To Make Our World Anew: Volume I: A History of African Americans to 1880

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To Make Our World Anew

To live with and care for one's family without fear of separation—something that had been denied to slaves_Was a goal for blacks after the Civil War. This family was photographed in 1886.

To Make Our World Anew Volume One: A History of African Americans to 1880 edited by

Robin D. C. Kelley and

Earl Lewis

OXTORD UNIVERSITY PRES S

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

Oxford Universit y Press, Inc., publishes works that furthe r Oxford University' s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, an d education . Oxford Ne w York Auckland Cap e Town Da r es Salaam Hon g Kong Karach i Kuala Lumpur Madri d Melbourn e Mexic o City Nairob i New Delhi Shangha i Taipe i Toront o With offices i n Argentina Austri a Brazi l Chil e Czec h Republic Franc e Greec e Guatemala Hungar y Ital y Japa n Polan d Portugal Singapor e South Korea Switzerlan d Thailan d Turke y Ukrain e Vietna m

Copyright © 2000 by Oxford Universit y Press, Inc. Preface © 2005 by Oxford University Press, Inc. "The Firs t Passage" © 1995,2000,2005 by Colin A. Palmer "Strange New Land" © 1996, 2000,2005 by Peter H. Wood "Revolutionary Citizens" © 1997, 2000, 2005 by Daniel C. Littlefield "Let My People Go" © 1996,2000,2005 by Deborah Gray White "Breaking the Chains" © 1996,2000,2005 b y Noralee Frankel "To You" is reproduced fro m COLLECTE D POEMS by Langston Hughes Copyright © 1994 by the Estat e of Langston Hughes Reprinted by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a Division of Random House, Inc. First published b y Oxford University Press, Inc., 2000 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 www.oup.com First issued as a two-volume Oxford University Press paperback, 2005 Vol. 1 ISBN-13: 978-0-19-518134-0 Vol. 1 ISBN-10: 0-19-518134-4 Vol. 2 ISBN-13: 978-0-19-518135- 7 Vol. 2 ISBN-10: 0-19-518135-2 Oxford i s a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication ma y be reproduced , stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, i n any form o r by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording , or otherwise, without the prior permission o f Oxford University Press. The Library of Congress has cataloged the one-volume clot h edition as follows: To make our world anew: a history of African Americans / edited by Robin D. G. Kelley and Ear l Lewis. p. cm . Include s bibliographical references (p.) and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-19-513945-7 ISBN-10: 0-19-513945-3 I.Afro-Americans—History. I . Kelley, Robin D. G. II . Lewis, Earl. E185.T68 200 0 973'.0496073—dc2 1 00-02113 1 1 3 5 7 9 1 0 8 6 42 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free pape r

Contents

Preface to Volume One CHAPTER

CHAPTER

CHAPTER

1

2

3

The First Passage: 1502-1619 Colin A. Palmer

3

Strange New Land: 1619-1776 Peter H. Wood

53

Revolutionary Citizens: 1776-1804 Daniel C. Littlefield

CHAPTER 4

VII

103

Let My People Go: 1804-1860 Deborah Cray White

CHAPTER 5 Breaking the Chains: 1860-1880

169

Noralee Frankel

227

Chronology

281

Further Reading

287

Picture Credits

288

Contributors

299

Index

301

To You To sit and dream , to sit and read , To sit and learn about the world Outside our world of here and now— Our problem world— To dream of vast horizons of the sou l Through dreams made whole, Unfettered free—hel p me ! All you who are dreamers, too, Help me make our world anew I reach out my hands to you. —Langston Hughes

Preface to Volume One Robin D. C. Kelley and Earl Lewis

T

he history of African American s is nothing less than the dramatic saga of a people attemptin g to re-mak e the world. Brought to the Americas against their will as commodities to be bought and sold, Africans and their descendants struggled to chang e their condition s an d thus turn th e New World of their European master s upsid e down . Eve n whe n the y di d no t succeed , th e actions , thoughts, and dream s of Africans ar e responsible for some of the mos t profoun d economic, political, and cultura l developments i n th e moder n West . Black labor generated unprecedente d wealt h and helpe d giv e birth t o capitalism ; black resis tance slowly destroyed the syste m of slavery and prompted new methods o f coercion and punishment ; blac k creativit y influenced virtuall y all form s of Western art—from music and dance to theater and the plastic arts; black visions of freedom and effort s t o realiz e them no t onl y transformed American politic s bu t inspire d uprisings th e worl d over—fro m South Afric a t o Tiananme n Square . Indeed , by invoking Langsto n Hughes' s cal l t o mak e "th e worl d anew, " w e recogniz e tha t African American s historicall y understoo d thei r pligh t an d thei r possibilitie s i n global terms. For if this book demonstrate s anything, it is that African Americans saw themselves as both Americans and part of a larger, international black diaspora. To Make Ou r World Anew tells the stor y of the natio n but place s the struggle s and achievements of black people in a larger international framework. The history o f African American s begins on the African continent , a huge an d varied land bounded by the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. It was home to people with different languages , traditions, histories, and religions. They called themselves Twi, Yoruba, Ethiopian, Zulu, Ashanti, and Kumb a among other names . Some lived in ancient kingdoms as old as the annals of recorded history, and others lived in small family groupings. Some worshipped one god, and others many gods. Some lived in societies heade d b y powerfu l men, an d other s b y powerfu l women . Whethe r i n cities or rural areas, whether Muslim, Christian, or other, the peoples of this amazing continen t ha d lon g played a central rol e i n worl d affairs . Egyptia n advance s in medicine, language , and architectur e greatl y influenced the Gree k and Roma n

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To Make Our World Anew worlds. Gol d fro m th e Bur e and Bambu k goldfields of West Africa mad e it s way into th e Mediterranea n world, wher e th e accumulatio n o f significan t quantitie s enabled th e merchants o f Genoa (Italy ) t o underwrite European exploration an d expansion. Likewise, notable learning centers like Timbuktu attracted visitors fro m Europe and the Orient, and greatly enriched the Islamic world. The role s of Africans i n world affair s change d significantly with th e ris e of th e South Atlantic System. As European explorers made their way to the Americas, they expected to find streets paved with gold. The Americas were indeed rich in natural resources, but the bounty had to be excavated, cultivated, and processed. Labor was needed. The Europeans had already begun exploiting African labo r on plantation s in the Mediterranean an d off the coast of West Africa, s o the modern world's turn to Africa a s a reservoir of slaves was not surprising . What followed was the force d migration an d enslavemen t o f severa l millio n African s o f varie d ethni c back grounds. Although scholars debate the exact numbers, it is understood tha t some where betwee n te n an d twent y millio n peopl e becam e par t o f th e syste m o f enslavement that ultimately led to the makin g of an African diaspor a an d Africa n Americans. Many died in the trek from th e interior to the coast, others during the wait for a slave ship, and score s of others during the hars h Middle Passage. Out o f the crucibl e of thei r sufferin g was forge d a new people—n o longe r simpl y Twi, Yoruba, Ashanti, or Kumba. In the Americas, they first became Africans an d the n African Americans . This process of people making is central to a complete under standing o f African-American history . To the countles s number s o f Africans wh o survive d the trans-Atlanti c journey and were forced t o disembark a t one of the many ports along the coast of Britain's North American colonies, what lay before the m wa s indeed a "strange ne w land." The seemingly infinite landscape, the coole r climate , the Europea n settlers whos e station i n societ y range d fro m vagabon d t o plantatio n owner , an d thei r ne w neighbors—the Nativ e peoples who had occupie d the land for centuries—were all unfamiliar t o these new arrivals. More than the lan d itself , the relationship s the y entered into must have seemed especially peculiar. Although forms of bondage ha d existed i n Wes t an d Centra l Afric a long befor e th e trans-Atlanti c slav e trade , human being s were rarely the mai n commodit y a t the marketplace . Her e i n th e modern world , th e enslave d Africa n wa s inspected, assessed , auctioned, bought , sold, bartered, and treated in any manner her or his auctioneer or owner saw fit. By the en d o f the eighteent h century , African slave s came to be property, pur e and simple, and the color of their skin had everything to do with their unique status. This had not alway s been the case, however. During the first half of the seventeenth century , the planter s an d colonia l administrator s ha d fe w hard an d fas t rules about wha t it meant t o be a slave. Some Africans wer e treated like European indentured servants and emancipated afte r a designated period of time. Others were slaves for life, but their children were born free. Over time, however, owners realized how valuable their investments were and proceeded to support law s that tightene d

Preface t o Volume On e i the bonds of racial slavery—most notably laws that made African slaver y an inherited condition an d denied black people the most rudimentary human rights . The slave s di d no t alway s cooperate, however . The y fough t th e master s an d overseers, ran away , and mad e the business of commercial farming mor e difficul t by not working efficiently. Som e white indentured servant s supported thei r fello w laborers, especiall y at th e beginnin g of th e seventeent h century , but a s the law s changed an d blacknes s becam e th e primar y mar k o f slavery , mos t poo r whit e servants learne d tha t th e consequence s o f interracia l solidarit y ha d becom e much more severe. Being white, even a poor white, meant immunity fro m absolut e slavery. Yet, in spite of their condition, enslaved Africans were still thinking an d feelin g human being s endowed wit h intellect , creativity, and vision . The y came to thes e shores fro m variou s ethni c group s and speakin g many languages, but throug h i t all they forge d a stron g sens e o f community . Her e i n thi s strang e ne w land th e Africans learne d th e Englis h languag e an d mad e i t thei r own . The y learne d Christianity, i f they ha d no t befor e arrival, an d transforme d it . Others held fas t to Islam or combine d thei r own spiritua l belief s wit h the fait h of the master . Sometimes th e master s word s serve d a s their sharpes t weapons , fo r al l aroun d them, especially into the late eighteenth century, they heard talk of liberty and free dom, of the rights of man. Not surprisingly, many enslaved Africans embrace d th e idea of liberty as a fundamental right, and som e even presented petitions t o colo nial administrator s insistin g o n thei r righ t t o b e free . Bu t nobod y ha d t o rea d a declaration o r a treatis e t o hav e a yearnin g fo r freedom . Indeed , th e slave s themselves authored th e earliest declarations of freedom, and they were written in blood i n the for m o f slave insurrections. The majority simply stole themselves to freedom. In th e 15 0 years sinc e thei r force d arriva l i n th e seventeent h century , littl e exposed th e contradictio n betwee n slaver y and freedo m fo r Africans a s much a s this nation' s figh t fo r independenc e fro m Grea t Britain . It wa s a contradictio n many resolved to settle. Some, such as Crispus Attucks, joined with others colonists in striking direct blows for liberty. Others, meanwhile, heard the plea s for loyalty to th e Britis h crown , an d wit h th e promis e o f emancipatio n a s thei r reward , remained faithfu l t o the ol d order only to se e it vanish before them . Bu t whether in the poems of Phillis Wheatley, the legal action of Qouk Walker, or the effort s of Paul Cuffee, Americans of African descen t helped define what it meant to be revolutionary citizens. In fact , a s the clamo r for independenc e fro m Great Britai n intensified , s o to o did th e debat e ove r slavery . Man y wh o participate d recognize d tha t slaver y remained a central for m o f labor i n both th e Nort h an d th e South . Although a minority view, some American colonists favored emancipation . They ably pointed to the few blacks who purchased their freedom and gaine d an economic foothol d before th e 1760s . Bu t i n a lan d wher e dar k ski n signale d a subordinat e socia l

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position, th e few who lived as other than slave s represented the exception. For the enslaved, independence was not a philosophical debate; it stood as an alternative to permanent bondage. As a resul t Africa n American s took a kee n interes t i n publi c affairs . A smal l group of Africans i n Massachusetts, for example, vigorously asserted their right t o freedom, telling the provisiona l Hous e of Representative so as early as 1773. Such petitions increase d i n frequenc y an d cogenc y afte r th e Declaratio n o f Indepen dence. Others acted individually, suing their masters for manumission and thereby insisting tha t the y wer e citizen s wit h th e righ t t o see k redress . And afte r fiv e generations on North American soil, the promise of freedom seeme d tantalizingly close so a few clung to th e potential fo r Britis h citizenship, trading loyalty to th e crown for freedom. Irrespective of which sid e they supported, African peopl e saw in the war an opportunity t o escap e slavery, pursuing differen t route s to possibl e full citizenship . The Revolutionary era, however, did more than accelerate the push for freedom. It also midwifed the birth o f a people called African Americans. In the crucible of the United States's birth, Africans claime d they too were Americans. They emphasized the role they played in building the infant nation an d in securing its freedom. From their embrace of the religiou s awakening to th e formatio n of independen t institutions, the y inserted themselves into th e social and cultural life of the coun try. Ever aware of the implication o f freedom, they spread word of their own effort s throughout th e Americas, and took pleasure as other members of the African dias pora liberated themselve s in Haiti. The ag e of Revolutio n ende d wit h a tightening o f th e Souther n slav e regime along with a n intensificatio n of resistance to slavery . As the industria l revolutio n got underway in the Northeaster n state s and England , the marke t for cotton wa s more profitable than ever . And after invento r El i Whitney create d a machine tha t could easil y remove the seed s from cotton bolls— a slo w and tediou s chor e slaves had to do by hand—plantation owner s were able to grow even more cotto n wit h fewer hands . However, they were not abou t to giv e up th e slav e system s o easily. Even after th e United States abolished the slave trade in 1808 , plantation owners in the less fertile "upper South" added a new twist to the business of human bondag e by breeding their slaves like cattle and selling them to the growing cotton planta tions of the South and Southwest. In the in-between zones of a harsh existence many African Americans struggled to build lives of value and dignity. Men and women renamed themselves, expressed love for their children, engaged i n local econom y whe n an d where possible, and generally refuse d t o follo w al l of th e directive s handed dow n b y masters . Som e earned fund s t o purchas e their ow n freedo m an d tha t o f loved ones . The y buil t churches and other institutions, and not only in the North afte r the gradual abolition o f slavery between the 1780 s and the 1810s , but als o in the South. And to th e degree possible, they built the framework, if not the complete workings of a com-

