Vought F4U Corsair

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Other titles in the CrowooJ Aviation Series Aichi D3A 1/2 Val Airco - The Aircraft Manufacturing Company A vro Lancaster BAC One-Eleven Bell P-39 Airacobra Boeing 747 Boeing 757 anJ 767 Boeing B-17 Flying Fortress onsol iJateJ B- 24 Li berator Douglas AD SkyraiJer Engl ish Electric Canberra nglish Electric Lightning Fairchild Republic A-IO Thunderbolt II okker Aircraft of World War One Hawker II unter Hawker Hurricane Junkers Ju 87 Stuka Junkers Ju 88 Lockheed C-130 Hercules LockheeJ F-I04 Starfighter Luftwaffe - A Pictorial History McDonnell Douglas A-4 Skyhawk McDonnell Douglas F-15 Eagle Messerschmitt Bf 110 Messerschmitt Me 262 Nieuport Aircraft of World War One North American B-25 Mitchell North American F-86 Sabre North American T-6 Panavia Tornado hort Sunderland V-Bombers Vickers VC I0

Peter C. Smith Mick Davis Ken Delve Malcolm L. Hill Robert F. DOlT with Jerry c. SCUllS Martin W. Bowman Thomas Becher Martin W. Bowman Martin W. Bowman Peter C. Smith Barry Jones Martin W. Bowman Peter C. Smith Paul Leaman Barry Jones Peter Jacobs Peter C. Smith Ron Mackay Martin W. Bowman Martin W. Bowman Eric Mombeek BraJ ElwarJ Peter E. Davies anJ Tony Thornborough Ron Mackay David Baker Ray Sanger Jerry Scutts Duncan Curtis Peter C. Smith Andy Evans Ken Delve BaITy Jones Lance Cole

Vought

F4

•

orsatr Martin W Bowman

I~~cl The Crowood Press

First published in 2002 by The Crowood Press Ltd Ramsbury, Marlborough Wiltshire SN8 2HR

Dedication This book is dedicated to the memory of: Colonel J. Hunter Reinburg USMC 5 May 1918-23 June 1997, Roy D. 'Eric' Erickson USNR VBF-10, and to all former Corsair pilots throughout the world.

Contents

© Martin W. Bowman 2002 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN I 86126492 5

Acknowledgements Alan Armstrong; Mike Bailey; Robert Bailey ASAA; Fred 'Crash' Blechman; City of Norwich Aviation Museum; Howard Cook; Lee Cook; Graham Dinsdale; Robert Dorr; Owen W. Dykema; the late Roy D. 'Eric' Erickson; Andy

Height; Tony Holmes; Philip Jarrett; the late Colonel J. Hunter Reinburg USMC; Gareth Simons; Kelvin Sloper; Peter C. Smith; Tom Smith; Mark Styling; Andy Thomas; Wallace Bruce Thomson; Terry C. Treadwell.

1

A Dream is Born

2

Land and Sea

3

7

Aerial Combat Escapades]. Hunter Reinburg, USMC

24

4

The 'Black Sheep' and the 'Jolly Rogers' Big Booty

44

5

Corsairs for King and Country

59

6

'The Sweetheart of Okinawa'

76

7

Corsair Models

93

8

9

10 11

True Tales of Trial and Terror Fred 'Crash' Blechman War in the Land of Morning Calm Korean Night-Fighter Close Air SUPPOrt]. Hunter Reinburg, USMC War and Peace

110

122 136 160 165

Appendix I Appendix II Appendix III Appendix IV Appendix V

US Marine Corps Corsair Squadrons US Navy Corsairs Royal Navy Fleet Air Artn Corsairs World War II: Monthly Acceptances of Corsairs Surviving Corsairs

179 180

182 184

Bibliography

185

Index

187 189

Typeset by Florence Production Ltd, Stood leigh, Devon Printed and bound in Great Britain by Bookcraft, Midsomer Norton, Nr Bath Origination by Black Cat Graphics Ltd, Bristol, England

..

CHAPTER ONE

A DreaDl is Born I was ncar! I' [cn ycars old on Sunday 4 July 1937 when my parents took me to an 8irsho\V at Floyd Bcnnc[[ Field in Ncw York City - a naval

air station at that time. My face was pressed right up against a chain-link fcncc whcn a sm'111 group of far Navy silvcr and ycllow figh[cr biplancs Acw ovcr [hc field in a right echclon, pccled off, landcd, Ulxicd up, and park cd no morc [han fifty fcC[ from mc! I wa[chcd widccycd as [he pilo[s, with [hcir clo[h helmc[s and goggles and flowing white scarves, climbed out of [hc tiny cockpits and clambcrcd down [he sidcs of [heir chunky figh[cr plancs. I saw [hcm ga[hcr [Ogc[hcr, rail and handsomc all, and was [hrilled whcn [hcy amblcd ovcr

[0

[he crowd at

[hc fcnce. Onc of [hcm cvcn [alkcd

[0

mc!

'Wow,' I thought, 'I wanna bc one of [hosc guys. Whcn I grow up I'm gonna be a Navy fighter pilo[!' A[ [hat rime i[ was just a dream ... I rcad Aying books, huil[ solid balsa-wood and s[ickand-papcr Aying models, and dcvourcd cvcrything I could find abour Aying. Throughou[ World War II I followcd [he cxploi[s of [he Aycrs, always planning [hm onc day, whcn I was old cnough, I'd join up

[0

AI'.

Frcd Blcchman, future Corsair pilo[

Dreams can sometimes come true, especially to those who have vision, ambition and a purpose. Pedigree, too, always tells in the long run. [n the 1930s the stubby little Grumman biplanes, such as the F3Fs that young Blechman saw, dominated the American Navy scene. Boeing was also making a name for itself in the field of military aviation. There seemed little likelihood of a shipboard fighter being conceived in the 1930s that could challenge the 'big two' - but there was a new kid on the block: ultimately the Vought Corsair series would earn its rightful place in the annals of aviation, and in the American hall of fame. Born of a family with maritime leanings, Chauncey Milton Vought married his boyhood interest in all things mechanical to a love of the sea and the air to produce a long series of successful aeroplanes. In fact this was only natural, because the young aviation pioneer loved to race boats throughout his short life, and he devoted a large proportion of it to championing naval aviation in America.

Chauncey Milton Vought (20 February 1888-25 July 1930) at the controls of the Wright B biplane in which he learned to fly. Vought

7

This young man's dream became reality, although sadly, he would not live to see American aviation dominate the world stage. When he died in [930, Chauncey Vought's influence lived on. Late in 1941, when war came, his gift was an aircraft that would serve his beloved Navy very well indeed, especially in the vast Pacific, then and for many years to come. Chauncey Vought was born on Long Island, New York City on 26 February 1888. His parents, George Washington and Annie E. Vought, owned a successful family business designing and building quality sailing boats. After graduating from elementary school in New York, the young Vought entered the Pratt Institute of Brooklyn; but, ever anxious for more specialized knowledge, by 1910 he had moved to New York University, where he put his energies into the study of the internal combustion engine. The American public did not, however, share his zest for engineering, and more especially for aeronautical engine development. But this feeling would change rapidly after the successes of the Wright Brothers between 1903 and 1908, and Americans would become more aviation-minded. In 1910 the first international air meet ever held in the United States took place in New York at the Belmont Park race track on Long [sland. An avid spectator was Chauncey Vought, who had been looking around for better engineering courses, and found them at the University of Pennsylvania. Shortly after the race Vought dropped out of university and joined Harold F. McCormick as an engineer in Chicago. McCormick was treasurer of the [nternational Harvester Corporation in Chicago, one of the founders of the Aero Club of Illinois, and a vice-president of the Aero Club of America. McCormick's pet project at this time was an experimental umbrella plane, a craft with a circular wing around the fuselage invented by William S. Romme, which, McCormick believed, would offer a viable alternative to the

A DREAM IS BORN

A DREAM IS BORN

In 1936 Vought bought the Northrop XP-948 or Northrop 3A design after the prototype was lost on a test flight over the Pacific on 30 July 1935, and built a new aircraft called the V-141. The smallest type in the 1936 Pursuit Competition (won by Severskyl. it suffered from tail vibrations and was rejected by the Army. The V-143 (picturedl was an export version with a longer fuselage and new tail and was flown on 18 June 1937. It was powered by a 750hp R-1535-SB4G engine. and was armed with a pair of .30 calibre machine guns and could carry up to 300lb (136kgl of bombs. The Japanese Army bought the prototype in 1937. via Philip Jarrett

Wright brothers' more conventional designs. McCormick was backed in this venture by his father-in-law, John D. Rockefeller Jr, and at first all seemed to auger well; however, it proved unsuccessful. Vought meanwhile began flying lessons with Max Lillie in a Wright B model biplane. On 14 August 1912, he was granted Aero Club of America flying licence number 156. In 1913, Vought left McCormick to become chief engineer for the Aero Club of Illinois. In the following year he became a leading contributor for Aero and Hydro magazi ne. By th is ti me he had become known by a variety of nameSj but then in February 1914 he signed his name at the end of his monthly column 'Chance M. Vough t' - and it stuck. J n August 1914 he became the editor of Aero and Hydro under this name; but by the winter he had joined the Mayo Radiator Works where he was the sole design engineer of the company's first aircraft, the Mayo Type A (Simplex tractor biplane). Vought also worked on a single-scat, pusher-type scout machine, and a three-place flying boat called the Simplex flying boat; but neither of these designs ever left the drawing board, and Vought joined the Curtiss Aeroplane and Motor Company as a consulting engineer. Late in 1915 he moved to the famous Wright Company, later Wright-Martin, at Dayton, Ohio, as chief engineer. He continued to design three-

place flying boats, and he gained valuable experience visiting England and France where he studied European designs. Finally, Vought resigned from WrightMartin to create his own aircraft company with Birdseye B. Lewis: on 18 June 1917 this became the Lewis & Vought Company. Their first venture was the Vought VE-7 (Vought Experimental model 7), an advanced two-seat trainer powered by an American-built 150hp Hispano-Suiza Model A. Seven different sub-types of the VE-7 were constructed, including an advanced version, the VE- 7SF, that was fitted with flotation devices. The VE-7SF made its first take-off from the aircraft carrier USS Langley on 17 October 1922. Birdseye Lewis had been killed in a flying accident in France in 1917, and in late 1919 the Lewis & Vought Corporation moved to Long Island City, New York. In May 1922 Vought reorganized the company under the name Chance Vought Corporation and began deliveries of a succession of aircraft to the US Navy, such as the UO-l two-seat observation biplane, and a single-seat fighter version. The first Vought-built Corsair delivered to the Navy was the 02U-l, powered by a 450hp Pratt & Whitney R-1340-88 radial, and capable of speeds of 150mph (240kmph) at sea level. It had a range of just over 600 miles (960km), and success was assured when it notched up some impressive world speed, altitude and endurance records.

