Time and Memory in Indigenous Amazonia: Anthropological Perspectives

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Time and Memory in Indigenous Amazonia Anthropological Perspectives

Edited by Carlos Fausto and Michael Heckenberger

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by CarlO$ Flll$IO and Mich.d Hcrhe prayer is a dance-cham performed under the auspices of a shaman, a ,landau.

divine punishment, associating it with the diseases (Montoya [t639] 1985:208). Since those

It describes the cyclical process of mai."e renewal, which ripens but never dies. adorns

born and raised in the reductions were probably less susceptible to Western diseases than

itself with �liturgicar clothes and feathers, and makes itself into seed again (Chamorro

the unreduced population, it is possible that epidemics claimed more victims among

1995=79-81).

resistant souls: "11\e other dclinquenrs, the pestilence exiled from this life. . . . It was very

27. MChe ru ojocu'; emboro'y embohory ywy I Che ru ofiofie'c emboro'y emborohy ywy I Che ru piraguai emboro'y embohory ywy." I have altered the translation slightly.

On cooling and warming in the context of producing the rod-insignias (c/'im), see Mum

visible that the pestilence c1:1imed victims only among Ihem, for it forgot the remaining populations, who kept their health and life� (191).

35. Bonilla shows how the Paumari of Western Amazonia tried to control nonindig­ ellOlIS predation by identifying themseh'es as "F...miliarized prey,� thai is, as clients adopted

2004· 28. The cult of the Sacred Heart-whose iconography typically involves depiction of

by "good patrons.�

the organ on the chcst or in the hands of Jesus, from where it emits mys of light in all directions-dates from the end of the seventeenth cenmry, following Jesus's appearances to Saint Maria Margarita Alacoque. The Sacred Heart is strongly associated with the Catholic notion of love. In his appearances, Jesus tOld the future 5.'lint: "This is the Heart which so loved man; which spared nothing of itself in showing them its love

umil it was

finally expended and consumed. And in recognition I receive from most ofthem nothing

References Andrade, Lucia M. M. de 1992. "0 corpo e os cosmos: Relao;;Oes de genero e o sobrc:nalural entre os Asurini do Tocamins." Master's thesis, Universidade de Sao Paulo. Assi5, ValCria de, and Ivori

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G:lrlet. 2004. �An:i1ise sabre as populao;;Oes guarani con­

but ingratitude through Ihe contempt, irr=erence, sacrilege, and coldness that they have

tempor:ineas: Demografia. espacialidade

for me in this Sacrament of love� (Carolicismo, July 2004. www.catolidsmo.com.br). We

6,,(2}0):}5-54.

know Ihat the iconography of the S:lCred Heart was adopled by Jesuits in the eighreemh century; the Chapel of the Sacred Heart in the church of Saint Ignatius in Rome dates from this period. We also know Ih31 nine hundred engravings of Jesus's heart were sent to Argentina and Paraguay in 1744 in a single ship (Bailey t999:164). guay who had reached a Slate of maturity-perfection (Schaden 1969:1(9).

30. One of Cadogan's informants explained this absence of £winness in the myth by saying (hat the birth of £wins

is a

divine punishment on the couple: �the young Indian

who revealed the belief tOld me thai it would be a great inconsistency for the Mby:i to worship £win gods, if they rhemselves believed £wins to be an incarnation of the devil and did away with rhem aT birth� (Cadogan 1959:70---71).

31. A Guarani man said to Chamorro, "Those who arc not Kaiowa think Ihal Ihejewsy is all fea5ting and happiness, but thejewry is pure sadness!" (1995:94).

32. A two-sided forgetting, by the way, since it also enabled whitc.� (including antluO­ pologists)

to

�rediscover� populalions who very often had already been under missionary

illAuence, traded with the eoloni:u:rs or resisted Ihem cenruries earlier. The rubber boom Ihat swepl Amazonia after the 18605 was one ofthese key moments ofMrediscoverics,� and left

uS

with many of Ihe ethnic designations thaI today make up the ethnographic map

RrviIfa dns Indins

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129

II Altering Bodies, Connecting Names

4

Sick of H isrory Conrrasring Regimes of Historicity in the Upper Amazon

Anne-Christilu Taylor

This chapter is abo m a regional system of rhe upper Amazon e mb racing the large

ethnic ensemble of rhcJivaro, their predominandy Quechua-speaking indigenous eighbors, and the white coionis[S serried throughout the aTea. It focuses on

n

1\\'0

contrasting ways of relating to change and to the narrative construction ofhisro­ ry: the one favored by rhe Jivaroan Indians, centered on rhe i ntraerhnic dialectics of vengeance and see mingly oblivious ro the texture of inrcrcthnic relations, the other rypical of the postconquest lowland Quechua formations and focused on rheir crhnogenesis as hybrid cultures. I will

arg

ue that these modes of co nstru i ng

the past arc in fuer i mcrdepende nt, as arc the cultu res thar produce them. The nature of Quechua societies is i n timately ried to the existence both of colonist settlements and of "wild" Indian rribes, just