Preface to Volume One munity. This enabled men and women to live on rather than die off, to leave progeny determined to end the abominable condition calle d slavery. Not surprisingly, the African-American struggle to be free—and remain free—in the United States clashed with the slaveholders's efforts t o keep the system alive and profitable. Indeed , th e centra l goal of fre e black s in antebellu m America , beyond their ver y survival as a people, was to figh t fo r th e complet e abolitio n o f slavery. And fight the y did, ofte n i n concert wit h fello w slaves , sometimes i n alliance with progressive whit e abolitionists , sometime s al l alone . Fre e an d enslave d Africa n Americans, including notable figures like Gabriel Prosser, Denmark Vesey, and Na t Turner, attempte d t o launc h slav e rebellions. Davi d Walker, Frederic k Douglass , Maria Stewart, Henry Highland Garnet, and a host of others, wrote militant books , pamphlets, an d speeche s callin g for the abolitio n o f slaver y and condemnin g th e United State s for its hypocritical claim to being a "land of the free. " The clas h betwee n slaveholder s and thei r opponent s (mos t notably , the slaves themselves) ultimatel y escalate d into a full-scale war . The year s of Civi l War an d Reconstruction challenged the very foundations of American democracy and established the place of African Americans in that democracy. The war raised the intriguing question of whether a state or collection of states had the right to leave the union when residents felt their way of life was under attack. It eventually raised the ques tion o f whether a nation, founded on the deep belief in freedom, could deny those same right s an d privilege s to other s becaus e o f a differenc e i n colo r an d status . Fundamentally, th e year s boun d b y th e Civi l Wa r an d Reconstructio n raise d extremely importan t question s abou t th e plac e o f African American s i n a newly reconstructed nation. When Souther n forces fire d o n Fort Sumter, South Carolina in 1861 , sparking a confrontation between the federal government and Southerners, the end of a way of life was at hand. The country had grow n increasingly polarized over the issu e of slavery. Some favored total abolition; others simply wished to contain slavery, halting it s furthe r spread . Yet, after th e war' s star t an d ove r th e plea s o f prominen t African Americans such as Frederick Douglass, President Lincoln and members of Congress hesitated to make the struggle a referendum on slavery. Initially, Lincoln sought to reunite the country. But with growing pressures from som e whites, afte r several important defeats, and in light of African-American agitation, the freedom of African Americans became a paramount concern . The emancipation of slaves and the abolition of slavery were neither immediate nor universall y applied. As important, a shift fro m slaver y to freedo m introduce d a number o f searching questions fo r Southern blacks. While the majorit y favored freedom over enslavement, a few feared such a dramatic change in status. Many, for example, ran awa y to joi n arm y units , where the y encountered Norther n black s heading Sout h to aid in their liberation . Others filled th e contraban d camps—s o called because fleeing slaves had no legal status and were considered contraband— that flanked Norther n encampments . Eve n after Lincol n signed the Emancipatio n

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To Make Our World Anew Proclamation in 1863 , blacks living in border states such as West Virginia were not freed unti l passage of the 13t h Amendment to the Constitution i n 1865, Still, a few served i n th e Confederat e Army, which i s not surprisin g since a fe w blacks ha d been slave owners. When the war ended in 1865 many African Americans anticipated thei r inclusio n into th e nation' s civi c culture. With ratificatio n o f the 14t h Amendment i n 1868 , which grante d black s citizenship , and th e 15t h (1870) , which extende d th e fran chise, they were free and optimistic. Scores anxiously searched for family member s sold durin g slavery; others exercised their right t o for m labo r associations, an d t o build schools, churches, and other institutions. Familie s withdrew women and children from the labor force, thereby asserting a right to be treated as paid, free labor. Although continued racia l violence tempered som e of this optimism, black s voted and played an active role in the affairs o f the nation. African Americans were free at last! They were finally full-fledged members o f the republic . So they thought. "The slav e went free ; stoo d a brief momen t i n the sun ; the n moved bac k agai n towar d slavery. " This i s how W. E. B. DuBois, th e grea t blac k scholar an d activis t describe d th e pligh t o f blac k peopl e i n 1877—th e yea r Reconstruction officiall y cam e to a close. Federal troops were withdrawn from the South, freed slave s were not give n the land promised them , white terrorist group s ran rampant , and the same defenders of slavery who led the Civil War against th e North returne d to positions o f power. It was a sad moment, for it marked the end of a decade and a half of effort t o create a true democracy in the South . To Make Ou r World Anew, volumes one and two, are the product of a truly col lective endeavor. We have combined th e effort s o f eleven leading historians wh o authored th e origina l Young Oxford History o f African Americans to produc e th e two-volume paperback edition. In this volume, Colin A. Palmer authored th e first chapter, "Th e Firs t Passage : 1502-1619; " Pete r H . Woo d wrot e "Strang e Ne w Land: 1619-1776; " Daniel C . Littlefield , "Revolutionary Citizens : 1776-1804; " Deborah Gra y White, "Le t M y Peopl e Go : 1804-1860; " an d Norale e Frankel , "Breaking the Chains: 1860-1880." Each of these authors deserves ful l credit as a co-author o f T o Make Ou r World Anew,

To Make Our World Anew

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CHAPTER

7

The First Passage 1502-1619 Colin A. Palmer

W

ithout exception , th e contemporar y societie s o f Nort h an d Sout h America and the Caribbean include peoples of African descent . They form th e numerica l majorit y in th e Caribbean , ar e abou t on e hal f of Brazil' s population, an d mak e up a significant minority i n th e Unite d States . In other countries, such a s Canada, Mexico , Venezuela, and Colombia , blacks ar e present i n smalle r numbers . Regardles s of the societie s i n whic h the y live , these peoples share a common historica l origi n and ancestra l homeland. Thei r experi ences in the Americas have also been remarkably similar sinc e the sixteent h cen tury, when they began to arrive from Afric a i n ever-increasing numbers . Black Africans were brought as slaves into the Caribbean islands and the mainland colonies of Central and South America, first by the Spaniards and later by the Portuguese. Beginnin g i n 1502 , th e slav e trad e gathere d momentu m a s whit e colonists came to rely on this forced black labor. During the early years of the trade, Africans passe d through Spai n (where many remained) to the Americas. By 1518, however, a direct trade route from Africa to the Americas was introduced. Not al l Africans i n the Americas, even in the sixteent h century , served as slaves for the duration of their lives. Some managed to achieve their freedom; others were born free . I n 161 7 the firs t tow n o r settlemen t controlle d b y fre e black s i n th e Americas was established in Mexico. This was a major development in black life in the Western Hemisphere; it was the first time that a group o f Africans gained th e right to live as free people . These pioneers had successfull y thrown of f the yoke of slavery through thei r ow n efforts , settin g th e stag e for th e eventua l liberatio n o f other enslave d Africans. But almost thre e centurie s passed before thi s goal would be accomplished everywher e in the Americas. Two years after thi s free Mexica n town—Sa n Lorenz o de los Negros—receive d its charter, about twent y Africans disembarke d fro m a Dutch shi p a t Jamestown, Virginia. These people were the first Africans shippe d t o the new and permanen t settlement tha t the English colonists had established in North America. They came 117 years after African s were first enslaved in the Americas, in Hispaniola .

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From Africa to the Americas Modern archaeologica l research has established that Africa wa s the birthplac e of human life. No precise date can be given for the emergence of early humans, o r the hominid species , but i t may have taken place about two million years ago. The earliest of these hominid fossil s were discovered at Lake Turkana in Kenya, at Olduvai Gorge in Tanzania, and a t the rive r Omo i n Ethiopia. Consequently, it is possible to clai m tha t eas t an d northeas t Afric a forme d th e cradl e o f huma n society . I n time, over hundreds o f thousands o f years, early humans moved to other parts of Africa an d to other continents . The first Africans wer e nomadic people s wh o mad e simpl e ston e tool s t o ai d them i n their struggles fo r survival. With th e passage of time, these tools becam e more sophisticated . Th e han d ax , for example , appeared aroun d a million year s ago. Its sharp cutting edges were more effectiv e i n the killing of prey than the earlier tools. Probably about sixty thousand years ago, Africans started using fire. This development meant that meat could be cooked, and fire may even have been used to clear land for settlement o r other purposes . Human lif e i n Africa , o r elsewher e for tha t matter , was alway s changing . Th e people developed new tools, moved around, and organized their lives and societies in a variety of ways. There was much diversity among the African peoples in terms of thei r cultur e and ski n color . In northeaster n Africa , for example , the peopl e tended to be lighter in complexion than those who lived in the tropical areas. Much of thi s differenc e i n ski n colo r wa s a result o f livin g i n differen t climates . Indi viduals who lived in areas of intense heat and sunlight developed the kind of dark skin pigmentation tha t provide d mor e effectiv e protectio n agains t th e ravage s of heat and allowed them to survive . The black peoples of Africa, however, should not b e characterized as belonging to a single race. In fact , man y scholars have abandoned th e us e of the concep t o f "race" as a way of categorizing peoples. Skin color an d othe r physica l features d o not revea l much abou t th e geneti c makeup o f an individua l o r group . Two individuals with the same skin color an d hair texture may be more geneticall y differ ent from on e another than they are from tw o persons with another pigmentation . For this reason, scholars have concluded tha t Africans, an d othe r peoples as well, are so internally differen t tha t the old way of classifying people according t o physical appearance or "race" is no longer useful . It is more useful to look at the African peoples according to language groupings. Different language s mak e u p a family if their structure s ar e basically similar . In most cases , the similaritie s i n these languages result from the interactio n amon g the speakers and th e mutua l borrowing o f words. Using this method of studying languages, scholars have fitted the African people s int o five language families: the Afro-Asiatic famil y i n Nort h Africa ; th e Nilo-Sahara n languages spoken i n areas

The First Passage

south an d eas t o f th e Sahar a an d aroun d th e Nil e Rive r valley ; th e Congo Kordofanian famil y spoke n i n Wes t an d Wes t Centra l Africa ; an d th e Khoisa n group of languages spoken in southern Africa and parts of East Africa. A sixth family, the Austronesian , is found in Madagasca r but i s not nativ e o f Africa (havin g originated i n Southeast Asia). African societie s varied in the pace of their developmen t an d the natur e of the changes that they experienced over time. Egypt, for example, was the first society to begin cultivating food crops, probably about 5500 B.C. Other societies followed. By 3000 B.C. , the peopl e living in th e savann a were producing a variety of grains and yams. The development o f agriculture made it possible to support larger populations an d contributed t o the rise of settlements. Throughout the continent, the people organized themselves in political units of various sizes and degree s of complexity. Egypt was the firs t grea t African civilization. Located i n an area fertilize d b y the Nil e River , Egypt made rapid stride s in agriculture an d commerc e b y 300 0 B.C. Befor e 310 0 B.C., however , several small states existed in the area. These political divisions came to an end when the states formed one kingdom rule d by the pharaohs. This national unity paved the way for an impressive civilization that would last for several centuries. Egyptian civilization was characterized by a hieroglyphic writing system, complex religious ideas, and monumental ston e pyramids. Although historians disagree on this matter, it appears that the Egyptia n peoples consiste d o f black Africans as well as lighter-skinned peoples from the Mediterranean area. Their civilization had a major impac t on Greek culture and ultimately on Western civilization. Ancient Egyp t is the bes t know n o f the earl y African societies , but i t di d no t stand alone . Elsewhere, Africans develope d a variety of states ranging from a few hundred peopl e t o larg e kingdoms an d empires . Thes e state s wer e not al l alike; there wer e variation s i n thei r politica l an d socia l structures , th e natur e o f th e power exercise d by the rulers , their religions , an d s o on. Man y Africans believe d that the authorit y an d powe r o f their rule r derive d from th e gods . Most o f these societies had their own bureaucracies, taxation systems , and armed forces . Some of the best-known states and empires were located in the western and central Sudan. Ghana, located in West Africa north of the Niger and Senegal valleys, was probably the earlies t o f the m all . Noted fo r it s great wealth an d th e powe r o f it s ruler, Ghana wa s said t o hav e had a n arm y of more tha n tw o hundred thousan d soldiers around A.D . 1068. Later, the empire of Mali rose to prominence in the four teenth century, occupying areas that are now part of Nigeria and the Guinea forests. Mali's mos t famou s rule r was Mansa Kanka n Musa, who cam e to the thron e in 1312 . Bol d an d aggressive , he extende d th e frontier s o f th e Mal i Empir e t o the Atlantic Ocean, incorporating severa l smaller state s along the way. A Muslim, Mansa Musa undertook a pilgrimage to Mecca, which was then a part of Egypt, in 1324. On thi s journey, Mansa Mus a mad e a lavish display of his wealth . H e was

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ANCIENT KINGDOMS OF THE WESTERN SUDA N

In the western Sudan, the kingdom of Ghana was the first important African empire to emerge. The Mali empire came to power in the fourteenth century and later, in the early sixteenth century, the Songhai kingdom dominated the region.

accompanied by five hundred slaves , each one bearing a staff o f gold that weighed six pounds. I n addition, on e hundre d camel s carried thirty thousand pound s o f gold. Mansa Musa's extravagance in Egypt created an accurate perception tha t his empire was one of the wealthiest then in existence. The African peoples also developed cultural traditions tha t met their needs. The family was the basis of their social organization. Kinship ties, which united mem bers of an ethnic group, were particularly strong. African societies were also deeply religious; most ha d a supreme god and othe r lesse r deities. There was hardly any distinction betwee n the religious and the secular, or civil, aspects of life. Religious beliefs determined when almost all activities, such as the planting seasons, harvest time, or th e namin g of children , would tak e place. Not surprisingly, the Africa n peoples who came to the Americas brought very strong family and religious traditions with them . African societie s were never free fro m influence s that originate d outsid e o f th e continent. The Egyptian civilization enjoyed much interaction with the societies of the Mediterranean. There was a great deal of contact between the East African so cieties and those of Asia. Ethiopians had lived in Greece from abou t the fifth century B.C . Other Africans , usuall y traders, had visite d variou s Europea n countrie s for centuries .

The First Passage

In the eighth century, the new and aggressive Islamic religion began to gain converts in North and sub-Saharan Africa. With the embrace of Islam came importan t changes i n th e belief s o f the African s an d th e natur e o f their lega l systems. Th e Islamization o f West Africa wa s aided b y traders wh o converte d t o Isla m i n th e north an d brough t thei r ne w religious ideas across the Sahar a to th e south . Th e pace o f religiou s conversio n an d th e numbe r o f convert s varied , bu t fe w states remained untouched by Islam at the start of the Atlantic slave trade in the early sixteenth century . Thi s di d no t mean , however , tha t mos t Wes t African s becam e Muslims and abandoned thei r traditional religious ideas. For many of the convert s to Islam, ancient beliefs existed alongside the new ones, although these beliefs were undoubtedly modifie d i n som e wa y over time . Som e o f th e African s wh o wer e enslaved in the Americas were Muslims, but mos t were not. Some scholar s think tha t som e West African people s ha d establishe d tradin g relationships with the native peoples of the Americas before the arrival of Colum bus in 1492 . Such contacts may have begun as early as the seventh century B.C. This conclusion i s based on skeletal remains found in Central America that appear to be African, representation s of African feature s in the art of some of the first Americans, a s well as similaritie s i n som e Africa n language s and thos e spoke n i n th e Americas before Columbus . Becaus e these kinds of evidence are subject to differ ent interpretations , i t cannot yet be established conclusively that Africans arrive d in the Americas before the Europeans did. Historians ca n never be certain of the number of Africans who were brought t o the America s a s slaves . Reliable records wer e ofte n no t kept , som e hav e disap peared, and ther e i s no fir m dat a o n thos e person s who wer e imported illegally. Those European s an d American s who engage d i n illega l slave trading di d s o i n order to avoid paying taxes on the slaves that the y carried. Others traded withou t receiving permission to do so from th e authorities or began smuggling slaves after laws were passed abolishing th e huma n traffic . I n spit e o f these difficulties, mos t historians no w estimat e tha t th e numbe r o f Africans wh o arrive d a s slaves fro m 1502 to the mid-nineteenth centur y amounted to between ten and twelve million. Most of these people were shipped t o Latin America and the Caribbean . The foundation s o f th e Atlanti c slav e trade wer e establishe d i n th e sixteent h century by Spanish colonists , who were no stranger s to the institutio n o f slavery. Prior t o Columbus' s voyage s to the Americas, the Spaniard s held Muslims , black Africans, Slavs , and eve n other Spaniards as slaves. In fact , the numbe r o f Africa n slaves in Spain and Portugal was increasing during the years preceding Columbus's voyages, reflecting a decline in the us e of other group s as slaves. Under the circumstances, it is not surprisin g that the Spaniard s in Hispaniola, the first colony in the Caribbean, asked the Crown to send them African slaves once the nee d for labor arose . This request was made in 1501 , a mere seven years afte r the islan d had bee n colonized . Unwillin g to perfor m menia l and backbreakin g

