Karzhavin, Erofey xxi, 176, 177, 204, 205 Kazinczy, Ferenc 225, 226 Keill, John 93 Kelly, Ann Cline 275 Kenm, Silvia 267-68 Kery, Laszlo xxvii, 236 Kenevich, V. 180, 181, 182 Kharitonov, V. 189 Kirchbach, Hanns Carl von 98 Kirk, Hans 149

370

Index

Kisfaludy, Karoly 226 Klyatkovskaya, M. 209 Klingemann, August 112 Klopstock, Friedrich Gottlieb 113 Knigge, Philippine Freiin von 102—03 Kochetkova, N. D. 199 Kocztur, Gizella 224, 235 Kolcsey, Ferenc 225, 226 Kogan, P.S. 205 Kolmakov, A.V. 200 Koltai, Virgil 228 Koltay, Antal 233 Konchalovski 242 Korn, Max Armin xxvi, 135 Kosciuszko, Tadeusz 157 Kosok, Heinz xxxi, 131, 242, 280 Kott, Jan xxvii, xxxi, 159, 163, 165, 221 Kottenkamp, Franz xxiii, 118-19, 120, 135, 137-38, 265 Kounchev, Bozhidar 246 Kozyrev, M.Yu. xxvi, 210-11 Kragelund, Aage 151 Krajewska, Wanda 158 Krajewski, Michal 162, 166 Krasicki, Ignacy 166 Krasinski, Zygmunt 157 Kremlev, A. 184-85 Krogen, Carl Heinrich 142-3 Krokvik, Jostein 145 Krushchev, A. F. 171 Krustev, Krustyo 243 Kruuse, Jens 151 Kruzhkov, G. 203 Kryuchnikov, E. 194 Krzeczkowski, Henryk 161 Krzhizhanovskii, S.D. 210, 211 Kurdi, Maria 224 Kurochkin, V. S. xxiv, 181, 208-9 Kurowska, Elzbieta 157 Kydrynski, Juliusz 161,165-66 La Bruyere, Jean de 72 Laczko, Geza 232 Lagerkvist, Par 154 Lam, Stanislaw 161 Lane-Poole, Stanley 219 Langenscheidts Lilliput Worterbucher 274 La Rochefoucauld, Francois, Duke of 38 Laszlo, Bela xxv, 235-36 Lavater, Johann Caspar 110—11

Lebedev, A. E. 191 Le Bovier de Fontenelle, Bernard 72, 91 Lecca, Haralamb 253 Lecky, W. E. H. xxiv, 134, 135 Lefevere, Andre 239-40, 243 Lem, Stanislaw xxviii, 166, 168 Letter of Advice to a Young Poet, A 48, 90, 202, 261 Levidov, Mikhail xxvi, 187-88, 192, 195-6, 211 Levik, V. V. 202 Levin, Yu. D. xxvii, 170-71, 201-2, 209 Levit, T. 207 Levi^chi, Leon xxvii, 251, 254—5, 257, 258-9 Lewald, August 135 Lichtenberg, Georg Christoph xxi, 110-12 Liebers, Johann Heinrich xix, 98 Lima, Francisco Bernardo de 91 Liponski, Wojciech 163 Liscow, Christian Ludwig xix, xx, 108— 10, 111 Lisovoy, Nikolay 211-12 Literatumaya gazeta, see Journals and newspapers Livergant, A. 199, 203, 209 Ljungdahl, David 146 Locatelli, Carla 53 Locke, John 27, 35, 91 Loffler, Arno xxix, 140 LoForte-Randi, Andrea 38-39, 42, 43, 44, 46 Lomonosov, Mikhail V. 173—74 London, Jack 233 London Magazine, The, see Journals and Newspapers Longanesi, Leo 55 Lorenzo, Emilio xxx, 58, 61—2, 63, 65— 8, 74, 77 Luaces, Juan G. de 63-4, 68, 70, 78 Lucian 100, 222, 226 Lunacharskii, A. V. xxvi, 186, 188, 194, 195, 201, 207 Lutter, Tibor 224 M., L. 36 M., L.G. 60 M. M. 81 Mace, Rene xviii, 4, 7 Macedo, Manuel de 81