as

the persistence of th e latter de�

pends on the development of indigenous buffer groups mediating between them and non-Indian outsiders. Likewise, the kind of history experienced and told by Jivaroan speakers is tighdy linked to the quire distinct history lived and narrated by the bearers oflowland Quechua culmre; each one is sustained by the other. My aim is to presen t a brief outline of the system and dynamics underlying the play of these compleme ntary regimes of histo ricity, as they existed between the late eighteenth century and the early 1980s. For reasons of space, I will nO[ aHempt

here to deal with earl ier or more recent developments. Much recent work on Amerindian ways of construing the past, and in par� ticular the history of relations with dominant non�lndian outsiders, focuses on

the mimetic appropriation by Indian societies of clements of Western culture,

and lays stress on the way processes of apparent �accul1Uration" come to form,

and be seen as, indigenous tradition. This approach developed in reaction to a

l

IJ4

Sick ofHislory; COllin/Sling R�gimtJ ofHistoricity

AIIII�-C "rislill� 7ilJlor

view-long entrenched in anthropology--Qf cultural change as loss of"aulhen­

13S

Thus, while Jivaroan forms of historicity seem, if they are vie'wed in isolation

ticity," as a negative mode of alteration of a supposedly pristine way of life. Such

from those prevalent among their indigenous neighbors, to belie the idea that Na­

a conception was open to criticism because it implied a stadc and essenrializing

tive American cultures thrive on change and the assimilation of trairs of foreign

vision of cuhure, and because it denied the Indians any form ofhisroric.11 agency.

origin, as soon as they are replaced within the regional system they belong to

However,

Carlos Fausto points om in his contribution, the contemporary ap­

they clearly reveal their kinship to the configurations described by Fausto, Vila�a,

proach to Indian forms of historicity also feeds on the structuralist herirage, in

Samos-Granero, and others. The originality of (his model of ahemare regimes of

particular on irs emphasis on rhe assimilation of the Other as a mo ill lhr Nortb-Wesurn AmaZOIl. Uppsala: Almquist and Wikscll International.

Herbert. 19J7. �O culto aos monos entre os Kaingallg de Palmas." In Ensnios dt

tmologia brnsildm, 8-J3. Sao Paulo: Companhia Editora Nadonal.

7ht' Kalapllio ludiam ofet1llml Bmzil. New York: Holt, Rinehart

and \'(/inston. Boglar. Luis. 1958:t. �Urn Burial of the Brazilian Indians." Actll I:.llmogmplJim 6{J-4):347-

m·

---. 1959b. "Ein endokannibalischer Rims in Sudamerika." In Mis(tJJtI!/t1l Pall/ Rivrt, orrogl!lIlIrio diclltll, 1.:67-85. Mexico: Universidad N3Cional AUlonorna de Mexico. ---. 1959· "Some NOles 10 Burial Forms of the Brazilian Indians."

In Opl/SCI/Ia Etlmo­

logim Mrmorillt Llldol.lici Biro Sacra, edited by Tibor BOOrogi and Luis Bogl:tr, 159-163. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado. Cadog:tn, Le6n. 1950. "L1 enc.1fnadon

y la concepcion:

b muerte

y ]a rcsurr!:':ccion en

la poesla sagrada 'esoterica' de los Jeguaka-va Tenondi Pora-Giic (Mbya-Guarani) del Guair.i,

to (1551.-1608), miS5ionnaire jesuitc au Bresil." Arqlliws do Cmtro

Cullum! Cnloustr

Gl/lbmkiIl11 39:45-60. ill all Amaumiall Soritry. Transl:tted

terne rilUeI et espace politique chez les Yanomami du sud-est (Amazonie bresilienl1e).�

Basso. Ellen B, t973.

Castclnau-l.:ulOile, C harlon!:':. 1.000. �Un maitre de la parole indiellne: Francisco Pin­

by Catherine V. Howard. Chicago: University of

Chicago Press.

Alben, Bruce. 1985. �Temps du sang, temps des cendrcs: Representation de la maladie, sys­

Baldus,

Sao Paulo: EdUSP.

Casuo, Eduardo Viveiros de. 1991.. From thr Ellrmy's Poim 0JVirw: HllmalliryIIlIdDillilliry

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XiI/guano Hrrotl, AlltnlOrs, and Orhnl

18$

managed and cultivated plantS; they have a general worldview that firs well with­ in what is described as Amazonian animism; they bedeck themselves with few "clothes," favoring instead body decoration and colorful waccessories"; they dwell in large pole-and-tharch houses, in settlements generally lacking any pcrmanem

9

standing srrUCHlres.