8

Some 132 02U-Is were ordered, the first being delivered in 1927. In service with the US Marine Corps, some Corsairs saw action in Nicaragua in 1928, where they became one of the first aircraft ever used in a dive-bombing attack against fortified positions. In the following year, the Chance Vought Corporation merged with others to become a division of the United Aircraft and Transportation Company. In 1930 the Chance Vought Corporation moved its aircraft production from New York to a huge plant at East Hartford, onnecticut. The new venture promised much, although sadly, Chance M. Vought would not live to oversee the company's finest successes. His health deteriorated rapidly when, after an operation to have some teeth extracted, septicemia set in; his untimely death occurred on 25 July at his home in South Hampton, New York. He was only forty-two years old. Chance Vought went on to design and build the 03U Corsair observation biplane, powered by the 550hp Pratt & Whitney R-1340-12 radial engine. A 600hp Pratt & Whitney R-1690-42 engine powered the two-place SU-l scout version of the 03U. In 1932 the SBU-l scout bomber was the final Chance Vought biplane design to be ordered by the US Navy: it was powered by a 700hp Pratt & Whitney R-1535-80 radial engine capable of a maximum speed of 205mph

(330kmph) at 8,900ft (2,700m). Vought's first monoplane design was the XSB2U-I, which in Navy service became the SB2U-I Vindicator, the Navy's first ::tllmetal, low-wing, carrier-based scout and dive-bomber. Fifty-four SB2U-Is were ordered on 26 October 1936, and the first example flew on 21 May 1937. The Vindicator was first delivered to Bombing Squadron 3 (VB-3) aboatd the USS Saratoga in December 1937. In January 1938 the US Navy ordered fifty-eight SB2U-2 Vindicators, and later followed this with an order for fifty-seven SB2U-3 examples in September 1939. These, and fifty Vindicators ordered by France, were diverted to Great Britain when war broke out in Europe that same month. In British service the type became known as the V-156B Chesapeake. In the meanwhile, Vought's long experience in building scout and observation aircraft for the US Navy led first to the development of the XOSN-I in 1936, and then to the more successful XOS2U in 1937, to meet a new observation-scout specification. The manufacture of the XOS2U-l was the responsibility of a team of engineers led by Rex B. Biesel, and it was devised as a two-scat, all-metal, lowwing monoplane, powered by a modest 450hp Pratt & Whitney R-985-4, which was fitted to help the aircraft meet the catapult weight limitations. The prototype flew for the first time on 1 March 1938 as a landplanej it first flew in seaplane form on 19 May that year. A n order for fi ftyfour OS2U-l Kingfishers was placed on 22 May 1939, and deliveries were made during May to November 1940. An order for a further 158 OS2U-2 Kingfishers was placed with Vought on 4 December 1939. Mass production of the Kingfisher series began in July 1941 with the OS2U-3, and eventually some 1,006 examples were built. A further 300 OS2N-1 Kingfishers were constructed by the Naval Aircraft Factory from April to October 1942. This agreement was designed to assist Vought in changing over mass production from Kingfishers to a new, powerful Navy fighter.

On 30 June 1938 the US Navy ordered the Grumman XF5F-1 (picturedl and the Vought XF4U-1. while a third aircraft, the Bell XFl-1. was ordered later. on 8 November. Grumman

The Corsair's main wheels could easily be retracted backwards. as they did on the SB2U-1 Kingfisher scout bomber then in production. and swivelled through 87 degrees flat into the wing (which folded upwards for stowage aboard carriersl. Vought

Enter the F4U Corsair In 1938 the US Navy had decided that the time was long overdue to bring carrierbased aviation up to the same performance level as land-based aircraft. On 30 June

lyman A. Bullard Jr, the chief of flight test at Vought-Sikorsky Aircraft, aloft in the yellow-and-silver-painted XF4U-1 that first flew from the Bridgeport Municipal Airport, Stratford, Connecticut on 29 May 1940. Vought

9

A DREAM IS BORN

A DREAM IS BORN

When this Associated Press photo of an early Corsair was released to British newspapers in 1941 the caption under the heading 'World's fastest Pursuit Plane ... As Bomber-Protector for Britain?' read: 'It is possible that before long. planes of this type may be among those supplied by the US to Great Britain. where its remarkable cruising range will make such planes invaluable as escorts to our bombers during their long flights over Germany: via Philip Jarrett

The prototype XF4U-1 showing to good advantage the air intakes for the oil cooler. and the intercooler for the two-stage. two-speed supercharger in the wing roots. Note the early-style squirrel-cage or birdcage cockpit hood and the gun fairing in the engine cowling.

•

Vought

1938 the US Navy ordered the Grumman XFSF-I and the Vought XF4U-I, while a third aircraft, the Bell XFL-l, was ordered later, on 8 November. The XF5F-l was the first twin-engine, single-scat aircraft to be built for the Navy, while the Bell XFL-1 was a carrier-based version of the P-39 Airacobra. The XFL-I differed in some respects to the P-39, including the installation of a tail wheel in place of the tricycle arrangement. As it turned out, the twin-tailed Grumman machine was delayed by cooling problems to its Wright R-1820-40 Cyclone engi nes, and the prototype did not complete tests until February 1941. After th is setback, more problems were experienced with the aircraft. After just over 200 flights the

XF5F-1 project was abandoned in favour of the XF7F-1, which later became the Tigercat. Equally, the Bell machine, first flown on 13 May 1940, was not proceeded with either. At Vought the F4U-I project came under the wing of C.]. McCarthy, who in March 1940 had been appointed general manager of the Chance Vought Division. Early in 1938 McCarthy, who had worked with the late Chance Vought on the original Corsair, directed Rex B. Beisel and his team, who were already committed to the Vindicator and Kingfisher company projeers, to turn their thoughts to the new carrier-borne fighter project. Beisel's first proposal was the V-166A; it incorporated the Pratt & Whitney R-l340 radial

10

engine, but was not proceeded with. His second proposal was the V-166B: this was designed around the new 1,800hp experimental Pratt & Whitney XR-2800-2 Double Wasp air-cooled radial, with a two-stage, two-speed supercharger; it was submitted to the Bureau of Aeronautics on 8 April 1938. At the time, the huge XR2800-2 engine promised to be the most powerful powerplant available. J ts take-off power alone was rated at 1,850hp at 2,600rpm (Navy pursuits of the day were rated at about 840hp to 1,200hp at best), and it could develop 1,500hp at 2,400rpm at 17,500ft (5,300m). The Pratt & Whitney experimental engine had the potential to make the XF4U-I the Navy's first 2,000hp fighter.

Beisel and his team had to design the smallest possible fuselage around the mighty Double Wasp. Everything possible that could be done to limit drag would have to be incorporated in the design, so use of spot welding and flush riveting was made throughout the external surfaces, and a completely faired-in landing gear greatly reduced the drag penalties. Three gear doors - one on the forward strut and two attached to the wing on either side of the wheel well- ensured that not one part of the main landing gear or tail wheel protruded into the slipstream. Then there was the seemingly insurmountable problem posed by the massive 13ft 4in (4m 6cm) diameter three-bladed propeller that had to be used if the XR-2800-4 engine (that would power the prototype) was to enable the Corsair to attain its optimum design speed.

Gulled Wing Design Meanwhile, the US Army Air Corps tried in vain to influence Pratt & Whitney to get them to develop a liquid-cooled inline engine instead of the air-cooled radial. But Beisel and his team were committed to the XR-2800, although they realized that

Using the gull wing instead of a straight wing made possible the use of a shorter. lighter landing gear than would ordinarily have been possible. via Philip Jarrett

unless they came up with a fairly radical design to accommodate the massive engine's 13ft 4in (4m 6cm) diameter, three-bladed propeller, then its arc would give insufficient ground clearance on both

11

take-off and landing. They could have opted for a much longer landing gear, but that would have been too stilted and too heavy. The solution lay in the XF4U-I wing design, which was gulled downwards,

A DREAM IS BORN

a feature that would also result in less aerodynamic drag at the juncture of wing and fuselage. The gulled wing was achieved by dropping the stub wings at an angle as they left the fuselage, and then the outer wing panels were canted upwards, again with a dihedral of 8 degrees 30 minutes in the outer sections. The stub wings included open vents in their leading edges to allow the passage of cooling air for the engine oil, and air for the supercharger intercooler equipment. Inverted gull wing design was not new. On [7 September 1935 the Bellanca Aircraft Corporation, New Castle, Delaware had been issued a US patent for an inverted gull wing - and in January 1941 Guiseppe M. Bellanca, chairman of the board of governors of that company, considered that Vought might have infringed their patent. The matter remained unresolved until the United Aircraft Corporation successfully pointed out that there were several British patents to the gull design dating back to the late 1920s. Then, both Bellanca, who were anxious not to be seen rocking the boat in time of war when everyone should be 'pulling together', and the Bureau of Aeronautics, which at the behest of Vought had carried out its own investigation, fully exonerated the company from any patent infringements. Using the gull wing instead of a straight wing made possible the usc of a shorter, lighter landing gear than would ordinarily have been possible. Also, the main wheels could easily be retracted backwards (as they did on the SB2U-I Kingfisher scout-bomber then in production) and swivelled through 87 degrees flat into the wing (that folded upwards for stowage aboard carriers). The wing arc joined to the fuselage at 90-degree angles to allow the air to flow smoothly over the wing root/fuselage joint, eliminating the need for a wing fillet. The wings were of all-metal construction and were built as an integral part of the fuselage centre section. The outer wings were made of metal, forward of the spar, and of fabric-covered plywood to the trailing edges. They folded upwards over the cockpit canopy, folding at the elbow of the gull wing. Fabric-covered plywood flaps spanned the width of the stub wings and one half of the distance of the outer wing panels. A ilerons formed the balance of the outer wing panel's trailing edge.