Index Macpherson, James ix, xi—xii, 224, 226— 27 Maczewski, Przemyslaw 162 MafFei, Scipione 17 Magalotti, Count Lorenzo 17-18 Magni, Verano 45 Major, John 279 Malaparte, Curzio 55 Manara, Milo 55, 89, 281 Manca, Mario 53 Mandeville, Bernard de 7, 43 Manganelli, Giorgio 49, 55 Manta, Vasile 269 Manzoni, Francesco xix, 19 Marivaux, Pierre 14-15, 29 Marquez, Robert 76 Marsecco, F. Zannino xix, 19, 20, 21 Marsh, Archbishop Narcissus 264 Marshak, S. Ya. 201, 203 Martello, Pierjacopo 34 Martinescu, Pericle 256 Martini, Esther 45 Marucci, Franco 54 Mason, W. Monck 134 Melli, Francesca 54 Melville, Herman 85 Mendelssohn, Moses 110 Mendoza, Inaki 67 Meo, Antonio 54 Merino, Raquel 65 Mesch, Harald 259 Mesyatseva, G. 189 Metzdorf, Jens 141 Meyer, Gitte 148 Meyer, Richard M. 135 Mickiewicz, Adam 157 Mikhaylova, T. 203 Mikos, J. 163 Mikushevich, V. 198, 203, 204 Milton, John 35, 94, 113, 161, 224 Mjoberg, Joran 154 Moller, Joachim 140 M011er, Kai Friis xxv, 143, 149 Moldoveanu, N.N. 269 Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de 17, 55 Montale, Eugenio 55 Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat 17, 263 Mora-Charles, M. Sol de xxix, 73—74 Moravia, Alberto 55 More, Sir Thomas 24, 58, 63, 100, 136, 150, 210 Moreno-Ruiz, Jose Luis 75

371

Morozov, M. 188 Morton, T. 144 Moskovskii zhumal, see Journals and newspapers Motte, Benjamin, Jr 80 Mottini, Edoardo 45 Mroczkowski, Przemyslaw 164 Miillenbrock, Heinz-Joachim 141 Miiller, K. von xxiv, 134 Mummendey, Richard 138 Mufios y Gaviria, Jose 59-60 Munteanu, Ion 255-56, 262-63 Munteanu, Romul Muratori, Ludovico Antonio 25 Murav'ev, V. S. xxviii, 170-71, 190, 193-94, 198 Nachtwachen. Von Bonaventura, see Klingemann, August Nalecz-Wojtczakecz-Wojtczak, Jolanta 164 Negos.anu, Petronela 254—55 Negulici, loan D. xxiv, 250-51, 254, 258 Nemeth, Laszlo 234 Nemoianu, Virgil 249-50, 255, 25960, 261-62 Nencioni, Enrico 38, 45 Nersesova, M.A. 189 Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen, see Journals and newspapers New Memoirs of Literature, see Journals and newspapers Newton, Sir Isaac viii, 93 Nex0, Tue Andersen 143 Niemcewicz, Julian Ursyn 161 Niewiadomska, Cecylia 158, 159 Nikol'skii, M. 205 Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres, see Journals and newspapers Novelle della Repubblica Letteraria, Le, see Journals and newspapers Nyblom, Karl Rupert 147 Nyugat, see Journals and newspapers Nyren, Carl 147, 153 Oehlenschlager, Adam 149 Ogden, Daniel 148 Oliver, Maria Antonia 64 Olrog, Sejer xxi, 142 Olteanu, Tudor 262 Ops 75 Orban, Otto 236

372

Index

Orlando, Francesco 53—4 Ortolani, Giuseppe 20 Orwell, George 64 Osipova, N. Ch. 211 Osterman. Andrei Ivanovich Ostrowski, N. 159