Xinguano Heroes, Ancestors, and Ochers Materializing (he Past in C hiefly Bodies, Ritual Space, and Landscape

Archaeology suggests that many basic demenrs of agricultural and fishing technology, house manufacture, and village configuration have ancient roots and were characteristic throughout the past millennium. Correlating archaeology and indigenous history also enables accurate placement of many of rhe ancient settle­ menlS mentioned in Kuikuro histories radiocarbon-dated to the sixteenth cenrury and soon after. When considered over the long term, the Kuikuro exhibit a variery

Michael Heckenberger

of features considered common if not eypical of small-to-medium-sized complex societies elsewhere in the world, although these features are underemphasized and underrepresented in twentieth-century ethnography. They live in permanent,

Memory is life, born� by livingsociclies foun(kd in its name. . ,

structurally elaborate settlement areas. TIley are densely settled throughoUT much

History. On [he olher hand, is [he I"«onslruclion. always problematic

of rhe basin, and suPPOrted by a productive agricultural and werland manage­

and inwmplcl(:. ofwhat is no longer. Memory is a pcrpclllally actual

ment system. They have a sociopoJidcal struCture that is dominated or "tOpped"

phenomenon, a bond lying us to [he elernal pm;!:nr: history is a representation of the pas!. Pierre Nor:!., "Between Memory and HislOry�

by a hereditary hierarchy. This hierarchy extends across rhe region within a peer society of hereditary chiefs who engage in formal exchange, intermarriage, and co-participation in chieAy rites of passage, all of which creates substantial differ­ ences in symbolic capital in the local and regional political economy. Hereditary chiefs nor only mediate these rituals but, in so dOing, often amass large surpluses of food stuffs and wealth for ritual paymcnts.2

This chapter explores aspects of cultural memory as expressed in discourse, ma­ rerial culture, and the builr environmclH among Xinguano peoples of northern Maw Grosso state. Brazil. Xlnguano refers 10 a plural society of closely related communities who occupy the basin created by the headwaters of the Xingu River, one of the principal sourhern rriburaries of the Amazon. Today most of their traditional terri[Qries are included in the Parque Indigena do Xingu (PIX). Since the nineteenth century, when Karl von den Steinen (1886, 1894) first described the region, Xinguano or Upper Xingu society has been composed of nine or more single or multiple-settlement communities. This essay focuses on one com­ munity, the Kuikuro, but describes feamres generally shared by mher Xinguano communities, which include rhree other dialect communities of Carib speakers (the Kalapalo, Matipu, and Nafuqua), three Arawak-speaking communities, and tWO Tupi-speaking communities. 1 The Kuikuro have much in common with other Amazonian peoples, as am­ ply documented in recent (post-l88os) ethnographic history: rhey are fisherfolk and manioc farmers, supplementing these staples with a diverse range of other

Xinguanos, in general, are thus notable among ethnographically known Ama­ zonian peoples for the degree ro which the ritual construction of persons is tied to real or imagined genealogy. History and cultural memory are activated, so to speak, by genealogy, specifically through performance of mortuary feastS and othcr chiefly rites of passage, which make present cultural memories of founding ancestors and "sediment" them in place. Not surprisingly, ancestor recognition and commemoration, or simply "ancesrraliry," is a keystone characteristic ofsocial and symbolic reproduction and the transmission of political power. Socialiey is rooted in inTernal hierarchies based on hereditary rank, which are legitimized within a regional structure of exchange, and local history takes on a hagiographic qualiey. Ranking leaders arc thus current "reproductions" of recent and distant ancestors, expressed through name transmission and exclusive control over ritual narrative and performance that invokes in diverse ways mOTe distant founding ancestors and ancient culture heroes. .! This personification of the past links living human subjects, and specifically,

the hereditary chiefs, individuals marked as being muti; or �chieAy," and ancient

Xinguano Hfl"()n, An{"�'ors. nnd Ot"�n

human ancestors (past tllleti). This line extends back in time to the creation of

28,

Xinguano rimal cycles also reAect different conception of time. Many perfor­

humans by the human-form crearors, who later transformed themselves into rhe

mances arc gcared toward communication with spirits, as in the case of tmdllhe

Sun and Moon, from the first human family (and first nneti; chiefs, who founded

masking rituals; orhers, like the chieAy rites of passage, notably initiations and

a special lineage, which corresponds to the anetau [plural] dire and their personal

mortuary feasts, reenact genealogical time and a rclarion with immediate ances­

histories). It is also unusual in regional ethnology in the degree to which the past

ror figures (Francheno ZOOI, Z003). Historical changes are also clear, particularly

is "privatized," or, in other words, ancestors are exclusive �properry" of living

in recent times, as historical consciousness was piqued by contact with national

chieAy individuals. Hereditary leaders are thus uniquely historical, the productS

society (see Turner 1991, 1993). Archaeology and early ethnohistory suggest that

and producers of history, since they embody collective histories, identities, and

precolonial indigenous history was punctuated with large-sale, dynamic changes,

cultural memory in a particularly direct way (Sahlins 1985). These patterns, al­

as was true throughout the colonial and national periods. Certain aspects of his­

though uncommon ethnographically in many partS of the Amazon, holds jm­

torical consciousness, which have been part and parcel of Xinguano historic­

ponant clues to understanding dle nature of large. serrIed populations scattered

ity and temporality throughout their hislory are "hot" (dynamic and historical)

widely throughout the region centuries ago. This essay brieAy explores twO aspects

and/or "cold" (cyclical and mythic) depending on context and perspective (Hill

of cultural memory: (I) historiciry (indigenous views on history) and, in particu­

1988). Persons and their moods change as they pass through events and places

lar, how chieAy subjects are constructed both as individuals and as model persons,

and contexts, punctuating history and giving it a dynamic or deictic quality,

living exemplars or iterations of ancestors, past chiefs, and therefore stand in a

within an overall theory of histOry that itself is Context- or mood-oriented

sense between humans and ancestors; and

(Basso

(z)

temporality (the way history and

time are remembered or "felt" in nondiscursive ways) and. specifically, how mate­ rial culture, rimaI performance. and the built environmem make the past present and visible as cultural memory.