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To Make Our World Anew

tasks, th e Spaniard s ha d expecte d t o depen d o n th e force d labo r o f th e nativ e peoples. Th e Indians , a t leas t those wh o fel l unde r th e contro l o f th e colonists , were enslave d an d require d t o wor k i n th e fields , households , an d mines . Bu t many Indians soon died from mistreatmen t and disease, which created a shortage of labor. Faced wit h a declining supply o f India n laborers , th e Spanis h colonist s pon dered their options an d decide d t o introduce African slavery . Not only were Afri cans performing unpaid labor in Spain and elsewhere in Europe at the time, but as a group they were placed at the bottom o f the social order as well. The terms black and slave had become increasingly interchangeable in Spain in the fifteenth centu ry. Th e country' s mora l climat e justifie d Africa n slavery . In othe r words , blac k Africans ha d occupie d a decidedl y inferio r plac e i n Spanis h societ y prio r t o Columbus's expeditions . I n addition , th e notion tha t Africans coul d b e enslaved and were suited for that condition ha d become widely accepted and deeply rooted in Spanish society. It i s not entirel y clear why this wa s the case . Spaniards, an d b y extension th e Portuguese an d othe r Europeans , ma y have attribute d negativ e qualitie s t o th e Africans becaus e the y wer e differen t culturally , ha d blac k skin , 'an d wer e no t Christians. Africans were people set apart as the "other," persons whose difference s the Europeans neither appreciated, respected, nor understood. Not until the nineteenth century , however, did a full-blown racist ideology develop to promote th e biological claims to superiority by whites and to defend the treatment of blacks by alleging that they were inferior member s of the human species. No such "scientif ic" claims were made at the time of Columbus. Perhaps none was needed. By purchasing Africans an d usin g them a s slaves, the European s were already asserting power over them. In time, the Africans' inferior place in society came to be seen as normal, and few voices were raised to challenge their treatment and condition . In respons e to the reques t fro m the governo r of Hispaniol a for African slav e labor in 1501 , the Spanis h Crown authorized th e shipmen t o f slaves in 1502 . The slaves in this first cargo had lived in Spain for some time before they were shipped to th e Caribbean . No t unti l 151 8 woul d slave s be transporte d t o th e America s directly from Africa . The Portuguese were the pioneerin g Europea n slave traders. Portuga l wa s the first countr y in Europe that had develope d the technology to conduc t a seafaring trade. Unlike some of the other European countries, Portugal was politically united by the fifteenth century and free fro m the sorts of serious internal conflict s that weakened its neighbors. As a result, its leaders could focu s their energie s on over seas expansion and trade. Situated on the Atlantic Ocean, the Portuguese ha d also made significant advances in shipbuilding, thereby giving them the ability to participate actively in overseas trading ventures. Portugal had also developed a class of merchants an d entrepreneur s with th e wealth, skill, and experienc e to conduc t a slave trade.

The First Passage

Prince Henry, who would later be called "the Navigator," was one of the earliest of the Portuguese explorers. His explorations along the African coas t in the 1420 s opened th e way for the developmen t o f a European-African trade in black slaves. The first organized Portugues e expedition t o captur e black Africans an d enslave them appears to have occurred in 1441. Led by Antao Gon9alves and Nuno Tristao, the members o f the expedition capture d twelve Africans of f the coast of norther n Mauritania and presented them at the Portuguese court. This initia l Portugues e succes s a t people-stealin g encourage d additiona l at tempts. A few kidnapped African s were brought to Portugal in succeeding months, but the single largest group was unloaded in Lisbon on August 8,1444. There were between 23 5 an d 24 0 captive s i n thi s party . I n time , Genoese , Florentine , an d Castilian traders joined the Portuguese kidnappers on the West African coast . But the Portuguese remained the principal carriers of Africans t o Europe for the next century and more. The process by which these Africans were acquired in the early years canno t b e characterize d a s a trade . Th e evidenc e doe s no t sho w tha t th e Europeans bargained with anyone; the Africans were simply abducted. Portuguese authorities, however, imposed a tax on all Africans sold in their country. Not surprisingly, the Europeans could not continu e t o kidnap African s indefi nitely, and a trade with its own rules would have to be developed. To this end, the Portuguese built a fort on the island of Arguin to serve as a base for trade with th e Africans. Thi s di d no t mea n that raid s for African slave s ceased; it indicated tha t the contac t wit h Africa wa s being placed o n a more formal footing and tha t th e abductions decrease d eve n if they did no t disappear . B y 1450 the Portugues e had begun to transport a n average of one thousand t o two thousand African slave s to Europe each year. Most of these people came from th e Senegambia, but a few were from othe r nearby areas. Portugal's domination o f the Euro-African trad e deepened as the fifteenth century wore on. In 1452 , Pope Nicholas V granted the Portuguese king the authorit y to attack and enslave "the Moors, heathens and other enemies of Christ" who lived south o f Cape Bojador . Although this an d othe r papa l grant s did no t necessaril y lead to an increase in the number of slaves, they gave the approval of the church to the institutio n o f slaver y and pave d th e wa y for Portugues e conques t an d occu pation o f societies tha t wer e not Christian . I n 1479 , Spain recognize d Portugal' s supremacy in the slave trade by signing the Treaty of Alacovas. The treaty granted Portugal the right to supply Spain with African slaves and accepted its monopoly of the African trade. Three years later, in 1482 , the Portuguese built a fort on the Gold Coast (moder n Ghana ) t o encourage , assist , and protec t th e expandin g Africa n commerce. Known as Elmina Castle, the fort could hold hundreds of slaves. Clearly, when the Spanish Crown agreed to send African slave s to Hispaniola in 1502, the bureaucratic machinery of treaties and established practices was already in place to acquire them. Under the terms of the 147 9 treaty, the Portugues e had already agree d t o suppl y Africa n slave s to th e Spaniards . S o the declin e o f th e

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This drawing shows the layout of a European slave-trading center in West Africa. By the mid-seventeenth century, Portugal, England, France, Holland, and other European countries were involved in the trade of African slaves.

Indian populatio n o f th e America s an d th e Spanis h colonists ' insistenc e o n a new labor forc e di d no t creat e the Africa n slav e trade an d slavery . Both were already i n existence . Th e deman d fo r slave s i n th e America s did , however , lea d to an expansion o f the trade and a change in its direction. Instea d o f going up t o Europe, th e majorit y o f th e African s woul d soo n b e sen t acros s the Atlanti c t o the Americas. The increase in the demand fo r slaves, coupled wit h the expectatio n tha t hug e profits could be made, led several other European nations to participate in the slave trade. By 1650, the Dutch, the English, and the French, among others , had joined the Portuguese in this human commerce. Spain, whose colonies consumed most of the African slaves during the first century and a half of the slave trade, did no trading on the African coas t until the late eighteenth century. This was not b y design. It wa s a consequenc e o f anothe r treat y signe d b y Spai n an d Portuga l i n 1494 . Known a s the Treat y of Tordesillas , the agreemen t permitte d th e Portugues e t o trade on the African coas t and in Asia and Brazil . The Spaniards were confined to the rest of what became known as the Americas. The other European nations, however, were not parties to this division of the known world. They did not fee l them selves bound by the treaty, and they ignored it .

The First Passage Once th e Spanis h Crow n authorize d the introductio n o f African slave s in th e Americas, i t issue d licenses , fo r a fee , to individua l trader s t o suppl y th e slaves . These trader s wer e likel y t o b e eithe r Portuguese , Genoese , o r Spaniards . Th e license specified the number o f slaves that would be delivered and the destination . A new license was required for each slave-trading journey because the Crown wanted to exercis e control ove r the suppl y of slaves and t o receiv e the ta x revenue that the trade generated. Most traders received permission to deliver fewer tha n twent y or thirty slaves. There were exceptions, of course, and some traders were allowed to ship hundred s o f slave s a t on e time . Spaniard s wh o intende d t o settl e i n th e colonies were also allowed to take with them any slaves that they already owned. The system of awarding licenses did not satisf y th e growing demand fo r unfre e African labor. Some traders did not fulfil l thei r contractual obligations for one reason o r another . Slav e deliveries were often delayed , and African s neve r arrived i n adequate numbers to meet the demand . In spit e o f the bureaucratic and othe r problems that th e licensin g system produced, it was not replace d until 1595 . In that year, the Spanis h Crown introduce d a monopoly system known as the Asiento, or "contract." Under this system, a trader o r a trading company was granted the sol e right to suppl y a given number o f slaves, usually several thousand eac h year, to the colonies for a specified number of years. Thes e contract s wer e awarde d onl y afte r th e Crow n receive d bid s fro m prospective traders . The trader s who wer e chosen ha d t o pa y a sizeable fee when they received the contract . Most, if not all , of these traders faile d t o mee t th e term s o f their agreements . Some ran into financial difficulties, an d others were more interested in engaging in other forms of commerce, such as trading in silver and other precious metals or in textiles. The failure of the Asentistasto meet their contractual obligations paved the way for other traders to smuggle slaves into the colonies. The smugglers were likely to be Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, or English traders. The busines s of the Atlantic slave trade was helped b y the existenc e of slavery and a slave trade inside Africa. As was the case with various societies in Asia, Europe, an d th e Americas, form s of servitude existed amon g Africa n ethnic groups. Captives take n i n war , debtors, an d person s convicte d o f certai n crimes , such as homicides, coul d los e thei r liberty . These peopl e stil l had som e rights , however. They could marry , inherit property , an d participat e extensivel y in th e lif e o f th e host society. Over time, most slaves could expect to receive their freedom. The pace at whic h thi s occurre d mus t hav e varied, but th e expectatio n tha t freedo m was within reac h probably made their condition mor e endurable. Still, the Atlantic slave trade did no t develo p because slavery already existed i n Africa. Suc h a claim would place the primar y responsibility for the huma n traffi c on th e shoulder s o f th e Africa n peoples . Th e Europea n an d America n trader s joined hand s wit h thei r Africa n counterpart s t o conduc t a mutuall y beneficial

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To Make Our World Anew

This map shows where African slaves were shipped during the Atlantic slave trade. Between 10 and 12 million African slaves were imported into the Americas.

commerce. It was a trade like any other, bound by the rules of supply and demand , profit an d loss . But the slav e trade differe d fro m othe r form s o f business i n on e important respect : The trading goods wer e other huma n beings . It is this crucia l difference tha t explain s the horror o f the slave trade an d the moral revulsio n that it would later produce. The rule s governin g th e slav e trad e too k thei r distinctiv e shap e durin g th e second half of the fifteent h century . Once the externa l demand fo r African work ers began to increase, the process by which they were acquired fel l unde r the con trol o f the loca l traders. Although Europea n trader s continue d t o abduc t unsus pecting Africans, th e numbe r o f suc h raid s diminished . Th e African leader s an d their peoples had to assert control over what was taking place in their territory an d could no t allo w foreigners to kidnap thei r citizen s at will. Suc h atrocities under mined th e stabilit y o f the societ y and constitute d a n assaul t o n th e people . Th e African ruler s also realized that if the developin g trad e were organized and regu lated, they could mak e money from it. Among other things , a tax was imposed o n the sal e of each slave. Portuguese trader s obtaine d thei r slav e cargoe s fo r th e America s fro m Wes t Africa a s well as from th e Cong o an d Angola, which ar e located i n West Centra l Africa. Until about 1600 , the majority of the slave s came from West Africa, fro m a

The First Passage

vast are a nort h o f th e equator . Thi s regio n include s moder n Senegal , Gambia , Guinea-Bissau, and Sierra Leone. The ethnic groups that made up these slave cargoes include d th e Wolo f an d th e Sere r fro m Senegal ; the Mandink a fro m th e Gambia; th e Bram , Banyun, an d Biafad a fro m Guinea-Bissau ; the Baga , Temne, and Landuma peoples from Sierr a Leone; and the Congo-Angola region provide d the Bakongo, Teke, and Ambundu peoples . Probably about one-thir d o f the slaves originated i n the Congo-Angola region , and abou t twenty-fiv e percent eac h came from bot h the Senegambia and Guinea-Bissau. The sources for the suppl y of slaves kept shiftin g throughou t th e entir e history of the African slav e trade. Much depende d o n political developments i n the various societies . Whenever state s wer e at war, and i f these wars continue d fo r lon g periods of time, the captives would be made available for sale to European traders. Such was the cas e of the state s in the Senegambi a in the sixteent h centur y and of the kingdo m o f Kongo during th e sam e period . Angol a increasingly became th e chief sourc e o f slave s as the sixteent h centur y progressed . This wa s the resul t o f the politica l disorde r tha t wracke d th e variou s state s i n th e area . B y 1600, slave cargoes als o include d th e Aka n fro m th e Gol d Coas t (moder n Ghana) , the Fo n from coasta l Dahomey, and the Ibo from easter n Nigeria. A few persons also came from southeaster n Africa , principall y fro m Mozambique . Overall , Wes t Centra l Africa supplie d abou t fort y percent o f the slave s between the sixteent h an d nine teenth centuries . The politica l division s amon g th e Africa n people s largel y accounte d fo r th e availability o f slave s fo r th e Atlanti c market . Afric a ha s neve r bee n a politicall y united continen t whos e people s ha d a commo n identit y an d consciousness — either durin g the sixteent h century , or a t any time durin g th e cours e o f the slave trade, o r later . Hardl y anyon e woul d hav e describe d himsel f o r hersel f a s a n "African." Resident s o f th e continen t wer e mor e likel y to thin k o f themselve s a s belonging to specific ethni c groups, such as the Ibo , Biafada, Bram, or Mandinka . The concep t o f a n Africa n identit y abov e an d beyon d ethni c an d geographi c boundaries i s a relatively recent development . West and West Central Africa, from which most of the captives were taken, consisted of a large number o f states. Some of these were relatively small, while others, such as the kingdom o f Kongo and the Jolof Empire in the Senegambia, were very large an d include d variou s mini-state s tha t the y ha d absorbed . Thes e state s frequently had dispute s tha t led to warfare. In some cases, larger and mor e powerfu l states attempted t o overrun thei r smalle r neighbors . These instances of territoria l expansion ofte n le d to prolonged conflict s and the taking of prisoners. Other con flicts betwee n state s aros e fro m commercia l rivalries , struggle s t o contro l trad e routes, and even efforts t o determine who would succeed to the leadership of bordering states. The political fragmentation of the different regions , coupled with the varieties o f conflict s that le d t o war , create d a constan t flo w o f huma n victim s for th e trade .