171

Pagetti, Carlo xxviii, 19, 24, 25, 35, 38, 41, 44, 49 Palau, J. M. 73 Paloczi-Horvath, Gyorgy 231, 232, 233, 237 Paludan, Julius 151 Paoli, Pasquale 25 Papatanasiuc, N. 269 Papetti, Viola 54 Papini, Giovanni 41, 43, 50 Parini, Giuseppe 34, 35 Parisi, Maria 45 Pascal, Blaise 9 Passerano, Adalberto Radicati di xx, 26 Passmann, Dirk F. xxxi, 139 Pater, Walter x, xi, xii Paul I, Tsar of Russia 176-77 Pavese, Cesare 47 Pazzi, Roberto 55 Pehr, Joseph xxx, 267 Pepino, Cristina 268 Perez, Hertha 260 Peter the Great, Tzar of Russia 171, 172 Petrushevskaya, L. xxix, 211 Pfister, Manfred 119 Philippi, Johann Ernst 109 Philippide, Alexandru 256 Piazza, Antonio 29-30 Pillat, Monica 265 Pirandello, Luigi 38, 55 Pire, Luciana 56 Pi y Margall, Francisco 60 Plachkov, I.P. 240 Plato 24, 58, 100 Pleshcheev, M.I. 209 Podvurzachov, Dimiter xxv, 240, 241, 242 Poe, Edgar Allan 214 Pogany, Janos 233 Pogany, Jozsef 230—31 Polakovics, Friedrich 119 Poli, Paolo 55 Pons, Maurice 65 Pope, Alexander 27, 33-34, 35, 94, 104, 126, 147, 161, 224, 225 Dunciad, The 34

Memoirs of Martinus Scriblerus 33-34, 35, 54, 99, 118 Popovici, Nicolae 267 Potocki, Stanislaw 158 Pott, Degenhard xxii, 117-18, 126 Pozzo, Giovanni da 26 Praz, Mario 46 Preda, loan Aurel xxviii, 260-61 Prem, Jozsef 228, 229 Preobrazhenskii, P. 181, 182, 200-1, 208 Prezzolini, Giuseppe 42-43, 50 Prior, Matthew 94, 176 Protopopescu, Dragos 256 Ptushko, Alexander 72 Publishing Houses Acento 67 Albatros 217, 220 Anaya 65, 66 Aguilar 63 Alianza Editorial 67, 76 Athenaeum 233 Aufbau Verlag 120 Aventinum 218 Beltz & Gelberg 278 Bianchi-Giovini 47 Boix 59, 71 Bosch 75 Branners, Povl 143 Bruguera 69, 71 Casa Garrett 83 Catedra 66, 74 Coimbra University Press 80 Coleti, Sebastiano 21 Compania Ibero-Americana de Publicaciones 62 Corona, Guiseppe 19, 20 Creanga, Ion 254 Detskoy Literatury 206 Dilia 222 Editorial Iberia 63, 64 Editorial Teide 71 Einaudi 47 Espasa-Calpe 63, 66, 71, 74 Everest 70 Fabbri 47 FalckYtters Forlag 144 Ferreira & Oliveira 80-81 Felmar 75 Fink, Wilhelm 139 Formiggini, Angelo 43 Forum 143 Franklin 233

Index Fritsch, Caspar 99 Gaviota 68 Gollancz 133 Grund, Georg Christian 101 Gruyter, Walter de 139 Gyldendal 145 Hasselbalch 143 Hegelund, Ole 142 Hernando y Cia 60, 62 Hertel, Philip 98 Hoepli 37 Holle, Adam Heinrich 101 Horowitz 215 Hungaria 233 Hynek, Alois 215, 216, 217 Ifjusag Kiado 235 Kentaur 218 Kober, Nakladatel 215 Krabbe, Adolph 137 Kungliga Biblioteket 146 Kuncif, Ladislav 215 Labor 73 Lang, Peter 139 Langenscheidt 274 Lararetidnings 146 Legasa 75 Libraria G. D. Nebunelli 252 Marquard, C. S. 147 Mateu 70 Mazac, L. 216 Molodaya Gvardiya 206 Mondadori 45, 54 Mourek, Theodor 214 Newton Compton 47 Novikov, Nikolai 176 Odeon 220, 221 Optima 63 Orbis 64 Orell, GeBner and Compagnie 113, 121 Otto Paravia 37 Planeta 66 Portugalia 81 Publicit 81 Reclam, Philipp 139 Reiss, Ench 119 Revai 233 Rizzoli 47 Rolland 80 Rothen, Heinnch Gottlieb 99 Rozsavolgyi 231 Salvat 64