ZOOS).

Basso (1985:61) neady captures critical elementS of indigenous Xinguano his-

wry:

history [isl a culrural form that combines narrative discourse with a theory of past events. . . . the Kalapalo sense of history is based as much upon ideas

Making History

about actors, their moods, motivations, and goals. as upon events. More­

The Kuikuro have diverse forms of narralive, as well as myriad ways in which daily and ritual practice are sedimenred in material culture and the built environment. Therefore substantial comextual variation exists in how the passage of time and cultural memory, including narrarive histories, afe experienced. To some degree, narrative moods or genres reflect different conceptions of time. There are nar­ ratives internally marked as histOrical gravitating around hiswrical personages. whereas others are marked as myths of "dawn time" prople. Although both of them are categorized as "real narratives" (akUia h�kllgll) , they arc distinguished by a contrast between a time "when we were already people" (kugei lehn kllknramilli) and a time "when we wefe all still spiritual beings" (itsekl'i gele kllkafmnim) (see Fausto er aI., forthcoming). Other verbal gentes contain a sense both oflinear and

over, actors arc treated in terms of their relationships to one another. the feelings they provoke within each other and the motives arising from these feclings. II is this focus that gives Kalapalo historical narrative a distinctly different character from that of contemporary European scholarship, in which personal motivation is subservient to generalized processes, forces, ideas, or interests that are held to exist in the abstracr, independently of individuals. It is similar to the "Grear Man" view of history, which strcsscs personal motivations as pivotal, but the Kalapalo emphasis upon inrerper­ sonal processes suggests that even this European view of history, like more modern ones, is concerned with differenr problems and manifests differing ideas of causality.

(mUfti itarifm) used by

All cultural forms of memory arc also structured by basic differences between

chiefs when receiving foreign visitOrs. This discourse recounts collective founder

groups, whether within a community, between communities (olomo), or benveen

genealogies that include elements of cosmogonic myths. but also the relations

Xinguanos (kugt) and more distant "others," including other indigenous people

of cyclical time. A notable example is the formal discourse

benveen language groups, through reference ro common ancestors, the founders

(ngikogo) or whites (kagaihn) (Basso 1995; Ireland 1988, 2001). One of the mOSt

of the local group (oromo), and Their chiefly peers in older times, who represent

critical dimensions of Xinguano constructions of history, memory, and identity

rhe ancestors of other otomo, as well as many specific features of landscape, social and rirual life, and nonhuman beings.4

is social alreriry based on rank-based distinctions. There are thus also aspecrs of Xinguano historicity [hat are deeply inAected by hierarchical notions of person-

288

XiI/guano HatH'S. Allenlol1. alld 01/"'"

MirlJar/ HNkmbt-rg..r

hood, specifically of chiefs as remade anceswrs. In rhis case, hiswry is a mode of generalized communication or exchange nor only between living persons but between types of persons, anceswrs and descendants, wirhin an ideology rooted in concepts of founder's or first-occupant identities. Alrhough nOt conforming exactly w the old-style Great Man view of history, as Basso notcs, this aspect of hisrory conforms w [hat type ofgreat-person histOry that Sahlins (1985) has aptly called "heroic histOry.� [t is this aspect of local conceptions of hiswry, [he past as embodied in high-ranking persons and places of the preselU, that is the focus here.

289

larger segments of sociery: the sum of the social �bodies" subordinate to them, framed in an idiom ofdescent from founding ancestors. This can be cast as a ques­ rion of how high or deeply one can engage group genealogy, within a regional so­ ciety of chiefs that has come down through time since the creation of humans.

In 1111('(i'ilnritiu, which is spoken only by primary titular chiefs in ritual events, the Olomo (emire local group) is referred m as "children" (knngl1muke), a use that reCiprocally defines chiefs as group fitthers. Aneti' ill1rbill deals specifically with named ancestors, but also with relations between generations, such as inheri­ tance of substances, places, and things, which become indelibly attached to certain individual and aggregate persons, constinning the basis of the "cosmo­