The stub wings included open vents in their leading edges to allow the passage of cooling air for the engine oil, and air for the supercharger intercooler equipment. via Philip Jarrett

This RN Corsair II demonstrates wing folding for stowage aboard carriers. Early in World War II, Britain was desperately short of modern aircraft types for the RAF and the Royal Navy's Fleet Air Arm, and so looked to America - 'the arsenal of democracy' - for the supply of many new fighter, bomber and reconnaissance types. When funds quickly ran out, the United States Congress on 11 March 1941 passed the lend-lease Act to enable Britain and the other democracies to acquire American-manufactured aircraft and armaments. One of the naval aircraft types ordered by the British Air Commission was the Corsair, although it was not until mid-1943 that Britain at last began receiving the first models. While the seventy F4U-1 Bs supplied retained their American name, this version became the Corsair I in Fleet Air Arm service. Subsequently, 334 Brewster-built F3A-1s and 535 F4U-1A and F4U-1 D versions became Corsair lis; some F3A-ls and all F3A-lDs (ninety-six aircraft in totall became Corsair Ills; and 930 Goodyear-built FG-1s and FG-1Ds became Corsair IVs. via Philip Jarrett

12

A DREAM IS BORN

The wings featured small bomb cells in the outer wing panels, which in theory would be used to drop twenty 5.2lb (2.4kg) bombs (four in each of five compartments) on formations of enemy bombers, the pilot sighting the bomb-drop through a glass 'teardrop-shaped' panel in the cockpit floor. (This feature was never implemented on production models.) Fuel was carried in four integral tanks located in the wing centre sections and outer panel leading edges, with a total capacity of 273gal 0,24[\). The carburettor air, supercharger intercooler, and oil cooler air inlet ducts were situated at the leading edge of the wings to remove the need for a drag-inducing scoop for each. In flight this layout created a curious high-pitched whistling sound as air was sucked into the ducts. Later, its effect would not be lost on the Japanese, who called the Corsair the 'Whistling Death' after the blood-curdling scream emitted during high-speed dives on their positions. To American troops, particularly the USMC 'grunts' fighting in the Pacific Islands campaign, the 'BentWinged Bird' was their saviour, and the Marines finally dubbed the Corsair the 'Sweetheart of Okinawa'. A .30 calibre and a .50 calibre machine gun were mounted above the massi ve engine, firing through the upper propeller arc, and a .50 calibre machine gun outward of each wing-fold mechanism. The upper fuselage guns had 750 rounds of ammunition each, and each wing gun had 300 rounds of ammunition per gun. Provision was made to replace the wing guns with 23mm Madsen cannons if available. (On 28 November 1940, the Navy asked for a production configuration with increased firepower and fuel capacity.) Everything about the new fighter was massive: it weighed 9,3571b (4,244kg) empty, and measured 31ft [1 in (9m 73cm) with a 41ft [1 in 02m 78cm) wing spread - the largest American fighter yet built. On II June 1938 the Bureau of Aeronautics awarded Vought the contract number 6[544 for a single prototype, and the XF4U-l was assigned Bureau Number (BuNo.) [443. (Beginning in January 1939, United Aircraft Corporation moved Chance Vought Aircraft into a plant shared with the Sikorsky Aircraft Division to become the Vought-Sikorsky Aircraft Division, United Aircraft Corporation.) The XF4U-I full-scale engineering mockup that would be used in wind-tunnel tests, was inspected by the Bureau of

Aeronautics during 8-[0 February [939, and shortly afterwards, construction of the prototype was given the go-ahead. New manufacturing techniques such as spot welding of aluminium, developed by the Naval Aircraft Factory, would be employed in the construction. Spot welding speeded up mass production because it enabled a structure of heavy aluminium skin and supportS to be built up to form a very strong fuselage and wing framework. By 1 July of that year the basic XF4U-l design was 95 per cent complete. [t was powered by the XR-2800-4, which was an improvement over the earlier -2.

The XF4U Flies After several hours of taxi tests and days of ground engine runs, on 29 May [940 the yellow-and-silver-painted XF4U-I was ready for its first flight at the Bridgeport Municipal Airport, Stratford, Connecticut. Lyman A. Bullard Jr, the chief of flight rest at Vought-Sikorsky Aircraft, would be at the controls. Bullard took the fledgling fighter up to 10,000ft (300m) while executing some very basic standard manoeuvres such as turns, and he cycled the gear and flaps a few times. He then headed away from the airfield to carry out a couple of stalls and to test the cruise power ability. The flight lasted 38min and went mainly without a hitch, although flutter had briefly attacked the elevators, and the spring trim tabs had shimmied off in flight. This had made the aircraft vibrate badly, though it had not prevented Bullard from returning safely to the airport in full control. These were no more than the usual niggling little problems associated with most new aircraft, and indeed others began to manifest themselves during the twomonth flight-test programme.

The XF4U-1 had sticky brakes, bouncy landing gear, and aileron spin, and the experimental fighter was so sleek aerodynamically that it would accelerate to the edge of compressibility, making recovery from extremely steep dives almost impossible. Spinning such a heavy aircraft made recovery exacting and later, during final acceptance tests, the US Navy eliminated the two-turn spin requirement and required that the Corsair be spun only once. Another main concern was engine cooling. Poor fuel distribution from the carburettor caused hot and cold cylinder head temperatures and became a chief concern for Pratt & Whitney chief test pilot, A. Lewis MacLain who flew the development programme on the experimental versions of the R-2800 engine. After its first flight, a second test pilot at Vought-Sikorsky, Boone T. Guyton, took over the test flying of the XF4U-I. All went well during his first four test flights, but on the fiftfl, while performing a series of low altitude cabin pressurization and high-speed cruise tests, low on fuel, the XF4U-1 crashed on the Norwich golf course far to the north-cast of the airfield at Stratford. Guyton was not helped by the weather, which produced heavy rainfalls in the test area. He attempted a short carriertype landing on the fairway, nose high with full flaps and power on, in order to maintain the slowest possible landing approach speed. All was fine until he chopped the throttle and allowed the XF4U-I to float onto the fairway. The aircraft touched down at the relatively high landing speed of around 80 knots and skidded on the wet grass. The brakes proved ineffective on the sl ippery surface and the smooth tyres were unable to get a firm grip. In desperation, Guyton tried to ground-loop the aircraft to prevent it crashing off the edge of the fairway, hut his efforts were in vain. The

Specification - Vought XF4U-l Engine

Pratt & Whitney XR-2800-4: I ,850hp at take-off, I,460hp at 21 ,500ft (6,553m): fuel capacity 273gal (l,2411)

Dimensions

Length 31ft II in (9m 73cm): span 41 ft (12m 50cm): wing area 314sq ft (29sq m): height 15ft 7in (4m 75cm)

Weights

Empty 7,5051b (3,404kg): gross 9,3571b (4,244kg): max. take-off 10,5001b (4,763kg)

Performance

Max. speed 405mph (652km/h), lanJing speeJ 73mph (117km/h): range 850 miles (1,370km) normal, 1,070 miles (1,722km) max: climb 2,660ft (810m)/minure: service ceiling 31,000ft (9,450m)

Armament

2 X .30 cal machine guns above engine, and 2 X .50 cal machine guns in wings: 40 51b (2kg) bombs

13

A DREAM IS BORN

A DREAM IS BORN

Corsair I JT104 of the FAA in flight. via Philip Jarrett

Vought (F4U-1A) Corsair II JT505 of the FAA in flight. via Philip Jarrett

XF4U-1 crashed into a wood and the prototype was catapulted upwards by trees, it then flipped over onto its hack, and slid along rudder first until it hit a tree stump, before finally coming to rest midway down a shallow ravine. Incredihly, Guyton emerged unhurt and was able to scramble out of the crumpled wreckage. But damage to the aircraft was severe, and it looked for a time as if it might have to be written off: one wing had been sheared off, the empennage had been torn (rom the fuselage, and the propeller was smashed - but the main fuselage, engine and undercarriage were relatively unharmed. Vought worked night and day, and they were able to completely rebuild the Corsair: within two months the XF4U-1 was airworthy once again. On I October 1940, Lyman Bullard demonstrated the XF4U-I for USN officials. He flew from Stratford to Hartford, Connecticut at a speed of 405mph

(652kmph), making the Corsair the first single-engine single-scat Navy fighter to fly over 400mph (644kmph). The effects of the achievement were not lost on the Army Air Corps, especially its chief, Major General Henry H. 'Hap' Arnold, who now re-evaluated his stance on the air-cooled radial powerplant. He gave Pratt & Whitney permission to cease development on liquid-cooled, inline engines and to forge ahead instead with radial engine development. On 24 October 1940 the XF4U-1 was delivered to NAS Anacostia for US Navy evaluations. Final US Navy demonstrations were carried out by Boone Guyton at Anacostia during 24-25 February 1941. Much to the delight of the Navy, who were already pleased with the top speed of the new aircraft, their evaluations revealed that, despite its size and weight, the XF4U-1 had an excellent all-round performance, too. The fitting of a new