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To Make Our World Anew The vast majority of the slaves were prisoners of war. The seller and th e victim usually belonged t o differen t state s an d wer e enemies. Accordingly, Africans di d not "sel l thei r ow n people, " a s som e historian s hav e maintained . Suc h a clai m ignores the culturall y and politically diverse nature of the region s from whic h th e slaves came as well as the diversit y of the Africa n continen t a s a whole. The over whelming majority—perhaps eight y percent—of the victims of the human traffi c were likely to be persons who had no ties to the state of their sellers, had no rights , and were vulnerable to the traditional fat e o f wartime prisoners—imprisonment, enslavement, or death . Little i s known abou t th e proces s b y which th e slave s were traded durin g th e early years. (Information is much more readily available fo r the years after 1650. ) Still, it is known that the European traders exchanged textile products, guns, gunpowder, alcohol, pots and pans, and a range of other consumer goods for the slaves. The value of each slave was arrived at after much bargaining between the black and the whit e traders . The process evidently became mor e complicate d i n th e seven teenth century , when more Europeans entered the trade, bringing a wider variety of products with values expressed in their ow n currency. Thus, in addition t o th e Portuguese escudo, the Africans ha d to get accustomed t o the English pound sterling, the Dutch guilder, and the French franc. The Africans, too, had different mon etary systems. There was the iron bar in Sierra Leone, gold in Ghana, cowrie shells in Dahomey, and Loang o cloth in Angola. Once the African was sold, he or she was usually branded with the identification mark o f th e purchaser . Whether thi s wa s a regula r practic e i n th e earl y years is uncertain, but it would become so in the seventeenth century and later. A slave who was branded coul d b e identifie d in th e even t o f escap e or i f the individua l wer e stolen by a European competitor . Ther e was, understandably, no t muc h hono r i n the slave-trading business. The slaves ' journey to th e coas t an d t o th e waitin g ships coul d b e quit e haz ardous. Prodded b y their captors, some perished along the way as a consequence of disease and wounds infected by branding. Death was an ever-present feature of the trade. Many more would die as they awaited departure on the coast for the Americas, and others would succumb during the Atlantic crossing. The length of time that the human cargoes waited in the forts on the coast prio r to their departure for the Americas varied. Much depended on the supply of slaves to be purchased. This, in turn, was related to whether the states were at war, which would generate captives who could be sold. Once the traders had acquired their ful l cargo, the long and terrible journey to the Americas began. The journey from Afric a t o the Americas was known a s the Middl e Passage . It derived it s name fro m th e second , or middle , segmen t of a European-based slave ship's triangula r route . Th e firs t le g was the tri p fro m Europ e to Africa , an d th e third wa s the ship' s retur n journe y fro m th e America s t o Europe . Th e Middl e

The First Passage

Passage, however, remains the most horrible symbol of the traffic in human beings. Chained togethe r an d confine d t o th e cramped , hot , an d humi d hold s o f th e ships, thes e Africans wer e lucky if they survived th e ordeal . Th e sanitar y condi tions aboar d thes e slav e ships were appalling, producing th e perfec t environmen t for th e sprea d of disease . Some slaves were already ill before the y embarked, an d others were tormented b y disease on board the ship. Dysentery, measles, smallpox, yellow fever , dehydration , an d a variet y of "fevers " prove d t o b e th e scourge o f every journey. It was , o f course , impossibl e t o predic t ho w man y slave s woul d di e durin g the crossing . Th e Asiento contract s tha t th e Spaniard s awarde d usuall y mad e allowances for a death rate of between ten percent and forty percent on each cargo. But it is not entirel y clear whether thi s was an accurat e estimate for the sixteent h century. The death rat e not onl y reflecte d th e sanitary conditions aboar d th e ships, bu t it wa s also relate d t o th e genera l healt h o f th e slave s before th e journe y began . Chance, or luck, played a part as well. If there was no one on board who carried an infectious disease, such as smallpox, the cargo would most likely experience a lower than averag e death rate. There wa s als o a relationshi p betwee n th e tim e th e shi p too k t o cros s th e Atlantic and th e deat h toll . Th e faste r th e sailin g time, th e lowe r th e deat h rate . During th e sixteent h centur y i t too k anywher e fro m twelv e to twent y week s t o reach the American ports. Suc h a long confinement at sea in close quarters aide d the sprea d o f disease. With th e constructio n o f faster ship s i n th e eighteent h an d nineteenth centuries , th e sailin g time range d betwee n fiv e an d eigh t weeks . Th e average death rat e in th e eighteent h century was between te n percen t an d fiftee n percent; by the nineteenth centur y it had fallen to somewhere between five percent and te n percent . Sanitar y conditions ha d improve d aboar d th e ships , and bette r medical care was provided. Thoughtful captain s took care to provide their human cargoes with a diet con sisting o f th e food s t o whic h the y wer e accustomed . Th e compositio n o f thes e foods varied, depending o n the part of Africa fro m whic h the slave s came. In general, however, suc h food s include d corn, yams, palm oil, rice , and potatoes . Slave ships also stocked foodstuffs tha t they brought from Europe , such as bread, cheese, beef, beans , an d flour . However , thes e supplie s sometime s prove d inadequat e t o feed a cargo of slaves, particularly i f the journey to the Americas lasted longer than had been expected . Reports from th e eighteent h century and late r describe d voyages that ra n ou t o f food an d slave s who arrived thin an d hungry. The slave s mus t hav e engage d i n form s o f resistanc e o n boar d ship s durin g this earl y period, but th e survivin g records she d n o ligh t on thi s issue. Ships did , however, carry a variety of gadgets—such as mouth openers, thumb screws , chains, and whips—to punish those who resisted their condition. During the eighteenth

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To Make Our World Anew and nineteent h centurie s slave s participate d i n rebellion s an d hunge r strikes , jumped overboard , and verbally abused th e crew. Such physical challenges t o slavery on the high seas were seldom successful, but they often resulted in considerabl e loss of life . The arrival of the slave s in such places as Hispaniola, Lima, and Vera Cruz signaled the end of one awful experienc e and the beginning of another. The African s were purchased yet again and became the property of strange people in a strange land. Their prospect s of returning to their homelan d wer e virtually nonexistent . Their ties with their kith and kin were severed forever, and their sense of alienation in their new lands must have been paralyzing. Where did the slaves who arrived in the Americas go? The vast majority, approximately ninety-five percent, were distributed t o the societies of Latin America and the Caribbean. Only about fiv e percent ended up i n the British colonies of North America, or what is now the United States. The following figure s ar e a reasonably accurate accounting of the distributio n pattern s o f the trad e based upon presen t knowledge: British North America 550,00 Spanish America 2,000,00 British Caribbean 2,500,00 French Caribbean 1,600,00 Dutch Caribbean 50,00 Brazil 4,000,00

0 0 0 t o 3,000,00 0 0

0 0 to 5,000,00 0

Danish Caribbean 50,000

Almost all of the slaveholdin g societies of the Americas experienced a n annual decrease in population a s the African s fel l victi m t o har d wor k and disease . As a result, they had to depend o n the slav e trade to replenis h their labo r supply . The only exception t o this pattern was English North America. By the first decades of the eighteenth century , the North American slave population bega n to reproduc e itself, and it sustained thi s growt h until emancipatio n cam e in the 1860s . For this reason, Nort h Americ a wa s muc h les s dependen t o n th e slav e trad e tha n th e other slav e societies of the Americas, which had a profound influenc e o n the cul ture of the black population in this region. The North American slav e population by th e nineteent h centur y was essentiall y a Creole , o r locall y born , population . Although only about five hundred thousand African s had been imported int o that society, the slave population numbere d almost four million i n 1860, just before th e outbreak of the Civi l War. The Worlds of Slavery and Work African slave s were first brought t o the Americas in the sixteenth centur y t o meet the economic needs of Spanish and Portuguese colonists. The first slaves arrived in Hispaniola i n 1502 ; thousands more would experience a similar fate as the centur y

The First Passage

progressed. From Hispaniola the institution o f slavery spread to the other islands in the Caribbea n tha t wer e colonize d b y th e Spaniards—Puert o Rico , Cuba, an d Jamaica. Eventually, such mainlan d colonie s a s Mexico, Peru , Venezuela, Bolivia, and thos e i n Centra l Americ a becam e th e ne w home s o f thousand s o f unfre e African workers . Brazil, a Portuguese colony, was no exception ; by 160 0 it joined Mexico and Peru as one of the three largest slaveholding societies. The Spaniards and the Portuguese were not th e only slaveholders in the Americas. In time, African slave s were used in all of the European colonies. By 1650, for example, the Englis h had begu n to us e enslaved Africans i n their Caribbea n an d North America n colonies . Th e Dutch, th e French , and the Danes would soo n d o likewise. So great was the demand for African labor that an average of 60,000 slaves were imported annuall y during the eighteenth century. Of the 300,00 0 Africans wh o arrive d before 1620 , the greates t number, probably around 80,000 , went t o Mexico . This colon y receive d mos t o f it s slave s afte r 1570, when th e India n populatio n bega n a rapid decline . Once the loca l popula tion began to recover in the mid-seventeenth centur y and a racially mixed grou p emerged (mestizos , the childre n o f Spaniard s an d Indians) , fewe r African s wer e imported. The other mainland colonie s and the Caribbean islands received anoth er eight y thousand t o ninet y thousan d slave s before 1620 . Portuguese Brazi l di d not begi n t o impor t Africans unti l th e mid-sixteent h century , but i t receive d an ever-increasing numbe r throughou t th e res t o f tha t centur y an d i n succeedin g years. By 1620 that colony had importe d a n estimated 130,00 0 slaves. Regardless o f wher e th e slave s went, the colonia l authoritie s introduce d law s that defined their statu s and regulate d their behavior . Because the Spaniard s and the Portugues e owne d slave s before the y came to the Americas, they had alread y developed rules governing their behavior, rights, and treatment. The Spanish slave laws were a part of a larger body of laws and moral principles that formed the basis of th e Spanis h legal system. Know n as Las Siete Partidas (th e Seve n Parts), these laws granted slaves the right to marry, inherit property, and to be freed unde r certain conditions . The Partidas impose d limit s o n th e masters ' abilit y t o mistrea t their slaves, and slaves could appeal to the local authorities if their rights were violated. It is not know n whether the law was always enforced. The situation in Portugal, at least in theory, was somewhat different. At the time when Brazi l was colonized i n th e sixteent h century , the mothe r countr y di d no t have a body o f laws similar t o th e Siete Partidas. Rather, each town ha d it s ow n rules, an d ther e doe s no t appea r t o hav e been muc h uniformit y in conten t o r enforcement. Accordingly, the Crown filled th e breach by issuing appropriate laws when th e nee d arose . The English, French, and Dutc h ha d n o preexistin g law of slavery. As a result, these nations developed their colonial slave laws in a piecemeal fashion. The slave laws that the Spanish colonists introduced i n the sixteenth century in Hispaniola, Mexico , Peru, an d elsewher e shared man y features . I n general , these

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laws were much harshe r tha n those existin g i n Spain . Outnumbered b y a servile population o f Indians an d Africans i n the sixteenth century , the colonists trie d to impose rigid controls over those whom they exploited and enslaved. Essentially, the laws wer e designe d to protec t th e slaveholdin g clas s fro m th e angr y reprisal s o f their human property. The earlies t legislatio n concernin g blac k slave s that th e colonia l government s introduced prohibite d the m fro m ownin g o r carryin g weapons . I n Mexico , fo r example, such laws were placed on the books at various times beginning i n 1537 . Peru issued its first series of restrictive measures in 1545 and repeated the measures in succeedin g years to ensur e enforcement. Such restrictive legislation als o estab lished the punishmen t for assaulting whites. According to a 155 2 law, slaves who took u p arm s agains t a Spaniar d i n Mexic o wer e liable t o receiv e on e hundre d lashes in addition t o having a nail driven throug h thei r hands. Slaves would have their hands cut off if they repeated the offense . As the slave populations increased , colonial authorities imposed a series of controls on almost ever y aspect of the Africans' public lives. Although the details varied, slaves were forbidden to be out o f doors afte r dark , and could not trave l freel y or gather in large groups except for religious purposes. Insecure masters wanted to take no chances; they had to ensure that their human propert y lacked the oppor tunity or the means to launch movements to claim their freedom. But such restrictions did not alway s have the desired results. Although the slave owners and other whites feared black slaves, colonial society increasingly became dependent o n them for a variety of services. As soon as blacks began t o arriv e in th e colonies , th e Spaniard s use d the m t o hel p subjugat e th e native people s an d t o explor e fo r ne w territorie s t o seize . Hernan Cortes , wh o defeated th e Aztecs, is said to have had thre e hundred Africa n slave s with hi m i n Mexico in 1522 . African slave s accompanied th e Spaniard s on thei r various mili tary invasions of Peru beginning in 1524 . A number of them participated i n explorations into Chile and other areas on the coast and in the interior. A black man was among th e fou r Spanis h soldier s chose n b y the Spanis h conquistador Francisc o Pizarro to be in the advance party to survey the Inca capital at Cuzco, Peru. Slaves also participated i n the Spanis h militar y expeditions agains t the Indian s i n Hon duras in the 1550s . The role o f blacks in such militar y expeditions , however , paled in compariso n to thei r sustaine d importanc e a s workers . A s soo n a s the y bega n t o arriv e i n Hispaniola i n 1502 , slaves assumed th e mos t strenuou s tasks , setting a preceden t for othe r slaveholdin g societies. The colonists i n these early years were particular ly interested in mining for precious metals and constantly appealed for black slaves. The Crow n wa s willing to agre e because it received a one-fifth shar e o f the pro ceeds of the mines. In 1505 , for example, King Ferdinand informe d th e governo r of Hispaniola that "I will send more Negro slaves as you request. I think there may

The First Passage

be a hundred. At each time a trustworthy person will go with them who may share in the gold they may collect." Without a doubt, black slaves played the mos t importan t role s in th e minin g industry during the sixteenth century . Mining was a particularly hazardous activity, and th e deat h rate of those involve d in it tended t o be quit e high. The Indian workers die d quickly , and th e Spaniard s as a group di d no t fin d th e occupatio n attractive. African slaves were imported as substitutes, and they, too, suffered a high death rate. The Africans wer e used first in the coppe r an d gol d mine s of Hispaniola, bu t these metals were not abundan t there . The industry soon collapsed . On the othe r hand, th e mainlan d colonie s o f Mexic o an d Per u wer e extremel y ric h i n silve r deposits. By 1550 the colonist s had foun d silver in northern Mexic o at Zacatecas, Guanajuato, an d Pachuca . Deposits o f silver were also uncovered a t Michoacan , Tasco, Temascaltepec , an d othe r places . I n Peru , silve r vein s wer e struc k i n th e highland area s o f Potos i an d Porco , an d ric h gol d deposit s wer e discovere d a t Chachapoyas and Carabaya. Shortly after th e discover y of the firs t silve r veins in Mexico , Viceroy Antonio de Mendoz a requeste d tha t th e authoritie s i n Spai n sen d African s becaus e "th e silver mine s ar e increasing, as each day more an d mor e ar e discovered whil e th e [Indian] slave s continue to decrease. " A sympathetic Crow n responded favorabl y to thes e pleas , but th e suppl y o f Africans could not kee p abreas t o f the deman d for the m in the mines and other economic enterprises. The high death rate of the Africans an d Indian s employe d i n th e minin g industr y fro m accident s (suc h as collapsing undergroun d roofs ) an d lun g disease s als o mad e th e labo r proble m more severe. Some o f thos e wh o advocate d th e importatio n o f Africans wante d t o reliev e the Indians of the burdensome labo r of the mines . Another Mexican viceroy, the Marques d e Villamanrique, wa s one such person . In 1586 , fo r example, he noted the "dangerous " an d "excessive " natur e o f th e wor k i n whic h th e Indian s were engaged i n the mines . In orde r t o protec t the m fro m suc h exploitatio n h e asked that thre e thousan d o r fou r thousan d African s b e sent . Fou r year s later , i n a n attempt t o increas e the servil e labor force , th e viceroy recommended tha t al l fre e blacks and mulattoes (children of Spaniards and blacks) in the colony be forced t o labor i n the mines . Not onl y would they serve as a substitute for Indian workers, the viceroy reasoned, but the y would also earn wages and "their children growin g up in that life would become fond o f it." Black slave s als o playe d criticall y important role s i n th e textil e factorie s o f Mexico and, to a lesser extent, Peru. These workshops, known as obrajes, manufac tured clot h fo r the resident s o f the colonies . Th e workers in thes e factories wer e often physicall y abused an d force d t o labo r fo r long hours i n cramped , hot, an d humid quarters . Th e Crow n wa s concerned abou t th e poo r workin g condition s