History and Hierarchy: Personifying and Privadzing the Past HistOries are good to hear, and every Kuikuro has at least some anecdmal knowl­ edge of hismry, but knowing the details of group hiswry is the business of the chiefs. As living extensions of orher chiefly persons, who are remembered in histories, they stand in a special relarion to creation stories, hiswries of found­ ing anceswrs and their deeds. The chiefly hierarchy itself is hiswry-defined in terms of social and spatial relations within chiefly kindreds, between rival chi cAy kindreds within and between communities, and between chiefs and commoners. It is clearly marked by the transmission of names, titles, ritualized dispositions, and places-that is to say, heritable "properries"-across genera­ tions. Hereditary leaders are like living ancesmrs, precisely because they have genealogies and, through these, come to legitimately embody founding ances­ tors of the group. History is dterefore not only a critical element ofsociality bur an important el­ ement ofpolitical strategy and power relations among the living, since the knowl­ edge of and right to recount group histories is a critical dement in political ac­ tion and rivalry. As nmed, Xinguano theories of hisrory focus on both nonlinear (cyclical or so-called structural, ecological, or mythical) and linear (genealogical and historical) conceptions of time, depending on perspective or context. -rhus it is critically imporranr [0 see how historical subjects, persons, arc constructed in ritual and daily life and, particularly, how some maintain control over ritual spaces and elire goods-symbolic and economic capital. The question is nor sim­ ply how society at large conceives of hisrory, as a collective pool of memory and experience, but also of who history is abom, who is interested in it or controls it. and how it is deployed. The formal speech of chiefs draws its force from the legitimacy of the past and lite historical relations of the people and things contained in narratives. This is a special kind of history. which focuses attemion on specific individual humans, notably chieAy persons, and how they encompass larger historical personages or

logical aurhenrication" of social hierarchies (Weiner 1992). -nnough the stanzas of chieAy discourse, a series of eight founding ancestors are invoked and ulti­ mately linked to the three chiefs that created the Kuhikugu alomo, a Single-Village community existing at the time Karl von den Steinen first recorded Upper Xingu society aroulld 1880. The ancestors named in one sequence of the mUfi' ilariilll belonged to ancieJ1[ houses ofOti Olomo, a large Village predating the foundation �f Kuhikugu Olomo, the ancestral origin place of the contemporary Kuikuro (see hanchetto 1992).5 The names recounted in these narratives, at least the final three, founders of Kuhikugu, remain in the Kuikuro pool of chieAy names, al­ though the ranking family through much of the rwentieth century was marked by other names (perhaps one day becoming the next in this list of specific Kui­ kuro ancestors). In this formalized discourse, the nature of supralocal social relations is also specified, phrased in terms of special gifting relations [Q other Olomo, specifi­ cally in terms of the unique village specialties including shell necklaces, ceram­ ics, prir.ed woods, salt, and other items used by :>Unguanos as prestations and barter items during ritual occasions related to imeractions �rween local groups (Franchetto 2003). [n various ways, such as by reference to and transmission ofnames, prestations,

�

and place, well as by the speech and gestures ofliving chiefs and by [heir posi­ . . tions III speCIfic places (houses, villages, regions) at specific times, chiefs are linked to ancestral Kuikuto lines leading back to founding creator beings. SpeCifically,

�ontemporary chiefs come to stand for, in the place of, the eight original found­ IIlg chiefs of the Kuikuro who "are no more," as they say in lite formal discourse,

creating a past [hat is isomorphic with their person and "codified through the . poetic resources of the Hueti' itflrbill" (Franchetto '993:95; see also 2001). This genealogy of chiefs provides the grammar for the ritual legitimization of chiefly

,'n" ancestors, a form of communication bcrween hun .. " 'nd .. Iso ancestors, btit a crystallizes the social relation berween and within groups based on actual social

290

MichlUl Htckmbagrr

Xi1lgW1II1) Hn'()(S. Allefftl)N. ,wd Ot/un

relations bel'\veen the speaker (one of principal chiefs) and listeners (the local group and represent:uivc chiefs of other olomo). The primary ritual context is dle sequence leading up to the mortuary feast

(�itsi� or more generally known by the gloss kltllrtlP, the Kamayura (Tupi-Gua­ rani Xinguano) word for feast and special wood of ceremonial mmks (made of wood of the divine human grandmother, who

was

created of this wood by her

father, the first ancestor of the human line). This rimal sequence is caralyzed by

al/eti' and rakes months to cycle through fully. The deceased (lIuti'is typically closely related to the speaker, who is the sponsor or "owner" (010) the death ofa senior

of the ritual. 111e ritual series confirms the high rank of egitsi' oto and creates a metaphorical and narrative link bel'\veen the living chiefs, rhe recently d

�eased

Kuikuro anet;' going back to the immediate ancestors of rhe group at Kuhlkugu, and more ancient culture heroes, principally Taogi, the creator or father of Xin­ guanos and other humans. At various stages, kin relations bel'\veen deceased and

�

living aI/eli'are reaffirmed, for instance in formal wailing where mourners call ut their kin relation, as children, siblings, parents, grandparents, or aRines, whICh are then mapped ontO space in ranked arrangements keyed to the movements and actions of living persons, their dwelling in space.

chronological marking, nor do they necessarily follow a precise sequencing of

�

events, places, and personages. Nonetheless, these discourses are imbued wit a . . linear, temporal quality in which reference to specific events and people IS cm .