14

Hamilton Standard Hydromatic airscrew increased effiCiency over the previous propeller arrangement, and power was further boosted by using a 'jet thrust' exhaust system. This, and very high ram pressure recovery by the wing leading edge carburettor air intakes, contributed greatly to the excellent overall performance of the aircraft. At a normal fighter weight of 9,3741b (4,252kg), the Corsair's sea-level rate of climb was 2,600ft (800m) per minute, and its service ceiling 35,500ft (10,800m). Take-off distance in calm conditions was 362ft (110m), and with a 25 knot headwind, just 150ft (46m). It had a range of 1,040 miles (l,673km) at 3,500ft (I ,070m) altitude. On 3 March 1941, Vought received a letter of intent from the Bureau of Aeronautics inviting them to propose a production version of the Corsair. On 2 April 1941, Vought submitted Proposal VS-317, which would become the F4U-1. On 14 june the XF4U-I was flown to the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NACA) facility at Langley Field, Virginia. Less than a month later, the XF4U-1 returned to Anacostia, only to be transferred to the Naval Aircraft Factory (NAF) in Philadelphia, on I August 1941. The XF4U-1 returned to Vought later in August where it remained, with periodic postings to Anacostia and to the NAF. Meanwhile, on 30 june the Bureau of Aeronautics awarded Vought Contract 82811 for 584 F4U-1 production aircraft for the Navy, with initial deliveries to begin in February 1942 (the first production model was actually delivered to the USN on 31 july 1942). Mass production of all types of combat aircraft in America became critical after the japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941, the action that finally forced the USA into the start of a global war. The Corsair became one of the first combat aircraft to have its production programme expanded, and the VGB programmer - consisting of Vought, oodyear and Brewster - was formed to mass produce the F4U-1. The Brewster Aeronautical Corporation was designed as an associate contractor for Corsair production on 1 November 1941. But Brewster's factory at johnsville, Pennsylvania, built only 735 F4U-I s, designated F3A-1 s: these finally began del ivery in April 1943 - and then in july 1944, the US Navy put it out of business. (More than half of Brewster's production was

J

Corsair II JT274 of the FAA. via Philip Jarrett

delivered to the Royal Navy.) Goodyear Aircraft, a division of the Goodyear Tyre and Rubber Company, joined the programme in December 1941, ami their Akron, Ohio, facility built 3,941 FG-I versions, 35 per cent of all Corsairs built. The production model would differ from the prototype in several respects, not least in having an 'increased length, to more than 33ft 41\in (101m 6cm). At first, two more .50 calibre M-2 machine guns were installed in the wings, while the two machine guns mounted atop the engine cowling were permanently deleted. Later, the four wing guns were increased to six. Each inboard and intermediate .50 machine gun was fed with 400 rounds of ammunition, and the two outboard guns were supplied with 375 rounds apiece. Anti-aircraft bombs and wing-mounted flotation bags were deleted, ami two Mk 41-2 bomb racks and two mounts for 100Ib (45kg) bombs were installed beneath the wings. The increases in wing armament resulted in the leading edge fuel tanks being removed, although the two outer wing panel leading edge fuel tanks, each with a capacity of 63gal (2861), were retained. Experience gained by the Royal Air Force in combat led to the tanks being fitted with a carbon dioxide vapour dilution system. This system inerted the atmosphere above the fuel to preven t

the petrol being ignited by gunfire in combat. F4U-I fuel capacity was replaced with a 237 US-gallon (8961) self-sealing tank (which included a standpipe reserve o( 50gal (2271)) in the fuselage between the engine and the pilot. Mounting this tank ahead of the cockpit and ncar the aircraft's centre of gravity obviated the need for altitude changes as the fuel was used, but the fuselage had to be extended to make room for the fuel tank. The cockpit was therefore moved about three feet (one metre) further back than on the prototype, which in turn made the forward view worse for the pilot, especially during the nose-high landings that were a characteristic of deck landings. Improvements designed to increase pilot visibility over the new 'hose-nose' were rudimentary at best: the number of metal ribs in the jettisonable canopy - nicknamed the 'squirrel cage' or 'birdcage' canopy, so called for the number of reinforcing bars in the sliding cockpit canopy - was reduced, and fuselage cut-outs were introduced behind teardrop-shaped windows as a further aid to vision. After the removal of the wing tanks to make room for the additional guns, new wing fuel cells were installed, which added a (urther 62 US gal (2341) to each wing. Some 15 Sib (70kg) of armour plate was added to the area around the cockpit and oil tank, while the pilot was protected

15

by the addition o( one half-inch thick, laminnred, bullet-proof glass behind the forward windshield. Identification, Friend or Foe (I FF) radar transponder equipment was installed. The wings still retained the use of fabric-covered panels, but by slightly reducing the span of the landing flaps, it was possible to increase the aileron size over and above that on the prototype. This prompted a (aster rate of roll than had been possible on the XF4U-I. The compl icated deflector plate-type flaps as had been used on the prototype were replaced with NACA slotted flaps: these were lighter, and had fewer moving parts as well as giving a higher maximum lift coefficient. Maximum flap deflection was decreased from 60 to 50 degrees to decrease drag in the landing configuration. Modifications were made to the arrestor hook and tail landing gear systems. All of these changes increased the F4U-I's all-up fighting weight to 12,0611b (5,47Ikg). The up-rated Pratt & Whitney R-28008 Double Wasp, which used a manual Eclipse starter cartridge system, was chosen as the pOlverplant for the production model of the Corsair. The -8 produced 2,000hp at 2,700rpm at sea level, and 1,550hp at 2,550rpm at 22,OOOft (6,706m). This high altitude power would give the Corsair a top speed of 417mph (67Ikmph) at 19,000ft (5,79Im), and 397mph (639kmph) at 23,OOO(t (7,000m). The F4U-I had a sea

A DREAM IS BORN

A DREAM IS BORN

level rate of climb of 3,000ft (l,OOOm) per minute, and a service ceiling of 37 ,000ft (l1,300m). Meanwhile, in January 1942 the XF4UI was fitted with the XR-2800-4 engine rated at 1,850hp at 2,600rpm at take-off. Later that month the aircraft was flown to the Naval Aircraft Factory, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, for field carrier landing tests on the airfield runways. For five days Navy pilots had the chance to fly the XF4U-1 before the aircraft was returned to the factory. On 12 May 1942 the XF4U-1 left for a twenty-nine day test at NAS Anacostia; it was also used to test future mod ifications on the production Corsair models. The XF4U-1 left the Vought factory on 3 December 1942, and by 30 June 1943 had relocated to the new Flight Test Center at NAS Patuxent River, Maryland. The XF4U-1 spent the remainder of its career at the technical training centre at Norman, Oklahoma, before being snuck from the USN's inventory on 22 December 1943. Meanwhile, at the Stratford, Connecticut plant during the early summer of 1942, the production lines began turning out the first of the F4U-1 models. Boone T. Guyton took the maiden flight of F4U-1 Bu No. 02153, the fourth production F4U-1, on 25 June 1942. The new Corsair notched up a maximum speed of 415mph (668kmph), a sea-level rate of climb of 3,120ft (95Im) per minute, and a service ceiling of 37,000ft (l1,300m).

Problems Mount Bu No. 02156, the seventh production Corsair, was the first to be delivered to the US Navy, at NAS New York, on 15 August 1942. This aircraft was flown aboard the escort carrier USS Sangamon (CVE-26) in Chesapeake Bay by Lt Cdr Sam Porter on 25 September 1942 for carrier qualifications. Porter carried out four landings and four take-offs to determine the Corsair's suitability for carrier-borne operations. Unfortunately it became immediately obvious to the Navy observers that there were a series of landing problems, raising serious doubts as to the aircraft's ability to be used as a future shipboard fighter. Firstly, it was quickly apparent that in the three-point landing attitude the pilot's visibility was impaired by the long round-nosed engine installation. Nor was his visibility helped by his location well aft

of the aircraft fuselage, or by oil from the hydraulically actuated upper engine cowlflaps and engine valve push rods, which deposited a fine film of oil to coat the windscreen. (The individual actuators of each cowl-flap, and the early magnesium rockerbox covers, which tended to warp, leaked oil badly. The cowl-flap problem was finally solved by a modification in December 1942, using one actuator and a cable-and-roller mechanism, while the magnesium rockerbox covers were replaced by aluminium ones, many of them borrowed from F4F Wildcats and PB4Y-I Liberators.) Also, during the slow speed approach to the carrier, when the pilot was given the cut over the deck, the Corsair descended almost stalling onto the flight deck in an attempt to grab an arresting wire, and the F4U-1's 'stiff' main landing gear caused it to bounce very badly after landing: this was because on touchdown the landing gear oleos would compress, and then extend quickly back to full travel, bouncing the fighter into the air again. Other serious problems were caused by the Corsair's unhappy stall characteristics. To start wi th, the huge flaps and low-set tail wheel created a directional stability problem (corrected only later on the production line with the use of an inflatable tail wheel and the fitting of a stilted tail-wheel leg). Also, a sharp fall in the F4U-I's lift curve scope near the stall, combined with the high power and torque of the huge propeller, caused the aircraft to stall suddenly and drop its port wing before the right wing, especially during deceleration. The port wing tended to stall first because of the upwash from the propeller. True, a highly skilled pilot could pre-empt this problem, but it would be beyond the capability of most newly trained carrier pilots, and if the inexperienced pilot tried to regain control after bouncing on the first landing, touching down again with the brakes on could put the aircraft over on its back, with disastrous results. Another annoying malfunction was the 'rudder kick', something that had already occurred during testing of the XF4U-1. It was evident to Vought and the Navy that all these problems would have to be solved, and solved fast, if the Corsair was to go to sea. Vought flight-test and engineering departments went to work quickly to try to remedy the situation, and a series of design changes were suggested and later instituted during production. Vought suggested to