373

Sarpe 64 Scheible, Rieger and Sattler 118 Scheurleer, Henri 7, 96, 172 Seba, Vojtech 216 Simacek 215 Smitt, Immanuel 147 Sokol, K. St. 215 Sonzogno 37 Sopena 62 Steens, C. 143 Stein, August Friedrich 142 Stella 36 Sundqvist, Ernst P. 146 Susaeta 69, 71 Swan 66 Szepirodalmi Kiado 233 Tasso, Luis 60 Tervernin 25, 26 Tipograficas Renovacion 62 Toray 70 Treves 37 Tusquets 76 Valardi 41 Vanecek, Arnost 217 Vanek a Votava 216 Vasil'ev, V.E. 203 Vega 81 Villaverde, Leon Pablo 60, 61 Vocea invajatorului 252 Volesky, Gustav 216 Weygand 117 Wiering, Thomas von 98 Quevedo Villegas, Francisco de Quintana, Ricardo 4, 194

72

Rabelais, Francois 5-7, 27, 30, 50, 60, 100, 136, 164, 219, 220, 256 Rabener, Gottlieb Wilhelm xx, 104, 108, 111, 153 Rabizzani, Giovanni 43 Raciazkowny, S. 159 Radicati di Passerano, Count Adalberto xx, 26 Radlov, E. L 205 Radulescu, Heliade 250 Raimondi, Guiseppe 46 Rajk, Laszlo 233 Rak, V.D. xxx, 202-3 Ralin, Radoi xxviii, 245—46 Real, Hermann J. xxix, xxx, xxxi, 138, 139-40 Rebora, Piero 43-45

374

Index

Regis, Gottlob 119 Reimers, Hans 135 Renhorn, Olof Bidenius xx, 145 Rey, George 91 Rez, Adam 234 Richardson, Samuel 176, 227 Richter, Johann Paul Friedrich (Jean Paul) xxi, xxii, 4, 38, 122, 125-29, 227, 228

Riesbeck, Johann Kaspar xxii, 121—22 Righini, Paola 49, 54 Riha, Bohumil xxix, 222 Riis, Jorgen 153 Rinckhart, Martin 96 Rivas-Cherif, Cipriano 63, 78 Rodino, Richard H. xxx, 139 Rodriguez, Armenia 69 Rolli, Paolo 17 Rosati, Salvatore 54 Roscoe, Thomas 219 Rosetti, Maria 250 Rosetti, Radu R. 253 Ross, Angus 222 Rossati, Alberto 54 Rossell-Pesant, M. 70 Rossi, Mario Manlio xxvi, 46—47, 54 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 91 Rozanov, M. N. 185 Ruban, V.G. 209 Ruberti, M.A. 34 Rykachev, Ja. 188 Sacchi-Perego, Cina 45 Sadoveanu, Ion Marin 258 St James's Chronicle, see Journals and newspapers Sainz de Robles, Federico 63 Salazar, Antonio de Oliveira 82 Saltykov-Shchedrin, M. E. 184-85, 191 Sandor, Andras 228 Santini, Gabriele 71 Sarbu, Ion D. 270 Saruchanyan, A. 203 Savinio, Alberto 55 Savjer, Amadeo 25 Sawic, Wawrzyniec 160 Scanlau, Robert 255 Schack, Tage 148 Scheiner, Artus 216 Scherfig, Hans xxviii, 149 Scherr, Johannes 102 Schlosser, F. 180 Schlosser, Anselm xxviii, 119