�

cal. Even if it is nOi the central message in much indigenous historicity, there IS an obvious linear feel to much of history, both in genealogical and serdement genealogical

� Ieme l� ts d�mi­

nate not only the narrative structure but performance overall, Illcludtng mual

and bodily orientations. Poedc speech and formalized actions in life crisis rituals bring about a metaphorical shift, a �prismatic effect," to a higher level of cyclical or social time.

the liVing, for ritualized performance and daily practice. These histories provide a bridge to even older ancestors, culture heroes (ancient chiefs), back to the dawn of time, since the central ceremony ofXinguanos, what distinguishes them as kllg�, the people, was given to them by laogi. I n the beginning, when Taogi created humans, JUSt prior to transforming him­ self into the sun and lighting the world, he and his twin brother, Alukuma, later the moon, took down the mummified body of their dead mother, Hsangitsegu, hanging in the rafters and brought her back into the world of the living, just for a day, before she was allowed to die definitively, marking the first death in the an­ cestral line of humans. Upon her bodily transformation she became min, a spirit, and founded the village in the sky where all Kuikuro ancestors go after death (see Carneiro

[989).6 This dealh

and rebirth of the divine grandmother of humanity

was the beginning of the egitJi' cycle. She was commemorated in the first

rgitsi'

ritual. Hsangitsegu and her younger sister were made from kllflrup wood (IImgifi i n Kuikuro) and animated b y her creator and farher, the cultural hero Kwantingi' (Mavutsinin, in Kamayura), who was himself half tree and half bat in parent�

HistOries of heroes and other ancestors are not only or even primarily about

aneti' itarlilU,

world," since it is the histories of which they form a part that provide the script for

age. Hsangitsegu was made to be given in marriage to the chief of the jaguars,

Prismatic History and the Dawn Time

history. In ritual performance of the

Z91

�

Several major momentS and performative episodes are noted that sp ci

� re�a.

tions bel'\veen humans and ancestors. At these times, this mctaphoncal

,

pns­

matic" effect turns one type ofperson, at least briefly, into another. Chiefly ances­ tors and their immediate descendants undergo a process of "transcorporeality,"

�

whereby they come to stand for specified others: as immediate ancestors offU(u e

alll'li' �kttgll and as bearers of certain goods (cran specializations) that mark baSIC distinctions of rank and community affiliation. Ancestors thus have agency upon the living, or social relations, in the same way spirits do in a kind of "mirror

NitSllegi, who fathered her offspring, the twins Taogi and Alukuma. Through the coupling of the sun with his mother's sister, the great�great-grandparents of contemporary chiefs were born. Taogi made Xinguanos in the image of him� self and his maternal family, and gave them their material culture, adornments, dances, and especially the great mortuary feasts, which made them human, kllg�. This ritual complex of chieAy prerogatives and personhood is today the exclusive preserve of chiefs. Subsequently rhe twins transformed themselves into the sun (GitO and moon (Ngune), nOt only providing light to the dawn-time world bur also creating the origin point or birth ofhislOrical rimes, the age of kug�, which is marked by the fiTS( death, Hsangitsegu, after which things could die. It was also rhe first egitJi'.

Making Chiefs Hierarchical conceptions of social rclations, dependent as they arc on legitimate ties with ancestors, arc inevitably tied to issues of history, the inheritance of the pasf. As earthly manifestations of ancesual lines of power, chiefs link contempo� rary individuals with collective history and ultimately with the founding ances� tors of Xinguano society itself. All Kuikuro have ancestors, to the extenr that re­ cent forebears are remembered in one way or another, but some can be described

192

Michnd Hulrmbnga

as ancestors themselves, not only parents and grandparents but apical figures through which group genealogy is remembered. As apical descendants ofprevious chiefs, the firstborns of firstborns, flt/efi" ekugu are apical ancestOrs of the living groups, and collective history becomes situationally isomorphic with chiefs, as

Xingwmo H,TWS. Allus/ors. und Orhl'1l

�9J

of (he founding Xinguano ancestors-are the QlIe/f ekllgll, the "true" male chiefs, and (he itankgo (Singular and plural), or high-ranking women. Of Heroes and Houses

aggregate subjens. History (md subjectivity are constructed through the flt/etall

[n complex Kuikuro conceptions of personhood, hierarchy is rooted in the dis­

(plural of fllleti) and the social linkages they embody.

tinction of seniority, temporal precedence. In social settings, this distinclion is

Public or group memory is enacted in ritual performance. spatial orientations,

often expressed as �shame" (hisem�), being in a state of humility, deference, or

and pracdce, though the mediums of the human body and material culture, as

respect to a social superior (elder): to parenlS, older siblings, and chiefs, as well as

much or more than it is remembered in discourse. Temporality, in large part,

affines.1 This extends to the temporal sequence, encoded in the complicated Xin­

refers [Q how history and time arc remembered or wfeh" in nondiscursive ways or

guano naming systems, which sequentially juxtaposes parents, children, grand­

ways not explicidy conceived as hisrory. It insinuates itselfinto every aspect oflife

parents, and grandchildren. These names embody not only individuals but social

as well, in elements of feeling, dwelling, and perception. Material cuhure, ritual

personages.