16

the Navy that the top three cowl-flaps be permanently sealed to prevent oil coating the windscreen, and that the individual hydraulic cowl-flap actuators be replaced with a single hydraulic cowl-flap master actuator and mechanical linkage to the remaining cowl-flaps. (Later, pilots would learn to look for rain clouds to give their windscreens a quick wash.) Before agreeing to these modifications, the Navy requested that a test aircraft be flown at military power with the top three cowlflaps opened, and then with them sealed, in order to compare engine-cooling data. As expected, sealing the top three cowl-flaps did not significantly increase cylinder-head temperatures, but it did complicate engine maintenance, in that mechanics had to remove a pair of the mechanical cowl-flap pulleys to gain access to the spark plugs of the top rear cylinder. To cure the stall problems a small, 6in (l5cm) wooden spoiler, or stall strip, was added to the leading edge of the right wing panel just outboard of the machine-gun ports. This refinement effectively spoiled the airflow over the area of the wing immediately behind it, and caused both wings to stall at the same time. Bu No. 02510 became the first F4U-l to be fitted with the 'stall improvement device' and it was delivered to NAS Anacostia and then to the Naval Aircraft Factory for testing. The addition of the spoiler was incorporated continuously from the 943rd Corsair onwards to solve a potentially dangerous flight characteristic. Equally, the 'rudder kick' problem was easily solved, by increasing the length of the tail-wheel strut, which effectively reduced the aircraft's ground clearance angle from 13.5 to 11.5 degrees. This reduced the percent of maximum lift coefficient used for landing, and the down wash angle over the tail. Other problems were not so easily solved. During fl ight testing, a number of F4U-1s were found to have a wing heaviness, which required aileron trim tab deflection of from 8 toW degrees out of the 15 degrees available to achieve level flight at cruising speed. A number of corrective measures were tried until Vought concluded that the problem was the result of manufacturing irregularities in the ailerons that were too small to positively detect. Replacing the ailerons could alleviate wing heaviness, but Vought had to try a number of different pairs before the problem was solved. Beginning with the F4U-4, the company used ailerons fitted with balance

Negotiations and suggestions on the part of the Royal Navy, the US Navy and Vought to turn the 'bent-wing bastard' into a more malevolent carrier aircraft had been an ongoing since the beginning of the year. However, before the flying and operational characteristics could be improved upon, there was a more immediate problem to contend with. Early on the Fleet Air Arm had realized that the Corsair could not be accommodated on the low-ceilinged hangar decks of Royal Navy aircraft carriers. Because of their armoured flight decks, British carriers had only 16ft (4m 87cm) of vertical clearance available on the hangar deck, while the F4U-1 Corsair, with its wings folded, had a height of just over 16ft 2in (4m 93cm). Nevertheless, although the armoured decks of the RN carriers presented something of an immediate problem for the storage of aircraft such as the Corsair, during Japanese kamikaze suicide attacks in the Pacific in 1944-45, it was the American carriers with their largely wooden flight decks that suffered worst. via Philip Jarrett

tahs. In the meantime, Vought engineers corrected the wing heaviness problem by gluing a 1. X 18in (3mm X 46cm) strip of wood to the bottom of the aileron on the wing that rode high. Early on, the Fleet Air Arm had realized that Corsair could not be accommodated on the low-ceilinged hangar decks of Royal Navy aircraft carriers. After discussing the problem with the Royal Navy, on 23 January 1943 the Bureau of Aeronautics instructed Vought to find ways of reducing the F4U-l 's overall height with the wings folded. A month later Rex B. Beisel, then Vought engineering manager, sent the

Bureau then suggested methods of reducing the height of the Corsair so that it could be carried aboard British carriers. Mostly, the suggestions involved retracting the tail wheel, compressing the main gear oleos with the jacking devices, or retracting the tail wheel and deflating the main tyres. Meanwhile, the Royal Navy came up with a much simpler solution of its own: Lt Cdr R. M. Smeeton, RN, of the British Liaison Office, suggested that a reduction of the wingspan, achieved by removing the 8in (20cm) wing-tip panels of the Corsair, be carried out, and the wings faired off with a wooden fillet. Beisel responded by outlin-

17

ing the design difficulties and the numerous re-drafting of drawings that would result if such a proposal were adopted, but the Royal Navy won the day. Smeeton sought and obtained data from Vought proving that in theory, removing the wing-tips would not greatly affect the Corsair's performance. Actually, although the clipped wing-tips increased take-off distance in a 25-knot head wind by 15ft (4.5m), the change produced a slightly increased stall speed, which gave the pilot more of a warning buffet before stalling and less roll after the stall. They would also improve manoeuvrability at lower altitudes.

A DREAM IS BORN

FAA Corsairs in a hangar deck aboard a British carrier. via Philip Jarrett

Smeeton's recommendations were approved on 16 July 1943. The revised wing-tip design would be carried out on Bu No.17952 (British serial JT270). Aircraft prior to JT270 would be modified retrospectively by Blackburn Aircraft in England and by Andover Kent Aviation orporation of New Brunswick, New Jersey. Another British improvement was the fitting of small air-scoops to the fuselage sides to help prevent life-threatening carbon monoxide fumes accumulating in the fuselage abaft the cockpit. It was thought that, because the exhaust stubs were flush with the engine cowlings, they were not throwing the expelled gases clear of the forward end of the fuselage. Later, British-type VHF radio equipment was also installed in the Corsair. Altering the Corsair's landing characteristics proved more difficult, and Programme Dog was instituted to modify the landing gear quickly and get the Corsair carrier qualified. The programme ran a whole year before the problem was finally solved. Then it was a case of simply replacing the landing gear oleo's Schrader valve with a Chance Vought valve and increasing the strut's air pressure, something that took just ten days, although it took much longer to implement. This changeover was incorporated on all production line

aircraft, and was performed on Corsairs during major overhauls. A side benefit of this modification was a reduction of 20ft (6m) in the F4U-1 's take-off distance in a 25-knot headwind. Meanwhile, Vought was requested by the Navy to redesign the tail-wheel yoke so that it raised the Corsair's tail 6in (I Scm) and improved pilot visibility on the ground. At the same time, the arresting hook-down angle was changed from 75 to 65 degrees to prevent the Corsair from 'sitting on the hook in a full stall landing'. Bu No. 02557, the 404th F4U-I, became the first Corsair with the extended tail wheel, and it was delivered to NAS Patuxent River, Maryland, on 8 September 1944. Bu No. 02161, the ninth F4U-I built, was delivered to the NACA fullscale wind tunnel at Langley, Virginia, to find ways of reducing the drag. NACA recommended the installation of smoothsurface wing walkways and smoother wing surfaces, plus smoother, tighter fitting wing access doors; and the addition of aileron gap seals and an arrestor hook cut-out fairing. The Navy soon carried out all of NACA's drag-reducing recommendations except for the aileron gap seals. The tail hook was partially faired over with the extension of the tail wheel gear door, enclOSing the hook up to the last six inches.

18

Meanwhile, the Bureau of Aeronautics wanted the pilot's seating position raised to increase visibility; this was done, but on 27 February 1943 Vought requested that a different model designation he given to Corsairs with the raised seating modification. This was duly carried out hy the Bureau of Aeronautics, and the new model hecame known as the F4U-IA: it featured a semi-bubble canopy with only two reinforcing bars in the upper surface of the hlown glass structure, replacing the F4U-I's 'squirrel cage' or 'birdcage' canopy. However, there was a war on, and the Bureau of Aeronautics requested that the -I A modifications 'be incorporared in the earliest airplanes in which it can be made without seriously affecting production'. Bu No. 02557, the 689th F4U-I, served as the prototype aircraft, with the seating raised 9in (23cm) and a semibubhle canopy; the new scat raised the pilot's line of sight Sin (13cm). Bu No. 17647 was the first F4U-I A production model to have the raised cabin. In all, forty-two significant changes were made on the F4U-IA production run, many of the major ones being to the cockpit. As we have seen, the pilot's scat could be raised and lowered approximately 9in (23cm), and it incorporated an armoured headrest. The control stick was

Brewster Corsair advertisement in 1944. The Corsair became one of the first combat aircraft to have its production programme expanded. and the VGB programmer consisting of Vought. Goodyear and Brewster was formed to mass produce the F4U-1. AIr News

19

~

:x.

CORSAIR

FIGHTERS

•

BUCCAN EER

•

ABOVE: Chance Vought Corsair advertisement in Flying, October 1943. Flymg

~

RIGHT: Brewster advertisement in October 1943. Flying

" 20

21

•

AN D.

BERM UOA

DIVE

80M 8ERS

A DREAM IS BORN

A DREAM IS BORN

.........

-\

a,;;a;;'

_f~S'~

--

r

o

Brewster F3A-1 (F4U-1! showing the early framed canopy, and bomb attachments beneath the wings. Brewster

lengthened, and the rudder/brake pedals were revised. There was a new instrument panel, gunsight, and turtle deck and cockpit armour plating; and the overturn structure was reinforced. Despite all the last-minute changes, the Navy had decided that the Corsair was not suitable for carrier operations, and it would be the US Marine Corps that would introduce the F4U-l to combat. A Corsair modification centre was formed at San Diego as Air Base Croup Two, Fleet Marine Force West Coast, commanded by Col Stanley Ridderhoff. Vought field service manager Jack Ilospers supervised the incorporation of 159 changes that went on right around the clock to get the Corsair combat-ready in time. And time was short. The changes went from the sublime, such as having to add a rear-view mirror to the canopy, to the extreme. Other pressing problems centred on the master brake cylinders, which had to be modified, and also the engine ignition harness had to be improved for operation at altitude. The horizontal stabilizer in the tail needed to be reinforced, and the rudder control horn attachments to the rudder needed to be strengthened. Changes also had to be made to improve the belt feed of the .50-calibre machine guns. The duct seals between the engine and intercoolers ami to the carburettor had

to be improved, and the attachments fastening the fuselage fuel tank to the bulkheads had to be reinforced. Also, the hydraulic engine cowl-flap controls had to be replaced with mechanical controls. The ignition harness problems, and problems with the radios, were not rectified by the time VMF-I 24 left for the South Pacific,

and kits to correct both had to be fitted in the field at Espiritu Santo. Nevertheless, most of the other myriad problems were alleviated, if not solved completely. Marine squadron VMF-124, commanded by Major William Cise, at Camp Kearney, California, received its first Corsair on 7 September 1942, although it

ABOVE: A Corsair being tested at Stratford in 1942.