Schmidt, Johannes N. xxix, 138—39 Schopenhauer, Arthur 38—39 Schiicking, Levin 130 SchultheiB, Albert 135 Schwabe, Johann Joachim 99 Schwarzenegger, Arnold 279 Scott, Sir Walter ix, 36, 37, 44, 45, 75, 85, 134, 160, 180, 219, 226 Scouten, Arthur H. xxviii Secher, Alex 143 Secolul, see Journals and newspapers Seeber, Hans Ulrich xxviii, 138 Seller, Otakar 216 Seelig, Carl 138 Sena, Jorge de xxviii, 90 Senicky, H. 215 §erbanescu, Petru 255 Sereno, Joao 83 Seriman, Zaccaria xx, 22, 34 Serra, Cristobal 73, 74 Sertoli, Giuseppe xxix, 51—52 Severikova, M. N. 189 Severny Merkurii, see Journals and newspapers Sguario, Eusebio 26 Shakespeare, William 94, 214 Sharee, Keith 282 Shavit, Zohar 68-69 Shaw, G.B. 229 Shcherbatov, M.M. 210 Shelley, Percy Bysshe ix, 214 Sher, Jack 72 Shereshevskaya, M. 203 Sheridan, Thomas, the younger 44, 102-03, 126, 219 Shishmareva, A.A. 205 Shmidt-Moskvitinova, O.I. 206 Shumakher, I. D. 172 Shurbanov, Alexander 244 Siefert, Peter 131 Sienkiewicz, Henryk 84 Silva, Agostinho da 81-82 Sito, Jerzy 161 Sitwell, Edith xxvi, 133 Skoumal, Aloys xxvi, 216, 217, 218, 220, 222

Skov, Carl Bjarne 154 Sladek, Josef Vaclav 214 Slomczynski, Maciej xxix, 160—61, 165 Slowacki, Juliusz 157 Smith, Phil 281 Smollett, Tobias 64 Smolska, Janina 160

Index Sniadecki, Jan 158 Sofronova, V.I95 Solomon, Petre 259 Solyanov, A. 202, 209 Somazzi, Luigi xxv, 45 Spacil, Leo 267 Spartal, Ramon Maximo xxii, 57—59, 60, 61, 62, 68, 70, 78 Spenser, Edmund 94 Spinoza, Baruch 91 Spyri, Johanna 84 Stanhope, Philip Dormer, fourth Earl of Chesterfield 128 Star Trek: The Next Generation 282 Starklof, Karl Christian Ludwig 130 Steele, Sir Richard 7, 26, 28, 29, 94, 167 Stebbings, Paul 281 Steiner, George 56 Stendhal (Henri Beyle) 82, 230 Stepan, Bohumil 216 Stephen, Sir Leslie 136, 162, 219 Stern, Adolf 135 Sterne, Laurence viii, xi, xii, 35, 38, 176, 224, 225, 226-27 Stiernstolpe, Jonas Magnus 147 Stover-Leidig, Helgard xxx, xxxi, 139 Storitsyn, P. 188 Storoni-Mazzolani, Lidia 47, 51 Storozhenko, N.I. 183-84 Stowe, Harriett Beecher 84 Stoyanov, Tsvetan 244, 245 Straje, Mihail 253 Streit, Friedrich Wilhelm xxi, 99 Strindberg, August 230 Stfibrny, Zdenek 220 Strychko, Janko 215 Stytsma, S. Ch. 190-91 Suchodolski, Bogdan 163, 165 Sumarokov, Aleksandr P. 174, 175 Swift, Jonathan Accomplishment of the First of Mr. Bickerstaff's Predictions, Tlie 96, 109 Answer to the Craftsman, The 75, 235 Argument against Abolishing Christianity, An 3, 42, 66, 95, 96, 115, 120, 122, 126, 140, 141, 202, 203, 247 'Author upon Himself, The' 118 'As Thomas was Cudgelled' 202, 209 'Atlas' 202