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in thes e hel l house s an d wante d t o protec t th e Indian s i n Mexic o fro m bein g employed in them. In 1601, the Crown prohibited India n workers from laboring in the Mexica n obrajes an d repeate d th e ba n i n 1609 , probably becaus e i t wa s no t being enforced . In bot h instances , the Crow n decree d tha t blac k slave s shoul d replace the Indians . Clearly, the Crow n sa w black workers as suited fo r the mos t difficult task s in society and seemed unconcerned about the inhumane condition s under which they worked. There was nothing particularly new about this attitude ; black workers in Spain had experience d a similar fate . As soon as it became clear that the early mining economy in the island s would collapse because of the depletio n o f the minera l resources , the Spanis h colonist s embraced othe r pursuits. The climat e and soi l of the Caribbea n proved ideal for sugarcane cultivation, and in 1506 the colonists in Hispaniola began to experimen t with growing that crop. The Spaniards and the Portuguese had been familiar wit h sugarcane cultivatio n fo r centurie s befor e th e Columbu s voyages . B y the mid fifteenth century , the Portugues e had begu n to us e African slave s on thei r sugarcane plantation s i n th e Atlanti c island s o f Madeira , Sa o Tome, th e Azores , th e Canaries, and Cape Verde. Africans who were experienced in the techniques of sugarcane cultivation and the sugar industry must have comprised some of the slave cargoes to the Americas. The first sugar mill (ingenio) i n the Caribbean was constructed in Hispaniola i n 1516, and b y 154 8 the islan d had thirty-fiv e o f them, the mos t that would exis t there at any one time in the sixteenth century. Sugarcane cultivation als o spread to the other islands of Puerto Rico, Jamaica, and Cuba. Although Hispaniola began to export suga r in 1521 , the suga r industry did not flouris h anywher e in the Carib bean in the sixteenth century. Not until after 165 0 did sugar become "king" in the islands, particularly in the English, Dutch, and French colonies. Sugarcane cultivation, aided by the extensiv e use of African slav e labor, underwent its greatest expansio n o n the mainland during the sixteenth century. Mexic o and Brazi l became particularly important a s sugar-producing colonies , bu t can e was als o cultivate d i n Peru , Venezuela, an d elsewhere . Because the Portugues e dominated th e slav e trade , Brazi l receive d a n ever-expandin g supply o f Africa n labor. By 1580, this colony not onl y boasted a large black population bu t wa s the principal supplier of sugar to European markets. Mexico was the earliest of the mainland colonies to grow sugarcane. Because of their agreeabl e climates , th e tropical areas surrounding Vera Cruz an d th e war m valleys of Michoacan, Huatusco, Cordoba, and Oaxac a quickly became major centers o f sugarcan e cultivation. Historian s ar e no t certai n whe n th e colonist s firs t started to grow the cane; contemporary sources indicate that it began between 1524 and 1530 . African slave s seemed to have been used in the industry from the outset. Sugarcane plantation s i n sixteenth-centur y Mexico wer e of various sizes , depending on the availability of capital, land, and labor. There were some extremel y large ones by the last decades of the sixteenth century, employing scores of African

The First Passage

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This seventeenth-century French engraving shows slaves laboring at an outdoor sugar mill in the Caribbean. Most sugar mills were actually inside buildings.

workers. I n 1580 , a plantatio n a t Orizab a reporte d th e presenc e o f 12 3 Africa n slaves, and in 160 6 the Santisim a Trinida d plantatio n in Jalapa had two hundred. Most plantations probabl y employed fewer Africans, and almos t all appear to have had India n workers as well. The Crown di d not tak e kindly to th e us e of Indians on th e suga r plantations. The work was demanding, and i t was believed tha t th e nativ e people s lacke d th e physical strength to do the work. In fact, Spanish colonists on the mainland and in the Caribbean island s believed tha t one African could d o the work of four Indians. This kind of mythology ensured that blacks would not only be in great demand but would b e assigned the most strenuou s tasks . Work on th e suga r plantations i n Mexic o and elsewher e extracted a heavy toll from the Africans. At the Xochimaneas hacienda i n southern Mexico , owned by the Society of Jesus, slaves were generally awakened at four i n the morning and worked until ten or eleve n o'clock at night. Upon arising, the slave s went to th e suga r mill where they ground eight, nine, or te n caldron s of sugar "depending on th e

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To Make Our World Anew cane and the season." At daybreak the sound of a bell summoned the slaves to tak e th e suga r fro m th e boiling house (casa d e calderas) t o th e refiner y (casa de purgar) and to put th e "white sugar" in the sun to be dried. When there was no sugar to be sunned, the slaves occupied themselves with other tasks. When this wor k wa s completed , the y returne d t o thei r home s for breakfast an d to ready themselves for the fields. Accidents occurred in the ingenios and the overal l death rat e in the sugar plantations seemed to have been as high as that in the mines, if not higher. The Mexican viceroy confessed in 159 9 that African slave s who worked in the sugar industry had a death rat e in excess of "that in any other kind o f work." As i n Mexico , th e cultivatio n o f sugarcan e bega n i n Brazi l shortly afte r th e Europeans settle d there. The exact date is uncertain, bu t it may have started as early as 1516. There is some evidence that Brazilian sugar was being exported to Europe in 1519 . By the 1540 s sugar plantations existed all along the coasta l are a extendin g from Pernambuc o i n th e nort h t o Sa o Vicente i n th e south . Pernambuc o woul d become th e most important sugar-producing are a in the colony by the 1580s , an d by 1600 it had two hundred sugar mills. In fact, by the beginning of the seventeenth century, Pernambuco produce d more sugar than any other plac e in the world. African slave s played an important rol e in the latter part of the sixteenth centu ry i n Pernambuco' s (an d Brazil's ) rise to prominenc e i n th e suga r industry . I t is believed tha t African s firs t cam e t o Brazi l with th e Portugues e explore r Pedr o Alvares Cabral in 1500 . Brazil was sparsely populated by the nativ e peoples, and i t did not , a t first , appea r ver y attractive t o th e Portugues e a s a place to settl e an d accumulate wealth. A few colonists trickled in after 1500 , some bringing one or two African slaves , mostl y domesti c servant s an d artisans . No t unti l 153 9 di d th e Crown receive a request from a colonist for permission t o import African s to work on his sugar plantation. The Crown did not approv e Duart e Coelhos' s request , and he repeate d it in 1542. Thi s time , th e colonis t emphasize d tha t th e succes s o f the suga r industr y depended upo n blac k labor . U p unti l tha t point , an d fo r th e nex t fou r o r fiv e decades, Indian s provide d most of the labor services o n the sugar plantations. But the colonists would, at various times, press their argument that Africans were superior and hardier workers . The firs t group s of slaves to arriv e in Brazi l directly from Africa , a s opposed t o being sent fro m Portugal , arrive d at the cit y o f Salvador i n 1550 . This was a mo mentous development , becaus e i t wa s th e star t o f a forma l slav e trade betwee n Brazil and Afric a tha t would las t for the next thre e hundred years . In response t o the increasing demand fo r African workers as a result of the expansion of the sugar industry, the Crow n issue d a decree in 155 9 allowing th e owner s o f sugar planta tions to import a maximum o f 12 0 slaves for each sugar mill that they owned .

The First Passage This Alvard, o r decree , gav e a tremendou s boos t t o th e slav e trade . Accurat e records ar e lacking, but i t i s clear tha t Portugues e trader s responde d t o thi s de mand fo r Africans with considerable vigor. In time, African worker s would replac e the Indian s o n the plantations, an d Brazil's human an d cultura l landscap e woul d be irreversibl y transformed . I t has been estimate d that afte r abou t 158 0 betwee n 10,000 and 15,00 0 slaves landed in Brazil annually. Most were destined t o serv e on the suga r plantations, an d mos t woul d com e fro m Angola . The lot o f the Africa n on a Brazilia n sugar plantatio n i n th e sixteent h centur y an d late r wa s a difficul t one. With extremely hard work, long working hours, inadequate diet, and exposur e to debilitating diseases, slaves faced a n early death. The wor k i n th e mines , obrajes, an d suga r plantation s mus t ran k a s the mos t demanding o f th e task s tha t slave s had t o perfor m i n th e sixteent h centur y an d later. Their death rates were higher than those of slaves engaged in other tasks. This was a consequence o f the terribl e working conditions tha t prevaile d i n them. Th e sugar, mining, and textile industries were capitalist enterprises that were driven by the profi t motive . Eac h use d a combinatio n o f fre e an d slav e labor , an d eac h depended o n a great deal of labor an d capita l for its survival. Each was a for m o f industrial slavery . Thes e enterprises , becaus e o f th e nee d fo r profits , drov e th e slaves to their maximum , extractin g as much labo r fro m the m a s possible. Poorl y fed an d overworked , thes e human machine s wer e wracked b y il l health an d suf fered a n earl y death. Slaves who were used in the pearl-fishing business also faced a n early death a s a result of the hazardou s natur e o f their work . They seemed t o hav e been assigne d this task i n al l of the coasta l area s where th e water s were considere d particularl y rich in pearls. But the diver s frequently ra n the ris k of drowning o r colliding wit h underwater objects . An orde r issue d b y the authoritie s i n Ver a Cruz , Mexico , i n the 1550 s unwittingl y shows th e relationshi p between pear l fishin g and th e inci dence of death by drowning. The order was designed to clear the waters of sharks, not t o protec t th e slaves . It note d tha t "becaus e th e bodie s o f drowne d Negroe s have not bee n removed fro m [th e waters of] oyste r fisheries , many sharks are present an d haun t th e place s with grav e danger to life. " Given the risk s involved, th e colonial authorities sough t to prevent Indians fro m pear l fishing fo r the colonists . In 1572 , for example, Indians were forbidden to div e for pearls off the Venezuelan coast. Statistic s ar e no t availabl e fo r th e sixteent h centur y o n th e numbe r o f Africans wh o die d whil e engage d i n pear l fishing , bu t it s dangerou s natur e wa s widely recognized. African slaves were also used extensively as artisans. Many were already skilled in metalworking, clot h making, leatherwork, art s and crafts, and carpentry, to name a few skills , before the y wer e brought t o th e Americas . Som e acquire d specialize d skills in the Americas by virtue of the tasks that the y were assigned. The maestro de azucar (sugar master) was one o f the mos t highl y respected slave s because h e was

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To Make Our World Anew in charge of processing the can e in th e ingenios. Such skilled workers determine d the success or failure of the sugar-makin g industry. Not all colonists, whether in Brazil or Spanish America, welcomed the partici pation o f African slaves—o r even free persons—in the skille d trades . They feared that th e competitio n fro m slav e labor woul d lowe r the wage s that they received. In addition , skille d white s wante d t o confin e blacks t o manua l labor , believin g that th e prestige of their trade s would b e lessened i f they were open t o slaves . As a result , several guilds tha t license d tradesme n o r provide d specialize d training excluded black s fro m membership . Thos e tha t admitte d black s frequentl y con fined the m t o the ran k o f journeyman, denyin g them th e privileg e of becomin g masters. Still, colonists who were hard-pressed for skilled labor used their slaves in a variety of capacities. Black carpenters, for example, were used extensivel y in th e con struction industry . The y helpe d buil d houses , churches , monasteries , hospitals , bridges, shops, an d publi c buildings. Others serve d a s bricklayers, plasterers, an d blacksmiths. Africa n slave s engage d i n ironworking , mad e hats , bake d bread , and sewe d clothes, in additio n t o othe r skille d tasks . The imag e of Africans con fined exclusivel y to fiel d work, mining, or household chore s is not accurat e for the sixteenth or for any other century. During the sixteenth century most skilled slaves appear t o hav e been locate d primaril y i n urba n areas , suc h a s Sant o Domingo , Mexico City, Lima, and Salvador . Most o f the Europea n colonists wer e also urba n residents, and they were the ones who depended o n the specialized skills of the fre e and unfre e African labo r force. Black slaves and fre e persons were also used signif icantly in their households. Domesti c workers, who were chiefly women , cooked , washed, cleaned, and care d for the children. Some scholars maintain tha t slave s in the urba n area s had a n easie r life tha n thos e i n the rura l areas, particularly in th e case of those who were engaged in sugar cultivation o r mining. Not al l slave s in th e rura l area s were agricultura l workers , althoug h mos t o f them were during the sixteenth century and later. In Hispaniola, Cuba, and Jamaica, blacks helped to grow the foods, such as maize and plantains, that sustained th e islands' populations . The y wer e als o engage d i n cultivatin g ginge r o n th e thre e islands, but chiefl y i n Hispaniola . There was also much diversit y in the agricultura l activitie s of the slave s on th e mainland. I n Mexico , fo r example , slave s wer e engaged i n th e cultivatio n o f th e cocoa bean i n Colima , Oaxaca , and Huatulco . I n Peru , slaves worked i n the vine yards in the south; others grew wheat, olives, and other foodstuffs. The colonists in Venezuela used their African labo r to produce cacao , cotton, vegetables, and other provisions. Most Brazilia n slaves were involved i n th e suga r industr y durin g th e period, but som e must have cultivated the crops that would fee d them. Rural slave s everywher e had t o engag e i n pastora l activities , usuall y tendin g sheep and cattle . By 1550, the colonist s i n the Caribbea n island s had develope d a

The First Passage

vibrant grazin g economy. I n Hispaniola , som e familie s owne d a s many a s thirt y thousand hea d of cattle by the 1540s . Slaves also worked on Mexican ranches during the sixteenth century, although they were not as numerous as the fre e laborers . Slaves seem to have been more importan t in Peru and may even have constituted the majorit y of the herdsme n o n som e of the large r ranches . Ranching may have afforded th e slave s a greate r degre e of contro l ove r thei r live s than som e o f th e other occupations . Charge d wit h tendin g livestoc k ove r hug e area s of land , th e slaves were quite likely free fro m th e constan t supervisio n o f their owners. Because slaves were expensive property, most colonist s lacke d the resource s to purchase them. But they still needed th e services of additional hands fro m tim e to time. In order to supply such colonists with the labor that they wanted, the practice of hirin g out slave s developed i n th e sixteent h century . Thos e wh o neede d slav e labor contracted with the owners to use their human property for a fixed period of time and for a determined renta l fee. As property, slaves probably had no choice in the matter ; the y ha d t o g o where they wer e sent an d t o wor k fo r whoeve r hire d them. Some people bought Africans for the sole purpose of renting them to others . It appear s tha t th e slav e owners i n Spanis h an d Portugues e Americ a assigne d tasks in accordanc e with th e gende r of the workers. Males were more likel y to b e employed in the mining industry, in the ingenios, and as artisans and pearl fishers. Women wer e used primarily a s domestics an d performe d th e sam e dutie s a s the men o n th e plantations . Ther e i s als o som e suspicio n tha t wome n forme d th e majority of the labor force in the textile factories. Because the majority of the slaves in the early period were males, women appear less frequently in the records. Africans, both men and women, played a crucial role in building the economie s of the Americas i n the sixteenth century. The y endure d th e terrible condition s of the obrajes, th e hea t o f the ingenios, and th e physica l hazards of the mines . Many engaged in the skilled trades and planted the food that would help feed the society as a whole. The sugar that they manufactured and the silver and other metals that they mined woul d cross the ocean to Europe with profound consequences for the diets and economies of the importing countries . Th e African presenc e would con tinue to gro w in these societies in succeeding centuries. But the sixteenth-century pioneers laid the foundations of the new societies then in formation. Africans were present at the birth of the Americas as we know them today, not as colonizers bu t as the coerce d hewers of wood an d drawer s of water. Slave Society and Culture European colonists i n every part o f the Americas came to depen d o n the labo r of Indians an d Africans in the sixteent h century . Th e Indians wer e enslaved a s soon as th e Spaniard s establishe d effectiv e contro l o f th e Caribbea n islands . Whe n Mexico, Peru, and othe r area s fell unde r Spanis h control, th e colonist s converte d the Indians o n the mainland into a servile labor force . The Portuguese woul d d o