performance, and the built environment all make the past presenr and visible as

Formalized rank distinctions and defined elite status, wherever they are widely

cultural memory, and ritual contexts are "turned on," so to speak, by the cerrain

recognized as legitimate, depend to a large degree on actual genealogy. Social rank

individuals who animate and afe animated by the major rimal events. In a local sense, space and society come to a point in many ritual occasions,

is framed in an idiom of descent, but requires little depth of aCTual genealogical

the center of a concentric circle (the plaza), the axil mlllldi and center of public

scent-being one step closer to founding ancestors-becomes a primary dimen­

knowledge: legirimacy is tied to specific recent anceSIOTS. In these sociecies. de­

life, and the tip ofa pyramid embodied in the great chiefs. As I have argued, this

sion in the definition of social idencities and boundaries. Actual genealogical

inrerplay creates historical links between current and ancient chiefs, the sym­

links are often lost after three or four generations, but only the relationships with

bolic rebirth of Xinguano sociery, which mythically "naturalizes" hierarchical

immediate predecessors are needed to establish linkages with deeper genealogies,

social relations. It does so by bringing the hisrorical process under direct scru­

which over time are pruned down (Q a few critical individuals, as is common among societies without written records.8

tiny in the context of "making" chieAy sons and daughters intO chiefs and chiefs inro ancestors. These ritualized actions reproduce and redefine space through

Individuals reckon descent differently based on rheir position in the exist­

the s!Tucrured movements of people, and notably those of high rank; specific

ing chiefly hierarchies: high-ranking individuals place far greater emphasis on

places are personified, and the people who occupy them become, or come to

issues of genealogy and birth order than do most people, and are able (Q recount

stand for, fathers, representatives, ancestors-in mher words, founders-as well

genealogical relations to specific chiefly figures going back more than a hundred

as leaders; the words and bodily deployments of the chief's performance draw

years (Francheno '992; Ireland '996). Lower-ranking individuals often place so

history onto their person; there are no mher great chiefs, they are all gone, as the mUfi' itarHiu states of recent anceslOr5, so that JUSt the speaker remains, in place,

little emphasis on genealogy as to be characteri2ed by a "genealogical amnesia"

the chiefly or "heroic" I (Francherro '993, 1996a, 1996b; see also Rumsey 1999;

of individuals of greater and lesser substance-great chiefs, recognized already as part of a historical "sociecl of chiefs; mher chiefly persons, who may be inau­

Sahlins '985). Changes of body or person, social and symbolic construction, are most directly at issue. In the case of high-ranking persons, this includes nOt only direct exchange between things and persons of similar proportions bur also more generalized exchange between social beings of all kinds, including ancestors, other human communities, and nonhuman beings. The interactions between past and present ancestors, like that between (he generations ofparenlS and children in initiations, involve rhe �replacement" of old ancestors (older chiefs) with new ones. The im­ mediate sons and daughrers of the founding Kuikuro chiefs-and, through them,

(Gregor '977). The historical result on the ground is the definition of a hierarchy

gurated based on relations to the great chiefs; and commoners. One step closer to true ancestors thus means that chiefs are the ancestors of the local group, and through them more comprehensive sociohislOrical partitioning is mapped over communiries. "The pyramidal structure, although complex in terms ofhistorica1 performanc­ es and social dynamics, can be viewed as an extension over time and space of a simple separation of elder (superior) and younger (inferior) siblings, based on primogeniture, since SHang mutr are ideally ,he firstborn sons and daughters of

Xinguallo ffaon. Anrnton, alld Otllnl

Z9f

firstborn parents, traced cognadcally. The hierarchy thus relates to the depth one

relations are based on the bilateral (cognatic) transmission of names, tides, and

engages history as expressed in group genealogy (the founder's principle). This is

ritual prerogatives. In the Xinguano case, titles and prerogatives are not con­

defined by who can know, speak, and perform histories. -rhus, an older sibling is

trolled by individual muti" families, but can pass between high-ranking families,

closer

forebears than a junior and a senior line (firstborns) closer than a junior

depending on acmal social rclations and who holds power and auehority at any

line, leading back to the founders of the village, the local group, and broader

given time. Over the long term, there is no Single dominant lineage, hue inm:ad

population clusters. This temporal sllccession is also implied in spatial and ritual

competing HOlLses that at any moment in time arc themselves reoriented into

arrangcmeIHs of hOllses, settlements, and small regions.

internally hierarchical social bodies.

m

-fhis creates an upper tier of high-ranking individuals, a peer community of

In the present case, this has added significance in light of the regional and hier­

men and women who are unquesdonab[y strong in chieAy blood and are sepa­

archical nature of descent of all kinds: the self-scaling and metonymical qualities

rated (allni) from the rest of society. These individuals inherit names and po­

ofXinguano social formations, or, in other words, the iteration of cultural systems

sitions dirccdy from anccsmrs and, through the course of their lives, come ro

through time or across space. Thus we find households combined into Houses,

"own" communal and sacred things--objects, structures, spaces, ritual knowl­

which compose partS of peer communities that are sdll greater Houses, extending

edge, language-as they attain political stature. Principal among dried or "sit­

on up to the whole of the Xinguano people, the maximal "moral person," which

ting" chicfs are aneri

is thus organized on basic principles grounded in family and domestic life.