375

Battle of the Books, The xxvii, 3, 7, 27-28, 34, 42, 44, 54, 55, 72-73, 76, 79, 95, 96, 112, 115, 119, 120, 122, 126, 139, 140, 143, 164, 186, 190, 198, 202-3, 218, 219, 220, 236, 261 'Beasts' Confession to the Priest, The' 3, 115, 118, 119, 120, 165 'Beautiful Young Nymph Going to Bed, A' 2, 32, 51, 119, 236 'Bee's Birthday' 203 Bickerstaff Papers, The xviii, 49, 95, 141, 201, 202, 203, 209 'Cadenus and Vanessa' 19, 30, 186, 203, 204, 220 'Cassinus and Peter' xxviii, 51, 90, 91 Causes of the Wretched Condition of Ireland 235 Character, Panegyrick, and Description of the Legion Club, A 202 'Clever Tom Clinch Going to be Hanged' 161, 203 Complete Collection of Genteel and Ingenious Conversation, A 19, 48, 115, 120, 123, 139, 261, 266 Conduct of the Allies, The 6, 47, 66, 120, 140, 141, 186, 220 'Day of Judgement, The' xxii, 2, 4, 128-9, 154, 203, 237 'Death and Daphne' 115 'Description of a City Shower, A' 30, 32, 118, 119, 140, 203 'Description of the Morning, A' xxx, 3, 30, 32, 91, 119, 140, 161, 203 'Description of a Salamander, The' 118 'Dialogue between an Eminent Lawyer and Dr Swift, A' 202 Directions to Servants xxiv, xxv, 32, 35, 45, 46, 48, 50, 54, 75, 76,79, 90, 99, 115, 123, 186, 200, 201, 202, 208, 261 Discourse Concerning the Mechanical Operation of the Spirit, A 95,96 Discourse of the Contests and Dissensions between the Nobles and the Commons in Athens and Rome, A xxi, 114, 120, 146, 186, 218 'Dr Swift to Mr Pope' 161 Drapier's Letters, Ttie 3, 19, 44, 48, 54, 75, 115, 123, 164, 202, 218, 219, 220, 236, 261

376

Index

'Elegy on Dicky and Dolly, A' 202 'Epigram, An' 202 'Epigram on Fasting, An' 200 'Epitaph' 202, 222 Examiner, The 47, 54, 115, 141, 220 'Fable of Midas, The' 202 'Grand Question Debated, The' 115 Gulliver's Travels ix—xi, xii, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xxx, xxxi, 1-4, 5-6, 10-14, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 28, 32, 34, 36, 37, 39-40, 43, 44, 45, 47-8, 49, 50, 51-53, 55, 57-78, 79-88, 912, 97-99, 100, 101, 102, 104-7, 111-12, 114, 116, 119, 120, 121,

122, 124, 126, 129-30, 131, 13738, 141, 142-46, 148, 149, 15153, 154, 155, 156-61, 163-4, 165-6, 171, 172, 173, 175, 176, 177-8, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 191, 192-4, 201, 202-3, 204-7, 210-12, 214-18, 219, 220, 221, 220, 224-5, 227, 229-32, 233-5, 237,238-47, 249-55, 257-9, 263, 264-5, 266-67, 273-83 History of the Four Last Years of the Queen, The 115, 123 Holyhead, September 25, 1727 237 'Horace, Epistle VII, Book I, Imitated' 118 Irish Tracts 38, 74-75, 119, 186, 196 Journal to Stella xxiv, xxix, 2, 47, 48, 54, 90, 119-20, 143, 164, 167, 186, 198-99, 203, 202, 217, 220, 262, 274 'Judas' 202, 203 'Lady's Dressing Room, The' 32, 51, 264 Last Will and Testament of Jonathan Swift, The 111 Letter to a Young Gentleman, A 3, 48, 99, 115, 120, 126, 153 Letter to a Young Lady, on Her Marriage, A 3,50,99,112,115,146,153, 261 Meditation upon a Broomstick, A 42, 75, 76, 96, 161, 200, 202, 203, 209, 261 Miscellaneous Works, Comical & Diverting 19, 96