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the sam e onc e the y settle d Brazil . In effect , th e Europea n outsider s became th e ruling elite in these societies, imposing their will on the original residents and taking their land i n the process. Not all of the Indian s wer e enslaved, however. Some simply lived beyond the reach of the colonists and refuse d t o submit to them, and in Mexico and Peru, at least in the immediate aftermath o f the colonial occupation, the shee r size of the India n populatio n mad e complet e contro l b y the European conquerors impossible . Slavery was only on e o f the labo r system s that the European s employed . Th e Spaniards also introduced the encomienda. Under this system, a number of Indians were assigned by colonial authoritie s to work for the Spaniards without receivin g wages. In return, the colonists were expected to teach the workers Spanish customs, language, and religion. These Indians were not slaves because they were not owned; the Spaniards ha d access only to their labor, and the condition was not hereditary . But in time, the colonists began to treat these Indians as if they were slaves, abusing them and denying them basic rights. Faced wit h mountin g criticis m of India n slaver y and th e encomienda syste m from humanitarians , the Spanis h Crown abolishe d both i n 1542 . They were replaced with a system that rotated Indian workers among the Spanish colonists who needed their labor. Workers would be assigned to employers for a specified period of time, for designated tasks , and fo r a wage. Once the time had expire d an d th e duties had been completed, the Indians could be allocated to other colonists . This system wa s called th e repartimiento (o r mita i n Peru) . It, too , prove d t o b e a n unsatisfactory respons e to th e labo r problem . Workers were often no t paid , an d some were held by the colonists longer than they were supposed to work. The repartimiento system al l but disappeare d b y the seventeent h century . I n some societies, a system of debt passage emerged. Under this system, Indian workers borrowed mone y fro m thei r employer s t o purchase necessitie s bu t coul d no t leave thei r jo b unti l th e deb t wa s repaid . Man y people fel l furthe r an d furthe r behind becaus e thei r wage s were s o low . Becaus e thes e debt s wer e considere d hereditary, generations o f Indian worker s were tied t o th e colonist s an d ha d n o option bu t t o wor k fo r them . No t al l labor service s in th e Spanis h empir e were coerced, however. Wage labor existe d alongsid e th e various unfre e systems . Like the Spanish, the Portuguese in Brazil also enslaved the Indian peoples who fell unde r thei r control . Portugues e colonist s receive d grant s o f lan d fro m th e Crown, under which they could enslave the Indians who reside d on them. Othe r Indians were simply pursued, captured, and enslaved . Before 160 0 almost no on e doubted th e righ t o f the Portugues e colonists t o trea t th e nativ e people s i n thi s fashion. With the Indian population diminishin g and the sugar industry expanding in the second hal f of the sixteenth century , Africans woul d com e to form the dominant group of exploited workers by 1600. Thus, Africans were not the only peoples whom the Europeans would enslave or

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exploit i n on e fashio n o r another . Bu t the y wer e the onl y people s importe d a s permanent, unfre e laborers . The sixteent h centur y was a particularly ugly one i n the Americas. It saw the militar y defea t o f the India n peoples , their colonization , the astoundin g declin e in their number , the introductio n o f oppressive labor systems, and the start of African slavery . It was a century of chaos, disaster, and crises for th e native peoples. For the Africans, it was the beginning of an awful odyssey in these societies. Arriving as involuntary workers, African slave s confronted the challenge of helping t o build societie s i n which the y were, and would continu e t o be, persons wit h fe w if any rights. The y also had t o struggle to maintain, a s best the y could, a measur e o f huma n dignity , an d t o develo p th e socia l institution s tha t would sustai n them . African slave s occupied th e lowest ran k in the social order o f the colonia l soci eties. Imported as human property , their sol e function was to work for those wh o had purchased them . Though th e colonists valued Africans for the agricultural and craft skill s that they possessed, they were nevertheless considered of "bad race" and "bad caste " by those wh o ha d com e t o depen d o n thei r labor . Such unflatterin g descriptions originate d i n Europe , bu t the y assume d a n adde d intensit y an d strength in the Americas as slavery expanded. The Europea n colonists als o embrace d negativ e images of th e Indian s who m they encountered. There was no inclination to see them as equals and to treat them accordingly. In fact , ther e was some doub t amon g the Spanis h colonists whether the Indian s were rational beings. But the pop e resolve d these doubts i n 153 7 by declaring that "the Indians are truly men." The papal pronouncemen t di d no t lea d to a n en d t o th e mistreatmen t o f th e Indians, nor did it mean that the colonists embraced them as equals. Driven by the desire to acquir e wealth, the colonist s wante d onl y to be lef t alon e to exploi t th e native peoples . Still, ther e were some voices raised to denounc e th e colonist s fo r their behavior . Chie f amon g the m wa s Bishop Bartolom e de las Casas, a membe r of the Dominican religiou s orde r wh o became enrage d a t Spanish cruelt y towar d the Indians. H e was not the first, however, to publicly chastis e his fellow Spaniards. That hono r fel l to Fria r Antonio d e Montesinos. I n 1511 , he denounced th e mis treatment o f the Indian s i n Hispaniol a an d questione d th e mora l basis for their inhumane treatment . Although th e Crow n introduce d measure s t o protec t th e Indians , o r a t least reduce the level of their mistreatment , these laws were never adequately enforced. Las Casas never lost his concern for the pligh t of the India n peoples and kep t u p an active campaign to promote their rights and reduce the degree of their exploitation. H e debated on e o f the foremos t proponents o f the vie w that th e Spaniard s were superior to the Indian s and were entitled to exercise control over them. This important debat e was held in Valladolid, Spain, beginning in late 1550. Juan Gines de Sepulveda , a noted scholar , was Las Casas's opponent . Th e tw o me n debate d

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Bartolome de las Casas, who appears as the savior of the Indians in this heroic depiction, argued that Indians were not inferior to Spaniards.

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before a panel of judges and addresse d th e question, "What rights d o the Indian s have and what are the obligations of the Spaniards to them?" A ferven t admire r o f the Indians , La s Casas argued tha t the Indian s wer e no t inferior t o the Spaniards i n any way. He maintained tha t they were "prudent an d rational beings, of as good abilit y and judgment a s other me n an d more able, discreet, and o f better understandin g tha n th e people s o f man y othe r nations. " H e believed that the Spaniards shoul d do their own work and cease their exploitation of the Indians. Sepulveda, on the other hand, was certain that th e Spaniard s were superior to the Indian peoples. The Indians lacked the capacity, he argued, to attain the level of development tha t the Spaniards had reached. They should be forced t o work for the Spaniards and, in time, they would acquire some of the customs an d habits o f their superiors. We do not kno w who won the debate, but th e Spanis h Crow n seeme d to have been mor e influence d b y La s Casas' s arguments . Subsequen t law s wer e mor e respectful of the rights o f the Indians an d often limited the power o f the colonist s over them. Yet such laws were often not enforced , and the colonists still abused th e Indians. There was a considerable differenc e betwee n what the law said and how it was applied. The debat e a t Valladolid an d th e spiri t o f th e Spanis h legislatio n concerning Indians underscore s th e fac t that there was no similar concer n show n b y Spanis h officials towar d th e fat e o f th e Africans . Th e Indian s wer e ne w people s t o th e Spaniards. Africans, by contrast, had long been familiar to the Spaniards, and their image of Africans had alread y been framed. Even Las Casas recommended i n 151 7 that blac k slave s should be importe d to replac e India n workers . He woul d late r renounce thi s position. The society that the Spaniards and the Portuguese created in the sixteenth century recognized racial and class distinctions. Everyone knew his or her place in the social order . Whites a s a group forme d the elite, followed by the mixed peoples — mestizos an d mulattoes . The n cam e th e Indian s an d th e Africans . African s ma y have been set apart fro m th e other group s because of their statu s as property an d their racia l heritage. Colonia l societ y reserve d th e mos t difficul t an d hazardou s jobs for Africans, sanctioned th e most horrendous form s of punishment fo r them , and for three hundred year s held generation s o f them as property. Black slave s consiste d o f thre e principa l groups , th e distinction s base d pri marily on the place of their birth. First, there were people who were born i n Africa but spen t tim e i n Europ e befor e the y wer e transporte d t o th e Americas . Th e Spaniards called them ladinos. They knew some Spanis h and , in varying degrees, were familiar with Spanish culture . Th e second categor y consiste d of people wh o were born i n Afric a an d cam e directl y to th e Americas . Known a s bozales, these individuals ha d littl e o r n o familiarit y with th e way s of the Europeans . As soon as they began t o speak the languages o f the European s an d accepte d Christianity , they coul d be calle d ladinos. The thir d majo r grou p of slave s comprise d thos e

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who were born in the Americas. They were called criollos (creoles). Unlike the bozales, they were exposed to the cultural influences of the Europeans and other groups, such as Indians and mestizos , from birth . The bozales formed the majority of th e slave population s onc e a direc t slav e trad e wit h Afric a wa s institute d i n 1518 . Although th e bozales wer e calle d ladinos onc e the y becam e accustome d t o th e ways o f their owners , no on e ca n sa y how lon g this proces s lasted. Some bozales probably neve r becam e ladinos. I n an y event , ladinos probabl y neve r los t al l of their Africa n heritage , even thoug h the y embrace d aspect s o f th e wa y o f lif e i n the Americas. Early records show that th e African-born slaves were renamed i n th e Spanis h colonies and elsewhere in the Americas. These persons had no say in the selectio n of a new name becaus e i t wa s forced upo n the m b y the perso n wh o purchase d them. I n som e cases , they may hav e bee n rename d b y th e pries t wh o baptize d them. The Africans who were renamed had to begin the difficult proces s of adjusting to a new identity. Their previous names had deep emotional, cultural, and ceremonial meanings, so the loss of their names must have resulted in much anguish . These African s probabl y neve r abandone d thei r forme r name s an d use d the m among their friends an d peers. In renaming the Africans, the colonists seemed to have confined their choices to the mos t popula r firs t name s i n usage. Thus , males were named Fernando , Juan , Jaime, Ricardo, Jose, Cristobal , and s o on. Women wer e frequently called Maria , Catarina, Luisa, Margarita, and Ana, to name just a few. Most slaves were given only one name; only a small minority ha d a last name, usually that o f the person wh o owned them. In order to make their identification easier, the designation "criollo," "ladino," or "bozal" would b e listed afte r th e slaves ' names o n officia l documents . In other cases, their ethnic or national origin would be added. Thus, official docu ments would list a slave as Maria Biafada, Ricardo Congo, or Juan Angola. The impositio n o f a ne w nam e wa s just on e o f th e man y change s tha t th e Africans ha d t o endure. In order t o communicate wit h thei r owners , they had t o learn Spanis h o r Portuguese, dependin g o n the colony . Africans spoke man y dif ferent languages, but som e of these languages were similar enough that the speakers could usually understand on e another. In the Americas, however, the African s had to learn the languages of the Europeans, which was the primary means of communication. Som e slave s became reasonabl y fluen t i n thes e languages , although they probably spoke their own languages whenever possible. The African languages spoken by the slaves must als o have had a n impact o n Spanis h an d Portuguese — on th e vocabulary , the meaning s o f words, an d th e intonation . Th e slave s mus t have Africanized these languages , particularl y i n thos e colonies , suc h a s Brazil , where they formed a large share of the population . Torn fro m thei r homeland , ethni c group , family, an d kin , the Africans experi enced a sense of profound shock, loss, and alienation in the Americas. Kinship ties

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were the cor e o f the societie s fro m whic h th e slave s came. Marriage s unite d no t only the husban d an d th e wif e bu t als o the lineage s to whic h the y belonged. I n most instances , the bond between the two lineages was more important tha n that which existed between the couple. To be without ties of kinship was to be socially dead; an individua l coul d exis t meaningfully only as part o f a network o f bloo d relationships. The slave trade an d slaver y destroyed these bonds, and the individ ual faced the enormous challenge of re-creating them i n the Americas. The task of developing ne w relationships in the Americas was made more diffi cult by the very wide geographic distribution o f the slave s in the sixteent h centu ry. Few slave owners owned more than two or three Africans, although there would be very large concentrations of them in the mines, obrajes, an d on the sugar plantations as the century wore on. There were, however, enough Africans living in easy reach o f one anothe r i n som e places s o that extensiv e famil y relationships were reconstructed b y 1580 . In addition , stron g emotiona l bond s unite d th e African s who crossed the Atlantic in the same ship. They had endured terrible times together, and those experiences fostered strong ties among the survivors. These shipboard bonds forme d the beginnings of the struggle by the Africans to create relationships among themselves an d to replace those that had been severed . As a rule , the colonia l authoritie s di d no t oppos e forma l marriage s o f thei r slaves. I n fact , th e churc h an d th e stat e i n Spain' s colonie s encourage d union s among the population a t large, including slaves. The family was seen as the foun dation stone of society. In theory, at least, once slaves were married they could no t be separated through sale . Slaves whose marriages were broken up by their masters could appeal to the civi l or religious authorities for redress. This did not mean that African slaves waited for the state or the Catholic church to sanction their intimat e relationships. Most slaves probably chose their partner s whenever an d whereve r the y coul d an d ha d thei r ow n marriag e ceremonie s i n accordance with thei r ow n custom s an d practices . Africans cam e fro m societie s with comple x tradition s an d rule s that governe d al l aspects o f human relation ships, including famil y life, and there is no reason to believe that these were abandoned quickly , if at all, in the Americas. In their choices of marriage partners an d in other ways, they responded t o universal human tugs and emotions. Beginning i n th e sixteent h centur y ther e ar e numerou s example s of African s getting married in Catholic ceremonies . But such marriages probably represente d a minority of the unions that the slaves made. Most of them, it can be guessed, did not accept the authority of the church in this matter, because they still maintaine d their ow n traditions. Marriages tha t di d no t receiv e th e approva l o f the churc h were, o f course , considere d illegal—an d therefor e nonexistent—b y th e colonia l authorities. In order to have a marriage sanctioned according to colonial rules, the African s had to apply for a license. The prospective bride and groom had to appear with two

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This document contains an application for marriage by two slaves, whose names are at the top, and a grant of permission by an official (bottom). African slaves had to make such applications to have their marriage recognized by colonial authorities.