'

ekugll ("true" or "great" chiefs; and female itnnkgo), notably

named "owners" (oto), the IJ//gogo oto (the «owner of rhe middle") and the eli 010

At one level, the chief is primus inter pares among the household heads of

(the "owner of the village"), and, by extension, their heirs and coleaders: younger

multiple, chieAy 110nchieAy, Houses, bue at a higher communal level, the chief

brothers, nephews, and especially sons and daughters. These men should have

is symbolically situated at the apex of a pyramid, as head of the village, village

mastery of the full complement of chieAy knowledge and demeanor and be able

clusters, or even the region, within a society of chiefs that includes all apical

m conduct the principal chieAy rituals; those who have learned to perform the

ancestors (founders), including the first (dawn.timc) kindred.' While the local

chieAy discourse (anni' itnriiill) have to formally rcce.ive the messengers of peer

group (aloma) is the equivalent of the chief's maximal house, it is also highly fac­

communities.

tionalized and multicentric. 1hus, what at one level or in one context seems fairly

A second tier is composed of weaker and ascendant political figures, "smaller" chiefs

({lI/eli· il/sofio)

crystalline, pyramidal, and centric evaporates into a more amorphous, multicen­

who, while having special rights and prerogatives-spon­

tric, and "Aat" arena of competing interests and interests groups by changing rhe

soring rituals, labor projcC(s, orarion-are subordinate to primary chiefs. These

scale, perspective, and time frame. This does nor negate, however, the underlying;

secondary figures achieve prominencc and move toward greatness (mufi' rkllgu)

hierarchical organization of social relations.

by acting as the temporary sponsors of lesser rituals such as men's masking and Aute rituals, and female rituals, based on the inclusive hierarchy, including men

The Morruary Feasts

and women, that relates to the slfength of one's claims to aI/eli· status.

People are not simply born into or positioned along a developmenral line, but

Birth order is critical in households, composed of "heads" and their local kin­

are socially consnuctcd through discourse and performance. People are reborn or

dred ("bodies"), or what Seeger (t977) termed corpormi desmugrollp;: "substance

"grow" by dwelling in and animating certain spaces and objects, and high-ranking

lines" based on parentage and residence. Birth order is itself a form of temporal

people in parricular arc specially marked through chieAy life-crisis rituals, exdu·

marking, which over time exalts certain "lines," but these do not correspond to

sive to the aI/rtF and conducted each year. -n'e process of chief-making and the

a narrow definition of lineages, nor do they depend entirely (nor even closely in

reproduction of hierarchy begins through birthright, but it is in ritualized actions

some contcxts) on actual biological relatedness. Such social logic or configura­

that hierarchy is most clearly expressed and negotiated-in ornamentation, bodi­

tions arc more commonly known IOday as House societies, following Levi-Strauss

ly and spadal orientations, and demeanor. Hisrory is most visibly "calibrated� to

(e.g., 1987; see Carsten and Hugh-Jones 1995)·

changing conremporary social and political conditions and group composition

-Ole chieAy House is organized around a core group of high-ranking men and

through the performance of chiefs in rituals, particularly those that commemo­

women linked through common descent, which men and women share equally

rate or "replace" ancestors (sec Wagner 1989). Individual status is constructed or

ahhough they differ significantly in political and economic terms. Hierarchical

augmented in an indelible way. Exclusive wealth items, including objects, designs,

196

Mieharl H«krllbrrgrr

XinglUlIlI' Hmm, AneNton. and Ofh�,.,.

spaces, structures, narratives, chiefly dialect, and even corporeal dispositions in formal settings, become the properry of specific persons, in their lifetimes, and are exclusive ro the

ll1utnu

order is also replicated in the order of boys' initiation. In the

297

tiponbi;

boys sit

on stools, oriented hierarchically out from a center, proportioned to their social

elite. These items become inalienable possessions of

"size." They wear {he Oifllflp� and full-feather headdresses, unlike the rest of their

chiefs that both represent and perpetuate social hierarchies, which are reinvented,

cohorr of initiates. These headdresses, the sunlike yellow and red diadems, and

although not "zeroed," with each passing, each ritual birth and death.

the Oifllflp� are also placed atOp the

In ritualized discourse, as noted, at cenain moments in the ritual cycle the founding ancestors are invoked as key founding figures when chiefs literally come

klltlrup

trunk representing deceased chiefs.

The resemblance between the initiate chiefs and the initiate ancestor (the deco­ rated

kuarup

trunk) is striking, and in dlese rimals of passage these hierarchies

to stand in their places-in houses, villages, and ritual spatial organil.1dons-and

are inscribed on the ground and in materials, perhaps the most graphic being the

speak for or represent them. As community "representatives" they form or em"

form, size, and uni