Vl.ught RIGHT: Engineers at work on the Corsair's massive

Pratt & Whitney R-2800 Double Wasp engine. USMC

was not declared fully operational until lhree months later. In October, VF-12, wmmanded by Lt Cdr Joseph 'Jumping Jlle' Clifton, became the first USN Corsair squadron to be formed, at NAS North Island, California. However, after navalI :ed Corsairs had been declared unser\'tceable for use aboard carriers, the inrended Corsairs were soon replaced by F6F Hellcats. The USMC - the 'Flying Leathernecks' - would take the Corsair to war. VMF-124, which had priority for Corsairs, departed for the South Pacific in January 1943, arriving on Cuadalcanal on 12 February 1943.

c.

The Stratford Corsair assembly plant in full swing. Vought

22

23

LAND AND SEA

Specification - Vought F4U-l

CHAPTER TWO

Engine

Pratt & Whitney R-2800-8 (B) Double-Wasp 18-cylinder two-row radial; 1650 hp at 21,000fr (MOOm); fuel capacity 237-537gal (l,077-2,4411)

Dimensions

Land and Sea

Length 33ft 4in (lOm 16cm); span 41 ft (12m 50cm); wing area 314sq ft (29sq m); height 16ft lin (4m 90cm)

Weights

Empty 8,9821b (4,074kg); gross 12,039Ib (5,460kg); max. 14,0001b (6,350kg)

Performance

Speed 417mph (671kmfh) at 19,900ft (6,065m), 359mph (578kmfh) at sea level, 182mph (293km~1) cruising, 87mph (l40km/h) landing; range 1,015 miles

SuJJenly Zeros were all around us. Their big reJ meatballs flasheJ angrily in the sun. If they fired, I didn't see any tracers. We knew Zeros couldn't dive with the Corsairs, especially if they feared that other American planes were Jown there. Their arrack endeJ as quickly as it had starreJ. The Zeros disappeareJ for good. USMC Corsair pilot, Wallace B. Thomson VMF-211

VMF-124 'Checkerboards' had received its first Corsair on 26 October, and was hurriedly brought up to strength. On 28 December 1942, although its twenty-two F4U-l Corsairs were not strictly combat ready and none of its pilots was combat experienced, VMF-124 was declared operational. Such was the urgency of the situation in the South Pacific that the Marines, with or without their Corsairs, were shipping out in january, and if the F4Us had to be picked up at Pearl Harbor en route, then that was how it would be. As at31 December 1942 the US Navy had a grand total of just 178 Corsairs, having accepted fifty-five aircraft in November and sixty-eight F4U-ls in December. Early in january 1943 VMF-124, commanded by Major William E. Gise, sailed from San Diego, California, for New Caledonia in the Loyalty Islands aboard an unescorted passenger ship. Meanwhile its Corsairs were freighted and shipped via Espirito Santo in the New Hebrides, to Guadalcanal, a hilly, tropical, junglecovered island in the Solomon Group where, in july, the japanese had started building an airfield on the Lunga Plain. When Lunga airfield. was complete the japanese could send land-based bombers on raids on the New Hebrides for a thrust southwards. The small islands of T ulagi, Gavutu and Tanambogo enclose Guadalcanal. As earl y as April 1942 T u19ai had been deemed the number one American objective in the Solomons. The deep and spacious harbour, with air cover from Guadalcanal, presented the japanese with an excellent naval base to threaten the

lifeline to Australia. Guadalcanal was captured by US Marines in August 1942, and the captured airstrip was renamed Henderson Field after the commander of the USMC dive-bombers at Midway; and from then on the 'Cactus Air Force' as it was known, gradually took shape. Further japanese and USMC reinforcements arrived on Guadalcanal in September and October 1942, and the fierce fighting carried on into November 1942, with air attacks on Guadalcanal and the neighbouring islands of Tulgai, Gavutu and T anambogo. One of the most frequent American aerial missions was against the 'Tokyo Express', the japanese transport and combat ship task force that plied the 'Slot' (the channel between New Georgia and Santa Isabel Islands north-west of Guadalcanal) almost nightly to reinforce their hard-pressed ground troops on the embattled island. The enemy then built a new airfield at Ondongo in a coconut grove on the New Georgia Islands at Munda. In the local language, Ondongo meant the 'Place of Death'. Army Air Force bombers and fighters made many air raids on these enemy bases and others in the Solomons area, at Rabaul, Bougainville and the Russell Islands. On 4 january 1943 the japanese Imperial Staff finally issued orders for the evacuation of Guadalcanal to begin.

'Fighting Squadron 12' and 'Blackburn's Irregulars' On 9 january 1943 VF-12 (Fighting Squadron 12) was commissioned at San Diego under the command of Lt Cdr 'jumping joe' Clifton, with Cdr H. H. Caldwell as CAG (Commander, Air Group). Five days later VF-12 received its first ten F4U-ls, and the unit was declared operational. By 25 january the Navy squadron had twenty-two Corsairs on strength. Fighting Squadron 12 moved to Hawaii preparatory to moving to New Caledonia because, unlike VMF-124,

24

VF-12 not only had to convert to the Corsair, it also had to practise carrier landings, even though it was destined as a land-based Corsair squadron. VF-12 lost seven pilots while training on the Corsair, four of them in an early morning storm. At the same time Vought engineers were still wrestling with the myriad problems that were still troubling Corsair operation aboard carriers. Pilots disliked the Eci ipse 'shotgun' starters (later replaced with electric starters), and the flap blow-up feature and the battery installation were proving unpopular. Leaking cowl-flap cylinders also adued to the general mistrust. To improve landing stability, larger tailwheel bearings were used on F4U-Is, and two Corsairs were fitted with pneumatic tail wheels on longer struts and tested by VF-12 on the escort carrier USS Core (CVE-13). There was some improvement on carrier landings, but the tail wheels tended to blowout. VF-12 considered the Corsair tricky to fly, with a bad stalling characteristic, and the aircraft was soon dubbed the 'Hog' because it was about as co-operative as a 'hog on ice'. An F4U-l was written off aboard the Core, and another crashed trying to land on board the USS Enterprise near Hawaii. Inflatable tail wheels that were supposed to aid Corsair stability on landing, proved more of a hindrance when several began bursting during hard landings. These, and the other well documented carrier landing problems, hardly won over the Corsair pilots; but the overriding problem, and the one that would prevent VF-12 raking the Corsair to sea, was the lack of a supply of spare parts on board the carriers. By the time VF-12 sailed aboard the USS Saratoga from Hawaii in july 1943, F6F Hellcats had replaced the Corsairs for combat sea duty. VF-17 became the second Navy squadron to operate the Corsair, and in February 1943 began receiving their first F4U-ls for training at NAS Norfolk, Virginia. Its CO, Lt Cdr john T. Blackburn, had previously led VGF-29 in

(I,633km) normal, 2,220 miles (3,570km) ferry; climb 2,890ft (880m)/minute; service ceiling 36,900ft (l1,250m) Armament

6 X 0.50 calibre machine guns in wings with 2,350 rounds; I X 1,000lb (450kg) bomb 01' 8 X Sin (13cm) rockets

Operation T Q1'ch, the invasion of North Africa in November 1942, and had been a flight instructor at NAS Miami (Opa Locka). When Blackburn assumed commanu of VF-l 7 he recru ited fellow instructor Lt Cdr Roger R. Hedrick as his l'xecutive officer. VF-17 were to become fully operational on the improved F4UIAs, anu woulu take them to sea aboaru the new Essex-class escort carrier USS Bunker Ifill (CV- I 7), that would make its shakedown cruise in july. The pilots of VF-17 were high-spirited, rugged individuals with little or no combat experience. They were thrilled with their new 'hot' planes, and flew them under bridges and ~kimmed the waters near the fleet at every opportunity. 'Flat-hatting', or low-level flymg, and other hell-raising escapades soon l'arned them the nickname 'Blackburn's Irregulars'. Ensign Howard M. 'Teeth' Burriss ran a truck off a highway while playing 'chicken' m an inverted Corsair, while Ensign Ira 'Ike' Kepford upset the good people of Norfolk when he and an Army P-51 Mustang pilot entered into a low-level dogfight overhead. In March 1943 VF-17 were ordered to leave town, and 'Blackburn's Irregulars' relocated to NAAS (Naval Auxiliary Air Station) Manteo, on the coast near Kitty Hawk, North Carol ina, where they completed their pre-carrier training. During training at Manteo, VF17 lost six pilots, including two who collided in mid-air during gunnery practice. 'Blackburn's Irregulars' worked hard to hreak in their wild Corsairs, and they helped improve some of the F4U-ls more alarming traits; for instance, they softened the shock of landing by changing the fluidair mixture in the oleo compression cylinders. Lt (jg) Merl W. 'Butch' Davenport, VF-I7's engineering officer, partly devel-