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witnesses before a n officia l t o mak e the request . They had t o declar e their ethni c backgrounds, statin g whethe r the y wer e Mandinka , Bram , Biafada , an d s o on . Creole slave s also had to indicate wher e they were born. The witnesses had to verify th e accurac y o f the statement s mad e by the couple , an d the y als o ha d t o stat e how long and unde r wha t circumstance s the y had know n th e ma n an d woman . The authorities were not intereste d in whether th e bride and the groo m ha d ever been marrie d i n Africa . Suc h prio r union s were neve r recognize d b y the churc h as vali d becaus e the y ha d no t occurre d unde r Christia n authority . Th e brid e and groom had only to establish that they had never been married in the Americas or that the y had been widowed . An analysi s o f the survivin g marriag e license s fro m Mexico an d Per u suggest s that Africans tended t o marry individuals from th e same ethnic group or from th e same geographic area. Such a pattern of ethnically based choices should not be particularly surprising. As foreigners in strange lands, these Africans sough t to recon struct and nurture their ethnic ties and heritage. The y chose partner s with who m they shared a cultural heritage and who had simila r life experiences . For the sam e reasons, Creol e slave s were als o mor e likel y to marr y othe r Creoles . Ethnicity , as reflected throug h marriag e choices , remaine d a n importan t par t o f th e live s of African slaves. Slave owner s were not alway s respectful o f the marriage s of th e Africans . Th e unions were sometimes broken up and families separated through sale. The church opposed such atrocities , railin g against thes e practice s fro m time to time but wit h little effect . Africans wh o avoide d th e Catholi c marriag e ceremonies simply lived together as man an d wife , if the circumstance s allowed. The Spanish colonial an d religiou s authorities frowned on this practice, declarin g it worthy of punishment. The Holy Office o f the Inquisition, an institution create d to pursue religious offenders o f all sorts, was established i n Mexico in 1570 . It had been in existence in Spain for a century, and its principal target s included Jews , Muslims, and others accused of a variety of religious crimes. I n Mexico , in additio n t o it s customary victims, the Hol y Office pursue d blacks accused o f concubinage (unmarrie d couple s living together), bigamy, witchcraft, sorcery, and other offenses . Individual s convicted of amancebado relationships (concubinage) coul d be flogged, imprisoned, o r humiliated i n various ways. Bigamists received similar punishments . By punishing those accused of bigamy and amancebado relationships, the Hol y Office an d othe r colonia l authoritie s faile d t o understan d th e meaning s o f suc h behavior fo r the Africans. The Catholic authorities viewe d church-approved mar riages as the norm an d refuse d t o recognize any other form of marital arrangement as legitimate. Thus Africans who may have had private marriage ceremonies according to their ow n rules ran the risk of being accused o f amancebado and punished . Similarly, the frequency of what the Spaniards called bigamy shows how African

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To Make Our World Anew cultural tradition s endure d i n th e Ne w World. It was the nor m i n man y Africa n societies for one man to have several wives. In others, it was acceptable if the num ber o f women o f marriageable ag e exceeded th e numbe r o f men. Becaus e having children was the highes t service one coul d render i n many African societies , men and women faced enormou s pressure to marry and start families. If there were not enough men to go around, polygyny (having more than on e wife) wa s a culturally proper wa y of solving th e problem. These cultura l obligation s did not di e in th e Americas o f th e sixteent h century . African me n continue d t o tak e severa l wives whenever tha t wa s possible. Failin g to understan d th e large r meanin g o f suc h a practice, th e colonial authorities responde d i n horror , brok e u p the unions , an d punished th e individuals involved. In this way they applied Western and Catholi c norms t o a peopl e whos e tradition s an d value s wer e fundamentall y different . Creoles who were accused of bigamy, particularly in the seventeent h century, may not hav e bee n immun e t o th e continuin g influence s o f thei r Africa n ancestry . Judging from th e testimon y offere d a t their trials, however, some o f them under stood the Christian precepts against two spouses but chos e to engage in that practice anyway. Like their famil y arrangements, the traditional religious idea s and beliefs of the Africans wer e very much aliv e in sixteenth-centur y America. Regardless of thei r ethnic origins , Africa n people s cam e fro m societie s wher e religiou s belief s in fluenced al l aspects o f the lif e o f individuals an d th e community . Unlik e Western societies, ther e wa s no distinctio n betwee n secula r an d religiou s spheres . Reli gious idea s determine d th e timin g o f importan t occasions , naming ceremonies , planting seasons, harvesting practices, the nature of art and dance, and a thousand other aspect s o f life . Th e Africa n wh o converte d t o Christianit y woul d hav e t o undergo a profoun d interna l rebirt h a s wel l a s change s i n hi s everyda y life . I n other words, the religious ideas of Africans were deeply imbedded i n their huma n fabric, forming an central part of their being and profoundly influencing and shaping thei r behavior . T o embrace Christianity meant , in effect , th e acceptanc e o f a new identity. The Catholi c church , with th e suppor t o f the Crow n an d othe r stat e officials , believed that its duty was to Christianize th e Africans. They had no respect fo r the Africans' religious ideas and practices. Muslim slaves were particularly feared, an d their importatio n int o th e America s was discouraged. Th e Spaniard s an d othe r Catholics ha d bee n th e foe s o f the Muslims for centuries, and the y did no t wan t religious competitio n and conflicts to arise in the Americas. In addition, the Span iards believe d that Musli m slave s would indoctrinat e th e Indian s with thei r reli gious ideas. Both the Spanish Crow n an d the religious authorities require d that Africans be baptized prio r to their departure for the Americas. It is doubtful whethe r this had anything more than a symbolic value because the Africans would not have received much, i f any, instruction i n th e Catholi c faith . A few slaves who cam e fro m th e

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Two Catholics of African descent worship in Peru. Many Africans became formal members of the Catholic church in Latin America.

Congo-Angola regio n may have already been exposed to Christianity, becaus e Por tuguese missionaries and citizen s had arrive d there in the fifteent h century . From the complaint s tha t th e priest s i n th e America s mad e throughou t th e sixteent h century, it is clear that man y slaves, contrary to wha t th e Crow n wanted , lef t th e African coas t withou t bein g baptized . Th e situatio n wa s not muc h bette r i n th e Americas. There were frequent reports that some Africans ha d no t bee n baptize d even after the y had bee n i n residence for several years. This was probably a welcome development for the Africans. Undoubtedly, most

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To Make Our World Anew of them would have preferred to continue to practice their religious beliefs without the interference of the Christians. Conscientiou s priests and friars, however, wanted to d o their duty as Christians to instruc t the Africans abou t their fait h an d t o baptize them. With th e permissio n o f the owners , they conducted classe s for th e slaves on Sunday s or a t other mutually convenient times . Not al l slaveholders cooperated, som e believin g that the time that their huma n property spen t receivin g religious instruction s shoul d b e devoted t o working at their various tasks . Still, many Africans wer e baptized an d became forma l members o f the church . They participate d i n th e variou s festival s an d ha d marriage s an d funeral s per formed b y a priest. Some Africans becam e active members o f the religiou s broth erhoods know n a s the cofradia. I n essence , these wer e mutual ai d organization s that were devoted to the memory of a particular saint. The members paid dues and received financial help in times of difficulty. Cofradias too k part in the various reli gious processions tha t occurre d fro m time to time . The authorities i n th e colonie s kep t a carefu l watc h o n th e activitie s o f blac k cofradias. Th e spectacle of hundreds o f blacks congregating to hold meetings o r to participate i n procession s raise d whit e fear s o f conspirac y and insurrection . I n 1572, fo r example , the Mexica n viceroy was concerned tha t "recently the negroe s have had a cofradia an d hav e assembled and hel d processions with their member s as the others do, and these are always increasing... and it seems that they may create problems." On occasion , intoxicate d member s di d creat e problems in Mexic o and Per u and probably elsewhere . In 1612 , members o f a black cofradia i n Mexic o City played a leading rol e in a rebellion tha t slave s and fre e persons had planned. Such rebellious activity led to the temporary suspension of the organization by the authorities. Th e potential o f the cofradias t o lead violent assault s on slaver y must have le d t o a n increas e in thei r surveillance . I n general , however, cofradias wer e more likel y to mee t th e need s of the slave s fo r social interaction an d communa l activities. The firs t blac k cofradias ma y have been established as soon a s enough African s were baptized i n a particular colon y an d live d clos e t o on e another . The churc h encouraged th e formatio n o f separat e cofradias fo r Africans , probably fo r racia l reasons. The Africans may also have wanted their ow n organizations, fre e from the direct contro l o f whites , reflectin g thei r ow n need s an d bearin g thei r cultura l stamp. I n fact , th e cofradias i n Peru , an d perhap s i n othe r colonie s a s well, were organized along African ethni c lines in the sixteenth century. This could only have occurred in those places where individuals from particular ethnic groups existed in significant numbers . Th e existenc e o f ethnic-base d cofradias clearl y suggests th e continuing strengt h o f an African heritage in the Americas . Although th e Catholic churc h succeede d i n making convert s amon g th e slaves, Christianity di d not replac e African religious belief s in the sixteenth centur y o r at later times. Christianized African s did not abando n thei r cor e religious beliefs. In

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other words , thei r Africa n religiou s idea s existe d alongsid e th e dogm a o f th e Christianity tha t the y embraced. African slave s could dra w upon thei r Christia n beliefs whe n i t suite d thei r purposes . O n othe r occasions , they drew upo n thei r African beliefs. Practitioners of African religion s used a variety of charms and amulet s in their rituals. These coul d b e herbs, sticks, bags, cloth, o r bones . Africans believe d that these objects carried certain mystical powers or were the objects through which the supernatural operated . Dir t fro m cemeteries , perhaps becaus e o f it s association with the ancestors, als o possessed revered qualities . When use d in the appropriat e fashion and accompanied by the relevant ceremonies, the charms, objects, and dirt could be use d to aveng e a wrong, win th e affection s o f a man o r woman , solve a crime, ge t a slave owner t o treat his slaves well, and accomplis h a variety of other objectives. The use of these objects and charm s was based on the belief that certai n force s or events could be manipulated an d controlled by resorting to the appropriate ritual acts. This is similar i n some respects to the Christia n belief that prayer can be used effectivel y t o achiev e a desired end. What i s important, however , is not an y perceived similarity to Christianity, but th e persistence of African belief s and ways of influencin g the supernatura l i n th e Americas . Over time , o f course , som e o f these ideas and practices would be modified or altered i n some fashion . In addition t o their kinship system s and religiou s ideas, Africans brough t their music, songs, dances, art forms , and cookin g method s wit h them . Th e colonist s viewed man y o f these cultura l practice s negatively , an d trie d t o suppres s them . Slaves danced in the streets on festiv e occasions, drawing upon thei r African styles of movement. Others were skilled at drumbeating and played such stringed musical instruments as the banjo and marimba . We possess little information on the diet of the slaves during their early years in the Americas. The principal ingredient s appea r to b e corn , swee t potatoes, plan tains, beef, an d a variety of legumes. The nutritiona l adequac y of the die t i s also unknown becaus e of the absenc e of information about th e quantit y of the food s provided t o eac h slave . Similarly, we can make n o definit e comment on th e rela tionship betwee n diet, disease, and th e deat h rate s of the slaves . Slaves, like other members of society, fell victim to the frequent epidemic s of measles and smallpox . Workers in the mines and the ingenios had a higher deat h rate than other blacks, a result of the physical hazards of such employment an d perhaps of overwork and a poor diet . The unhealthy climate of such places as Vera Cruz may also have taken its toll on the health o f the slaves. Medical care , suc h a s i t was , was availabl e fo r sic k slaves , particularly thos e who lived in urban areas . In Lima , for example, a hospital run b y the Jesuit s welcomed slaves and gave them th e same care that they provided to whites. Hospitals run b y municipalities als o accepted slave s in Mexic o Cit y and Lima . Some large

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plantations i n the rural areas had infirmaries attached to them. Give n the stat e of medical knowledge during the sixteenth century , it is doubtful whether these hospital stay s did an y good i f serious illnesses were involved. African slave s had thei r own traditional remedies, and man y of them ma y not hav e availed themselves of the service s that th e hospital s offered . The y also seemed t o hav e borrowed freel y from th e medica l lor e o f the Indians . Thi s i s hardly surprising , given their ofte n close interaction with one another . Indians an d African s als o fel l i n lov e wit h eac h other , go t married , o r live d together without th e approva l o f the churc h o r the state . The Spanish Crown , in particular, opposed suc h unions, preferring that individuals choose partners fro m among their ow n "races" or groups . But such a restriction wa s impossible t o en force. Mal e African s greatl y outnumbere d th e females , s o India n wome n ofte n became the sexual partners of black men. Because the Indian women were likely to be free, the children of such unions, known as zambos, took the mother's lega l status an d wer e born free . Thi s was probably a n adde d incentiv e for male slave s t o choose Indian women as partners. The early colonial records indicate, however, that there was some tension i n the relationship between the Africans an d th e native peoples of the Americas. It ma y very well be that colonia l official s focuse d muc h mor e o n the difficultie s betwee n them, ignorin g th e man y area s an d instance s o f cooperation . I n particular , th e Peruvian and Mexican authorities accused blacks of physically assaulting Indians , taking their possessions, and generally mistreating them . In order to correct this problem, the Crown and the local authorities attempte d to prevent the two peoples fro m livin g in the sam e communities. Although thes e restrictions wer e sometime s no t enforced , the y wer e repeate d wit h regularit y throughout th e sixteent h century . The Crow n als o forbad e black s fro m tradin g with Indians on the grounds that they took advantage of them. It is doubtful, however, that the commercial activity between the two groups ceased. Regardless of the colony in which they lived, Africans were placed at the bottom of the socia l order. Forced to work for others, they nevertheless tried t o maintai n their humanity, doing the things that gave meaning to their lives. They toiled, married, reproduced, worshiped their gods, and made the best of their situation. Their burdens wer e never easy , and th e force d separation fro m thei r homelan d create d much physical suffering an d emotional anguish. Plus those Africans who arrived in the sixteenth century faced, in retrospect, an additional challenge. I t was they who had to lay the cultural and institutional foundation s of the modern blac k societies of the Americas. The Struggle for Freedom Perhaps th e African s coul d hav e eased their emotiona l pai n i n tha t terribl e firs t century o f their enslavemen t i n th e America s i f they had bee n presen t i n large r