Miscellanies in Prose and Verse (1711) 19 Modest Proposal, A xx, xxi, xxii, xxv, xxix, 2, 3, 26, 39, 42, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 53-54, 66, 75, 76, 79, 90, 112, 115, 116, 120,126,128,141, 143, 164, 186, 201, 202, 203, 207, 212, 217, 219, 220, 224, 235, 262 New Journey to Paris, A 120-21 On the Death of Mrs Johnson 204 'On his Own Deafness' 119, 199 'On the Irish Club' 'On Poetry: A Rhapsody' 140, 201, 202 'On Reading Dr Young's Satires' 202 'On the Collar of Mrs Dingley's Lap Dog' 199 'Place of the Damned, The' 115, 202, 203 Predictions for the Year 1708 xviii, xix, 3, 94-5, 96, 146, 152, 200, 225, 236 'Progress of Beauty, The' 203, 210 'Progress of Poetry, The' 118, 202, 203 Project for the Advancement of Religion, A 95, 96, 114 Proposal for Correcting, Improving ... the English Tongue, A xxiii, 3, 27, 35, 200, 202, 203, 209 Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufacture, A 120, 202 Publick Spirit of the Whigs, The xviii, 6, 95, 203 'Receipt to Restore Stella's Youth, A' 203, 204 Resolutions of 1699 90, 179, 200 'Riddles' 161, 202 'Satirical Elegy on the Death of a Late Famous General, A' 119,203, 236 Sentiments of a Church-of-England Man, The 115 Serious and Useful Scheme to Make an Hospital for Incurables, A xxi, 201 Sermons 34, 75, 76, 99 Short Character of His Excellency Thomas Earl of Wharton, A 202, 203 Short View of the Present State of Ireland, A 25, 48, 75, 164, 202, 203 Some Free Thoughts upon the Present State of Affairs 203 Some Remarks on the Barrier Treaty 6

Index 'Stella's Birthday' (1719) 161, 203 'Stella's Birthday' (1721) 119, 204 'Stella's Birthday' (1722) 204 'Stella's Birthday, A Great Bottle of Wine, Long Buried, Being that Day Dug up' (1723) 204 'Stella's Birthday' (1724) 204 'Stella's Birthday' (1725) 204 'Stella's Birthday' (1727) 161, 204 'Strephon and Chloe' 32, 51 Tale of a Tub, A xviii, xix, xxii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, 2, 3, 4, 5-10, 13, 25, 28, 31, 38, 42-43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52-3, 54, 60, 66, 73-4, 76, 77, 79, 95-97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 108-9, 11011, 112, 114, 117, 120, 121-22, 123, 126, 127-8, 140, 144, 152, 164, 171, 172, 173, 174, 187, 191, 195-96, 201, 202-3, 207, 215, 218, 219, 220, 236, 247, 253, 255, 259, 261, 266 Thoughts on Various Subjects 48, 96, 123, 140, 200, 202, 217 'To the Earl of Peterborough' 123 'To Stella, Visiting Me in My Sickness' 203-4 'To Stella, Who Collected and Transcribed his Poems' 204 'Strephon and Chloe' 32 Tritical Essay upon the Faculties of the Mind, A 26, 38, 96, 143 'Verses on the Death of Dr Swift' xix, xxvii, 2, 3, 19, 32, 47, 54, 104, 115, 118, 119, 120, 123, 140, 154, 161, 190, 197-98, 202, 217, 236, 237, 263 Vindication of Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq xx, 96, 109 'When Margery Chastises Ned' 202 'Windsor Prophecy, The' 209-10 Works (1735) xix, 66, 80, 114 Sypniewski, Feliks 158 Szathmari, Sandor 230 Szemere, Pal 227 Szentkuthy, Miklos xxvii, 224, 232, 233-5 Szilagyi, Julia 224, 259 Tarchetti, Ugo 35 Tarnawski, Wladyslaw 162—63 Taroni, L. 45 Teerink, H. xxviii, 219