oped the new wing anti-stall device, and pilots tried to overcome the restricted view out of the 'birdcage' canopy by sitting on two, and even three parachute cushions. In combat they knew they would not be able to see 'diddly-squat' from the birdcage, and the situation only really improved when VF-17 received the F4U-IA with the semi-bubble canopy. But VF-I7's freespirited aviators were prepared to forgive the Corsair its faults because more than anything else they wanted to fly them in combat as soon as possible. Operating from land bases, 'Blackburn's Irregulars' had broken in the Corsair; but then on 1 May there was a portent of things to come. Tom Blackburn, with the ski lied LSO, Shailer 'Catwalk' Cummings, made the first real carrier landing on a simulated carrier landing area marked off on a concrete runway. VF-I7's CO approached at 90 knots, chopped the throttle, hit the 'deck' - and bounced about 20 ft (6m) into the air! Blackburn made further opera-

tiona I tests in the Chesapeake Bay using the jeep carrier Charger (ACV-30), a converted merchantman. Once his pilots had had sufficient flight time in the Corsair, they began their initial carrier landing qualifications (carquals) on Charger. It proved difficult landing a Corsair on the jeep carrier's 50ft (ISm) deck, and there were mishaps along the way; but they mastered it, encouraged by the knowledge that the Essex-class deck of the Bunker Hill was that much larger. During their land-based training, formation loops involving between eight and twelve F4U-ls at a time was not uncommon - but Blackburn had one grand finale in mind. While en route to Boston for the Bunker Hill commissioning on 23 May 1943, Blackburn led his formation of twenty-five F4Us over New York, and they all dropped down and flew under the Brooklyn Bridge! Bunker Hill cleared the ways at Quincy, Massachusetts in june, and shortly arrived off Norfolk, where VF-I7's Corsairs welcomed the carrier in style, three eightplane flights buzzing her from three different directions. On 7 july 1943 VF-17, now part of CAG-17 (Carrier Air Group 17), were embarked aboard the Bunker Hill for her shake-down cruise to Trinidad's 30by 70-mile (50 km by 112km) Gulf of Paria Bay. (CAG-17 also included the Avengers of VT-17, and the troublesome SB2C Helldivers of VB-17 and VS-17.) Carrier operations concentrated minds wonderfully, and bouncing over the barrier wire and flipping over or crashing into the parked aircraft ahead became commonplace. On final approach the Corsair's elongated nose made it difficult for pilots to

:::::~~-, One of VF-1Ts F4U-1s on the USS

ChargerlACV-301. a converted merchantman,

during carrier landing qualifications. March 1943. USN via Lee Cook

25

~ --

---

LAND AND SEA

No. 21 is prepared for a catapult launch from the USS via Lee Cook

Charger (ACV-30)

LAND AND SEA

see the landing signal officer. If a pilot opened h is fourteen cowl-flaps, they cut down forward visibility to almost zero; but if he left them closed, the engine quickly overheated. Soon, F4U performance was judged in some circles to be 'too hot' for deck operations - and on occasion, so too were the pilots: one VF-17 pilot was grounded for a few days after making a barrel rollover the flight deck! Other problems manifested themselves on the voyage. Engines and propellers were changed frequently. It was found that Corsair's arrestor hook simply snapped when it came into contact with the steel drain channels on landing. When the hook caught a barrier wire the F4U-l's tail was lifted clear of the deck, and if the pilot missed the arresting wire the hook caught a drain channel and snapped. This problem was solved with a redesigned hook. Sadly, although many of the Corsair's other faults had also been overcome by a combination of squadron ingenuity and Vought adaptability, in the final analysis the Navy brass would decide that the aircraft had not gained its sea legs, and so VF-I7's valiant quest to become the first USN unit to go to war at sea with the Corsair would be in vain. At first the omens had appeared to be good. On 10 August, VF-17 returned to Norfolk aboard the Bunker Hill, and CAG 17 returned to shore bases wh ile the carrier and the squadrons were brought up to combat readiness. By 26 August VF-17 had received thirty-six new, raised-cockpit F4U-IAs; these embodied many of the modifications recommended, carried out as a result of the shake-down cruise to the Caribbean. In deference to the Corsair's 'Hog' nickname, Torn Blackburn's call sign became 'Big Hog', and he had the name painted on the tail of his personal F4U-l, Bu No. 17649 'White 1'. On 10 September, when VF-17 and the rest of CAG-17 left Norfolk for the south-west Pacific aboard the Bunker Hill, each of the Corsairs had a small 'skull and crossbones' motif painted on its engine cowling. VF17 was going to war - or so they thought!

in Chesapeake Bay, May 1943.

USN

One of VF-l7's F4U-1s successfully catches the wire on the deck of the USS Charger during landing qualifications, March 1943. USN via Lee Cook MIDDLE: An F4U-1 of VF-17 is brought up on deck aboard the USS Charger, March 1943. USN via Lee Cook LEFT: It was no easier on the USS Bunker Hill ICV-17) in July 1943. USN via Lee Cook

TDP:

One of VF-l7's F4U-1 Corsairs picking up the barrier cable and flipping over onto its back during initial carrier landing qualifications (carquals) aboard the USS Charger in May 1943. It proved difficult landing a Corsair on the jeep carrier's 50ft (15m) deck, and there were mishaps along the way. USN via Lee Cook

26

27

LAND AND SEA

LAND AND SEA

The carrier sailed south off the east coast of the USA and on through the Panama Canal to San Diego, California, before heading westward to Hawaii on 28 September. A few days out, however, orders were received detaching VF-17 from CAG-17, and their beloved Corsairs were to be put ashore upon arrival at Pearl Harbor on Oahu. The 'Jolly Rogers' could remain aboard the Bunker Hill and fly F6F Hellcats if they wanted- but to a man, VFITs dejected pilots voted to retain their F4U-IAs. When Bunker Hill docked at Pearl Harbor on 2 October, their beloved orsairs were flown ashore to Ford Island - next to wh ich, on 7 Decem bel' 1941, the Japanese had decimated 'Battleship Row'to await onward transportation to the Solomon Islands. VF-17 was replaced aboard the Bunker Hill by VF-18, equippcd with the F6F. (Bunker Hill and CAG 17 first went into action on 11 November with a strike on Rabaul.) A perceived shortage of spares in the fleet supply line (which was full of parts for the hundreds of Grumman fleet fighters, but not for one squadron of thirty-six fighters of a different type) was further justification that the Corsair was not yet ready for combat operations aboard US carriers. Nevertheless, although they were short of one or two important items, the USMC Corsairs in fact had all the spares they needed.

More fun and high jinks. USN via Lee Cook

Go Tell It to the Marines! VMF-124 arrived on Guadalcanal on 12 February 1943 with twelve Corsairs. The most experienced of VMF-I24's pilots had accumulated just twenty hours on the new fighter. An hour after landing at their airstrip, called 'Cactus', the dozen Corsairs were tasked to fly CAP (Combat Air Patrol) over the island and escort a PBY Catalina on a nO-mile (370km) rescue flight to Sandfly Bay on Vella Lavclla to rescue two downed F4F pilots. The following day, 13 February, the Marine Corps orsairs were plunged into action when they were chosen in favour of the relatively shorter-ranged Navy F4F Wildcats as long-range escorts for US Navy PB4YI Liberators, to make the 300-mile (480km) trip to bomb shipping in Buin Harbor. No enemy fighters appeared.

Ensign F. A. 'Andy' Jagger in F4U-117-F-26 has a hook-point failure landing aboard the USS Bunker Hill, on 26 July 1943. USN via Lee Cook

Next day, 14 February, VMF-124's Corsairs saw action for the first time when they joined PAO Warhawks and P- 38 Lightnings in an escort for PB4Y-1 Liberators raiding Kahili airfield on Rougainville Island. But it was hardly an auspicious debut. In what became known ,IS the 'St Valentine's Day Massacre', the force encountered fifty Mitsubishi A6M 7ero fighters, which shot down two of VMF-124's Corsairs flying middle-level escort cover, all four P-38s flying top cover, and two P-40s flying low cover; two of the PR4Y-ls were also brought down, and one of the American pilots was strafed in the water after he had ditched. For the enemy, only three Zeros were shot down, and a fourth collided with one of the downed Corsairs. Even so, despite this setback, the signs were that the Corsair could more than hold its own, and it soon hecame obvious in combat with Zeros that if the American pilots had the advantage of altitude, the Corsair largely had the upper

TOP: F4U-1s of VF-17 on a training flight in the US in

1943. via Philip Jarrett MIDDLE: It Ijgl Clement D. 'Timmy' Gile leading a

flight of F4U-1 Corsairs of VF-17 off Manteo, North Carolina, in the spring of 1943. Note that the censor has tried to obliterate the '17' on the sides of the fuselage. Gile was credited with eight victories, including three Zekes shot down in one day, 17 November 1943, at Empress Augusta Bay. He received two DFCs and three strike/flight Air Medals (for fifteen combat missionsl. He was WIA on 18 March 1945 flying in VBF-10 aboard the Intrepid. USN via Mike Bailey LEFT: Carquals complete, in August 1943 VF-17

received thirty-six new raised-cockpit F4U-IAs and sailed aboard the Bunker Hill from the east coast of the USA and on through the Panama Canal, to San Diego, California, before heading westward to Hawaii on 28 September. USN via Lee Cook

28

29

LAND AND SEA

LAND AND SEA

hand: the Zero could neither out-rurn, outdive nor out-climb the American fighter. However, VMF-124 was encountering problems with their Corsairs. There was limited visibility out of the 'birdcage' canopies, there were engine ignition faults, and the nose-high attitude on landing, together with the shorL tail-wheel strut, caused more difficulties. On I April 1943 the Japanese 'I' Oreration started, and the first big battle between the Corsairs and Japanese aircraft occurred during attempts by Sea Bees to build a landing strip at Baniking left to right. Tracers were chasing him,

pit canopy slid back in quick response to manual

expected ro see them so soon. An undeter-

and a glance down their path led me ro ohserve

movement. I unsnapped my safety belt and then

mined number of bombers were discernihle in

leader catch fire, the two wingmen partly broke

a very unfriendly fellmv, the red 'meatball' easy

barrel-rolled the aircraft ro the right. This type

close formation, and many flyspecks could be

formation to allow him ro (all down and behind

to sec from the side vicw.

them. I quickly shi(ted my aim to the left

of roll was intentional: the centrifugal force

seen above them, obviously the enemy fighter

Y01! can't do Ihal to my wingman' I reversed my

would hold me in the seat until the Corsair was

escort. I turned my flight slightly to the right

[0

wingman and I was able to give him a two,

turn to hring my guns to hear on the enemy. The

upside down. Once inverted, a hard push for-

continue our climb perpendicular to the japs'

second burst before having ro push my stick forward to avoid a collision with him. lie,

Zero was slightly out of range, and hoth he and

ward on the stick sent the plane in an inverted

course. This manoeuvre was calculated to put

Sims were flying a nearly straight and level

climb and catapulted me downward into space.

us 1,000ft 1300mJ above the enemy bombers

exactly like his leader, began to belch hlack

The jap pilots did not appear to see us as,

course, but it was imperative that I shoot the jap

My radio conneerions broke loose easily. It may

when we wcre close enough to attack.

smoke (rom his left engine. A. flash to my left attracted my gaze, and I was exhilarated to see

march speeds with my powerless

without conscious thought, I turned my power-

quickly because he had already had ample

sound like a complex procedure, but it worked

The enemy leader apparently did not like

beast. Remembering that the raw, unburned gas

less machine rowards them. My aerions were

chance to hurt Sims. My rate of closure was

great. I felt an instant pleasure to be in the open,

what he saw, because a few seconds later his for-

my first target, the leader, disintegrating as the

must he prevented from fouling the plugs until

based purely on the hest means of survival,

slow, so I decided ro try some long-range shoot-

breathing clean air again, and I enjoyed the quiet

mation commenced a right turn, and at the

engine fire ignited his gas tanks.

[0

a spark returned, I cut off the carhuret[Or

rather than from heroic intentions. I knew my

ing: if he could not he fatally hit, my hullets

fall through space. The silence reminded me of

same time all of the bombers began to hatch

Wise tactics and a desire to get out of range

mixture control on the throttle quadrant. Since

guns would work, so my plan was ro get a cou-

would at least sccne him into Icaving my

wing~

the unwanted stillness I had experienced just a

eggs. From our location in the sky it was evident

of enemy rail gunners prompted me to continue

I had no way of knowing when the electricity

ple of japs head-on since I had the altitude

man alone. Surprise and exhilararion surged

short while ago while trying to coax my dead

the bombs would not fall anywhere near Allied

my dive helow rhe hostile homher (ormation, so

might he routed through the spark plugs again,

advantage, for the moment ,1Il)'way; then there

through me as the jap exploded from a three-

engine back ro life. After counting a short ten

positions; furthermore, it was not normal for big

2,000ft 1600ml below the Bettys I levelled out

seconds, I pulled the ripcord.

I had

guess. I decided to put on the mixture

would he fewer to bother me in my continued

second burst of my machine guns. I must have

when I felt the timing was right, and if the

glide [Owards the water. Moreover, experience

hit him

engine started, the prohlem was solved. If not,

had taught us that the enemy would usually

crossed before reaching him; they were set to

the mixture control must come off again and

scatter in confusion if attacked first.

converge at 900ft 1300ml.

[0

more precious seconds wasted until time for the

at

about I ,200ft 1370m], as my tracers

While moving my control stick to commence

But while concentrating on Sims' tonnenror,

the attack I unconsciously moved the mixture

Reinburg landed in the sea and took to his life-raft. Eventually the destroyer Woodworth picked him up, and after three days on board he was landed back at Guadalcanal.

airplanes to bomb from a turn. It therefore

parallel to the north-west course they had

seemed obvious that our sudden appearance

settled on. My speed was quite a bit faster than

had caused the enemy ro abandon the mission

the enemy bombers, and it was easy to keep

and run for home - and in scaring the Japs into

track of them above and behind me in the

abandoning their attack, the bigger part of our

Corsair's

rc:u~vicw

mirror.

9,000ft

control up to the auto-rich position - and was

I had neglected to notice ajap fighter closing on my tail in much the same manner as I had

13,000ml. I began ro get really concerned. A

surprised and elated when my engine roared to

stalked my now defunct victim. The sudden

water landing was becoming a definite possibil-

life, at full power. Those 2,000 horses made

silence of my own guns revealed that bullers

ity so I jerked off my uncomfortahle oxygen

sweet music ro my ears, and the fight was on.

were dancing on and about my machine, indi~

mask. By then I had made three tries to revive

But the Zero leader had now seen me and was

cating that my attacker had apparently heen

wingman, Sims, had returned safely in spite of

bombers had completed 90 degrees o( their turn

hut none did. I had also expected some Zeros

the dead engine (by moving the mixture con-

manoeuvring directly towards mc, and we were

shooting at me almost as long as I had heen

about twenty bullet holes in his Corsair. When

when we werc ready to attack from abovc, on

to join me in an attempt to carry out their

trol to the auto-rich position), hut with no suc-

coming at each othef, almost head~on, at a ref;

doing the same to his friend. A glance in my

I next saw him, I asked: 'We jumped eight

their left side. I knew we had to hurry, as the

bomber protection mission. By their absence, I

cess. While the mixture was off, and before my

rific closing rate. However, I was ready for him:

rear~view mirror confirmed his presence.

Zeros. I got four, how many did you get?'

Zero fighters must have seen us, and would soon

,lssumed that they and my friends had come ro

attack with an altitude advantage.

hlows back at our original point of contact.

next try. While

gliding

down

through

I

mission was accomplished. Of course, it was also

Our radio circuit was squealing unintelligible

pleasing to attempt to destroy the twin-engined

noises caused by many (riendly pilots all trying

bomhers so they could not return and try again.

to get their particular important messages heard

belongings (no one on 'Canal expected me

Upon seeing the enemy's change of plans, I

simultaneously. I allowed a couple of minutes

hack), I was happy to be informed that my

altered our climbing course to the left. The

for my flight to join me at the safer lower level,

After recovering some o( my confiscated

fourth try, I saw a fOrmi:Hion of airplanes ahead

I placed my gunsight pipper just in front of him

instinctively rammed my stick forwards to get

Sims said apologetically: 'Gosh, I didn't get

and slightly below, coming toward us.

ro allow for the proper lead, and squeezed the

below his line of fire, a technique that had

any because I was getting the hell shot outta

It was now easy to see that there were fifteen

I counted eight aircraft and was then sure, by

trigger at about 500yd. An instant later, his

served me well in past fights. This caused the

me. Then all of a sudden, it stopped, so I ran

medium twin-engine bombers arranged in 'V'

Eagerness for more air victories overcame any

their silhouettes, that they were Zeros. Chrisl'

leading-edge machine guns spat flame as he

subsequent hail to miss me - but it was already

for home, plenty scared"

formations. We had given codenames to all

further concern (or my fellow fliers. Besides,

What a S[)OI' la[)s ahow to attack and my engine's dead' I was more concerned with starting my

exchanged fire with me. My tracers struck his

too late. My right wing's internal gas tank was

This really annoyed me, and I retorted angrily:

Japanese planes, and our name for this particu;

they were supposed to follow me, and our

airplane in the engine, and since every third

on fire, and several large holes were easily dis-

'[)amn you' The reason you got away is because

lar type was 'BeHY'. We were not able to count

number one joh was to destroy the bomhers.

engine than warning Sims. Besides, he also had

hullet fired was a tracer, I knew he was getting

cernible. I t was obvious he had scored with his

I risked my neck to kill your tormentor. You did

the exact number of escorting Zeros, but my

They had chosen another course, I presumed,

eyes, he was trained and he was presumahly

hit three times for every tracer flash. My finger

cannons, because they had an explosive charge

a lousy job protecting me when I had engine

quick guess was twenty. My seven fighters were

leaving me to pursue our mission goal alone.

ready for com hat. He damn well better cover

released the trigger as he flashed by, close under

when they hit: Zeros had two 20mm cannon, as

trouble. You're fired" The next day I continued

dropping behind me in a staggered column: as

me,

me. I never felt my Corsair heing struck by his

well as machine guns.

my combat sorties, but with a new wingman.

I rolled left and dived down on the furthest left

Okay, Sl.!ckers, rake on Ihe tougher Zeros. I'll get these easy ones all hy myself' Hot damn' An

Of

else.

46

47

Radio chatter suhstantiated this theory.

AERIAL COMBAT ESCAPADI::S

AERIAL COMBAT ESCAPADES

exploder ~nd ~ ,moking proh~hle! l\1~yhe one

Furthermore, I wa, too intent upon killing my

My trigger finger itched while I 'tnllned my

'tralght down. I continued jinking to spoil his

on his tail and give him some 'arrows' in return,

of rhe fellow, c~n confirm that prohable

next victim to worry about the stranger. If he

eye, for the first glimpse of the jap m my gun-

,Iltn, all the while keeping the ~ircraft on its

'md show him how he should have hit me.

,ure rhing for me. These bomber' arc duck ,oup

were friendly, I would condescend to ,hare

,ighr; hur he didn't appear, ~nd I began to

no~c.

compared to Zeros, who fight hack. Cotta get

some of this juicy target with him. I really didn't

..,uspect that my attacker was no amateur,

some more!

think I had enough amlnunition, ga' or time to

hecause he never did fly in front of me. My head

engineers h~d been able to get their hands on

kill them all, ~nyw~y.

swivelled on my shoulders as, fearfully, I tried

,I

Zero 21 fighter that crash-landed pretty much

'l>

a

One last >can to the rear produced neither

Early in the war our intelligence people and

Some welcome convcrscllion over my radio

convinced me that the Bettys I had been chasing

After making a complete turn, there W'1S no

would not get home. A flight of friendly fighters

sign of him. I started worrying that he might be close under my tail, in my blind spot, and would

had followed my general broadcast directions, and [hey were Ce plane> in the pa,t week in a desperate effon to c