Temple, Sir William

377

xviii, 6, 17, 24, 27,

73, 102, 130, 164, 165, 181, 183, 198 Terzi, Lodovico 54 Tevan, Andor 235 Thackeray, William Makepeace xxiv, 38, 46, 134, 162, 181, 227 The Thousand and One Nights 84 Thieriot, M. 10-11 Thomas, Dylan 91 Thomson, James 161 Thurow, Fritz 138 Tichy, Ijon xxviii Tikhonov, L.N. 210, 212 Tillotson, John 27 Tomashevskii, B.B. 207, 209 Tompa, Maria 235 Toporov, V. 203 Totfalusi, Istvan 237 Trevisani, Luca 54 Trigona, Prospero 53 Triller, Eugenia 163 Trychko, Janko Tubingische gelehrte Anzeigen, see Journals and newspapers Tumanskii, P.O. 177 Turgenev, Ivan 184 Twain, Mark 85, 233 Ugolini, Gherardo 39-40, 45, 48 Urnov, D. M. 189, 222 Usandizaga, Aranzazu 67, 74—75, 77 'Utopia, oder Die seltsamen Reisen des Herrn G.' 280-81 Vairasse, Denis 57-58 Vallese, Tarquinio 45 Valori, Aldo xxv, 37, 40-42, 43, 47 Vina, J. xxv, 214-15, 219, 222 Vanhomrigh, Esther (Vanessa) 54, 102, 164, 184, 211, 218, 220, 274 Vanneschi, Francesco xxi, 30, 33 Vas, Imre 232 Vazaca, Maria 250-51 Velcescu, Virginia 269 Verne, Jules 84, 85 Verri, Alessandro 17, 28 Verri, Pietro 28 Vertsman, I. 187-88 Veselovskaya, V.V 187, 196 Veselovskii, A. N. 181, 182-83 Vestnik Evropy, see Journals and newspapers

378

Index

Vieira, Alice 86-87 Vienken, Heinz J. xxx, xxxi, 138 Vigny, Alfred de 269 Villanueva, Maria Luz Celaya 63 Villari, Enrica 53-54 Vintila, Petru 270 Virgil, Antal Koltay 233 Virgilius Maro, Publius 85, 150 Vivanti, Georgina 45 Voigt, Milton xxviii Voltaire, Francois-Marie Arouet, de xix, 5-6, 9-10, 15, 17, 27, 30, 50, 60, 63, 91, 100, 147, 224, 226, 263 Volynskii, A.D. 171 Voyage to Cacklogallinia 99, 100, 175 Voynovich, V.N. 210 Vrchlicky, Jaroslav 214 Vurgaft, E. M. 187, 188-89, 190, 197, 198 Vymetal, L. 215, 219, 222 Waalkes, Otto 278 Wagner, Peter 140 Walbrecker, Dirk 160 Walicki,Jan 159 Waller, John Francis 242 Wallis, John 93 Walpole, Sir Robert 82 Walser, Martin 120 Waring, Jane (Varina) 130 Waser, (J.) Hemrich xx, 112-17, 119, 121-22, 124, 125, 126 WeiB, Wolfgang 141 Wells, H. G. ix, 191, 229, 262 Weores, Sandor 234 Wezel, Johann Karl xxi, 107-8, 112 White, Terence H. 133 Whitmore, H. 88 Wicki, Bernhard 279

Wieland, Christoph Martin xxi, 10506, 112, 121, 226 Wilck, Otto 120 Wilde, Oscar 157, 229 Wilde, Sir William 134 Wildner, Odon 231, 233 Wilmot, John, Earl of Rochester 94, 104 Winterly elm, Kristian Anastas xxiv, 144 Wittkop, Justus Franz xxvi, 131, 132, 136 Wojciechowski, Konstanty 162 Wolf, Georg Christian xix, 10, 95-97, 99, 115 Wolff-Windegg, Philipp 136 Wonder of All Wonders that Ever the World Wondered at, The 112 Woolf, Virginia viii, x, xi Yakovenko, V.I. xxiv, xxv, 182-83, 204-5, 242-43 Yeats, William Butler viii Young, Edward 113, 116, 126, 224 Zabludovskii, M. D. 165, 186-87, 188, 192, 254, 259 Zabolotskii, Nikolay 206, 207 Zadunaiskaya, Z. 206 Zajotti, Paride 36 Zechenter, Waclaw 159 Zedler, Johann Heinrich 95 Zeno, Apostolo 20 Zhdanov, Andrei 185 Zhukovskii, V.A. 179-80 Zickgraf, Gertraut 136 Ziegler, Robert 281 Zollner, Klaus 141 Zotov, V. 182 Zozulya, Efim xxvi, 186, 192, 195 Zulawski, Juliusz 161