The First Passage

numbers i n the various colonies. This would have provided the m with the oppor tunity t o associat e mor e intimatel y wit h on e anothe r an d establis h meaningfu l support systems . But even when relativel y large numbers of slaves arrived in such colonies as Mexico, Peru, and Hispaniola, they were widely scattered. Most lived in small group s of their peers . Not unti l th e mid-seventeent h centur y did th e large sugar plantations , wit h thei r hug e concentration s o f slaves , become increasingl y regular features of the Caribbean islands. The silver mines of Mexico and Per u and a fe w sugar plantation s ha d employe d hig h number s o f slave s before 1600 , bu t most blacks still lived in smaller communities . An Africa n populatio n livin g i n large r groups woul d no t hav e automaticall y ended the alienatio n that it s members fel t o r have fostered a sense of communit y among them. The African-born slaves were divided alon g ethnic lines, which was an obstacl e to cooperativ e relationships betwee n them an d th e developmen t o f a sense of oneness. In addition, there were cultural differences betwee n those people who had becom e familiar with the ways of Europeans and thos e who were newly arrived from Afric a bearin g their traditional culture. Thus, the slave population ha d to overcome many obstacles before it could pose an organized challenge to the institutio n unde r whose contro l i t lived. Such challenges took differen t forms , depending o n th e loca l circumstances, the siz e of th e slave population, th e degre e of interaction amon g its members, an d thei r leve l of political consciousness . Slaves who lived within eas y reach of wooded, mountain ous, or other inaccessible areas often chos e flight a s their principal means of resistance. Wher e thei r number s permitted , other s conspire d an d participate d i n revolts. Still others engaged in day-to-day acts of sabotage, such as working slowly, that punctured the efficienc y o f the institution of slavery. Slaves were inclined to resist their condition when they came to the recognitio n that a profoun d wron g ha d bee n committe d agains t them . Resistanc e occurre d when the individual had decided to reclaim control over his or her life. Such a decision could come after much careful thought, or it could occur i n a moment of passion, such as when the person was being mistreated. Once a decision to resis t had been made , whether individuall y o r collectively , th e slav e reache d a n importan t turning point, and his or her lif e would no t be the same again. During the seventeenth century , when black cultures in the Americas were taking fir m shape , slave s engaged in fligh t mor e frequentl y than an y other for m of physical resistance . This was the case in all of the colonies , an d there were severa l reasons for it s appeal. Regardless of whether th e slave s were shipped fro m Spai n or came directly from Africa, the overwhelming majorit y were African-born. The y were, therefore, unaccustomed to the demand s and rigor s of plantation, mining , and othe r form s o f labor tha t the y were require d t o perform . No t surprisingly , they sought to escap e from th e source s of their oppression a s soon a s the oppor tunity presented itself . Often fe w in number s and separate d fro m their peers by

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To Make Our World Anew long distances, flight als o had a certain practicality. It did not depen d significantly on the cooperatio n o f others fo r its success. Slaves could escap e alon e o r i n a group. Small groups were best because slaves ran the risk of detection and captur e if the number i n the escap e party was too large. The physica l environment o f th e colonie s als o aide d escape . Hispaniola , Ja maica, Cuba, Mexico, and Brazil , to nam e just a few places, all had mountainous , inaccessible, and wooded areas—th e ideal terrain fo r those who wanted t o create sanctuaries away from thei r pursuers. The Sierra Maestra mountain rang e in east ern Cuba , th e densel y woode d Cockpi t Countr y i n centra l Jamaica , th e hill y Orizaba zone adjacent to Vera Cruz in Mexico, and the densely forested regions of northeastern Brazi l beckoned and protected th e escapees. Adult male s were the mos t likel y to escape . Women constitute d a minority o f the slave population, so it is not surprisin g that they remained a small proportio n of those wh o fled . Perhap s wome n wer e less inclined t o ris k th e hazard s o f th e escape than the men. They may also have chosen to remain behind with their chil dren. Because infants an d olde r childre n slowed the pac e of escape and increase d the risk of capture, parents had to fac e difficul t choice s in this regard. The incidenc e of escape began as soon a s the firs t slave s arrived in Hispaniol a in 1502 . In 1503 , the governo r o f the colony , Nicolas de Ovando, reporte d t o th e Crown that a number of slaves had fled. There is no additional information on this first grou p o f runaways , bu t the y probabl y fle d t o a remot e are a o f th e colony . Whatever thei r fate , thes e people established a pattern tha t woul d be followed by other slaves everywhere in the Americas. These escaped slaves were called cimarronesbythe Spaniards. The origin of this term i s not entirel y clear, but som e scholar s believe that th e word cimarron originally referre d t o cattl e that roame d i n th e hill s o f Hispaniola . Eventually , it was applied to Indians who had fled from slavery . As Indian slavery declined and blacks arrived i n increasin g numbers, th e wor d cam e t o b e associate d wit h thos e wh o escaped. It is not certain , however, when cimarron began to be applied exclusively to blac k runaways , but i t appear s tha t wa s the cas e b y th e 1530s . I n time , th e English equivalen t became maroon, and th e Frenc h use d th e wor d marron. The word cimarron, at least in the eye s of the Spaniards , had negativ e connotations. I t was generally a synonym for "wild," "fierce," or "untamed." On the other hand, th e escapees may have worn i t as a badge of honor, in the sam e way that th e descen dants of the maroons i n the English-speaking Caribbea n d o today. There was a close relationship between th e numbe r o f escapes and th e siz e of the black population. As more and more Africans arrived, the flight to a n uncertain freedom in the mountains and other remote areas accelerated. Slaves who were inclined to escape probably ra n off quietly, perhaps no t even telling friends of their plans for fear of betrayal. The colonists may even have come to expect that some of their slaves would flee. The surviving documents from these early years often men tion cimarrones in an offhan d manner . It is only when the escaped slaves began to

The First Passage attack thei r forme r master s o r entic e othe r slave s to escap e tha t thei r existenc e became a matter of grave public concern . It was not unti l the 1520 s that the reference s t o cimarrones in the letters of the colonists an d i n officia l report s becam e mor e frequen t an d urgent . Ther e wer e reports of cimarrones not onl y in Hispaniola, but als o in Mexico in 1523 , in Puerto Rico in 1529 , and in Cuba in 1534 . By the 1550s , additional reports of the presenc e of cimarrones had come from Panama , Venezuela, Peru, and Honduras. I n general , the cimarrones were accused of murdering Spaniards, participating in rebellions, and theft . I n 1546 , a Spanis h officia l i n Hispaniola , for example , noted tha t th e cimarrones in one part of the island were so dangerous that "no one dared to venture out unless he was in a group o f fifteen t o twenty people." Colonial authoritie s everywher e saw the cimarrones as a threat to public order . As a result, the description s of them i n th e record s are overwhelmingly negative. Given the fac t that the cimarrones in all of the colonie s were depicted as assaulting the colonist s and, i n som e cases , the Indians , such charge s must hav e had som e merit. Becaus e such accusation s wer e ofte n followe d by requests fo r resource s t o strengthen th e law-enforcemen t agencies , i t i s also conceivabl e tha t th e report s gave exaggerated accounts of the behavior of the escapees. Some historians have attempted to make distinctions between the motivation s of th e cimarrones and thos e who remaine d i n slaver y but participate d i n revolts. They suggest that the cimarrones did not pose much of a threat to slavery because they escaped from the institution and returned onl y now and then to carry out hitand-run attack s o n it . O n th e othe r hand , slav e revolt s threatened slaver y fro m within and were designed to destroy it. This distinction does not hold fo r the early years, when cimarrones played the mos t significant role s in a large number o f th e early challenges to slavery. With the possible exception o f a few urban areas such as Mexico City and Lima, slaves wer e so sparsel y distributed i n th e sixteent h centur y that the y lacke d th e numbers necessar y to organiz e and launc h rebellions . Slave s apparentl y escaped individually o r i n smal l group s an d eventuall y formed maroon communitie s o f varying sizes. In 1542 , one estimate in Hispaniola placed the number o f cimarrones at "about two thousand or three thousand." Several hundred were reported to be in Puerto Ric o at various times in th e sixteent h century . The sam e could be sai d of Mexico, particularly in th e mountainou s area between Mount Orizab a and Ver a Cruz. Accounts from Peru , Cuba, and Venezuela also suggest significant runaway populations i n those earl y years. The existenc e o f thes e communitie s gav e th e cimarrones th e confidenc e t o challenge the slav e owners and thei r colonial society. The cimarrones were, for th e most part, interested not onl y in preserving their own freedom, but i n destroying slavery as well. The firs t slav e rebellion i n the Americas occurred in Hispaniola i n 1522. Three year s earlier , in 1519 , Indians wer e reported to hav e been joine d b y escaped slave s in a n attac k o n th e Spaniards . Bu t when th e firs t all-blac k revol t

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occurred i n 1522 , it included cimarrones and slave s who ha d neve r fled. The forty slaves and cimarrones who participated were, however, defeated by the Spaniards . Several lost thei r live s in th e fighting , and th e Spaniard s hanged thos e who were captured. This early assault on the Spaniard s was followed by others. It is doubtful, however, that th e runaways always united wit h the slaves . Nor i s it entirely clear if all of the disturbances were designed to destro y slavery or whether they were a con sequence o f the cimarrones defending thei r communitie s fro m invasion s b y th e Spanish authorities . It i s certain, nonetheless , tha t ther e wer e serious confronta tions betwee n the Spaniard s and th e cimarrones in Puerto Ric o in 1529 ; Cuba i n 1534; Mexico, Columbia, Hispaniola i n the 1540s ; and Panama in the 1550s . The Mexican cimarrones were probably the most active during the sixteenth an d early seventeenth centuries . Mexico' s slav e population steadily increase d afte r th e Spanish occupation, and the native peoples declined in number. There were about twenty thousan d Africa n slave s in Mexic o by 157 0 and perhap s a s many a s fift y thousand b y 1600. The Mexican terrain, with its numerous mountai n slopes , provided idea l sanctuarie s fo r escaped slaves . The number o f escapes increase d afte r the 1550s , and there were frequent reports fro m th e silver mines in the north an d the eas t that cimarrones were engaged in attack s o n th e colonists . In som e cases, Indians joined the cimarrones in acts of arson and theft . By 1580, cimarrones could be found almost everywher e in rural Mexico . Relatively speaking, a great deal is known abou t a community o f cimarrones that lived in the area of Mount Orizab a adjacent to Vera Cruz during the late sixteenth and earl y seventeenth centuries. The communit y ha d develope d a reputation fo r attacking th e Spaniards, takin g their possessions, and enticing othe r slaves to flee . Their leader was Yanga, an African-born man wh o had escape d shortly after arriv ing i n Mexico . Evidently a skilled militar y tactician, h e ha d successfull y repulsed several attempts by the Spaniards to destroy his settlement and return the residents to slavery . By 1608 there wer e about fiv e hundre d cimarrones in the community . They supporte d themselve s b y planting suc h crop s a s corn an d potatoe s and b y rearing animals. Despite their best efforts, the cimarrones were unable to withstand an aggressive assault on their camp in 1609 . An invading army of 450 men forced Yanga and hi s people t o accept a truce. Unde r th e terms o f the agreement, th e Spanish authori ties recognized the freedo m of the cimarrones and allowe d them t o establis h an d govern their own town. Yanga would become governor of the town, and the posi tion coul d onl y be held by those descended fro m him. The cimarrones promised t o defend the colony if it were ever attacked b y Spain's enemie s an d agreed to return all future runaway s to their owners . It is not clea r whether this part o f the agree ment wa s kept. In accordanc e with th e term s o f the agreement , th e tow n o f San Lorenzo de los Negros received its charter in 1617 .

Cimarrones kill colonists in a revolt against the English in 1758. Starting in the early seventeenth century, large communities of escaped slaves were powerful enough to sign peace treaties with colonial authorities in Mexico, Jamaica, and other colonies.

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To Make Our World Anew The treaty that these cimarrones signed with th e Spanis h set a model fo r othe r societies. In late r years, maroons signe d peac e treaties with th e authoritie s i n Jamaica, Cuba, Suriname, Venezuela, and othe r places. Many of these large maroo n communities came into existence after 1600 . In Jamaica, for example, one group of maroons signed a peace treaty with the English in 1739 that affirmed thei r freedom. Similar treaties would be signed with other maroon group s in succeeding years. The slave s i n Brazi l also embrace d escap e a s a n effectiv e for m o f resistance . Portuguese assaults on som e o f their settlement s kille d many of the resident s but failed t o destro y them . Th e mos t resilien t o f thes e earl y maroon s wer e thos e who establishe d a settlement known a s Palmares in Pernambuco . I n 161 2 a Portuguese officia l note d tha t "som e thirt y league s inland, ther e i s a sit e betwee n mountains calle d Palmare s which harbor s runawa y slaves . . . whose attac k an d raids forc e th e whites into arme d pursuits which amoun t t o little for they retur n to raid again." Palmares ha d betwee n eleve n thousan d an d twent y thousan d resident s a t it s peak in the seventeenth century. After maintainin g their freedom for almost a century, however , the resident s o f th e settlemen t wer e finall y defeate d by th e Por tuguese i n 1694 . The disappearanc e o f Palmare s as a n organize d communit y o f maroons di d no t en d thi s form of resistance in Brazil . Known as quilombos, such settlements becam e more numerou s a s the slav e population increased . Som e of these communities still survive in contemporary Brazil. Slave owner s and th e colonia l authoritie s attempte d t o cur b th e incidenc e of runaways. Severa l colonies, suc h a s Mexic o an d Peru , establishe d civi l militia s primarily to catc h runaway s and preven t thei r attack s o n Spanis h lif e an d prop erty. In addition , th e authoritie s introduced a series of measure s for the punish ment o f thos e wh o escape d an d wer e recaptured. Som e o f thes e law s permitte d the castratio n o f th e cimarrones and eve n authorize d thei r death s i f the y ha d escaped fo r lon g period s o f time . Accordin g to a 153 5 law passe d i n Lima , a n absence of more tha n si x days carried th e deat h penalty . Runaways could als o be whipped, chained , imprisoned, tortured, or have a foot o r hand cu t off. Such horrible punishments reflected th e seriousness with which the authorities viewed the slaves' efforts t o claim their freedom. On the other hand, by escaping in the fac e of such reprisals, the slaves demonstrated th e powerful nature of their desire to live as free people. Although the cimarrones and the slaves who did not flee joined together sometimes to challeng e slavery, there were occasions o n whic h this was evidently no t the case . In fact , severa l slave revolts durin g thi s earl y period an d late r d o no t appear to have involved the participation of cimarrones. There were organizational difficulties tha t stood in the way of such collaboration. Maroons lived in remote areas, and communication betwee n them an d the slaves was usually not easy . Nor should it be assumed that the cimarrones always wanted to involve themselves i n

The First Passage such conflicts. They had fle d fro m slavery ; the struggle to destroy it remained th e primary responsibility of those who were left behind . The first major conspiracy involving slaves acting alone occurred in Mexico City in 1537 . The conspirators electe d a king and planned to kill the Spaniards, liberate themselves, and seiz e contro l o f the colony . The plot , however, was discovered by the authorities, and those involved were arrested. A frightened government extracted confessions from th e accuse d and hange d them . The threat o f rebellion never declined i n Mexico , and th e Spaniard s always feared tha t th e Indian s would join the black slaves in any confrontation. Spanish fears were fulfilled i n 160 8 when thirty-one free blacks and slave s gathered in Mexico City to elect a king and queen and to plot a revolt. One of the conspirators reported th e detail s to the authorities. Predictably, the participants were arrested, although i t is not clea r what punishment the y received. Four years later, in 1612 , blacks in Mexico City once again planned a revolt. When th e authoritie s heard o f the plan s the y arreste d a large number o f people an d torture d the m t o obtain mor e informatio n o n th e conspiracy . I n th e end , thirty-fiv e blacks were hanged an d other s were sent out o f the colony . Slaves continued t o escape in all societies of the Americas, and man y were successful i n buildin g their ow n communitie s an d maintainin g thei r freedom . Ma roon communities united slaves from differen t Africa n ethni c groups as well as the Creoles. Th e firs t settlements , however , consiste d almos t exclusivel y o f African born persons . Thes e communitie s probabl y understood tha t th e ethni c division s such as the Ibos, the Coromantee, the Mandinka, an d others had to cooperate with one another in order to survive. These communities of runaway slaves represented the first truly black societies i n the Americas. Free from white control and respon sible for their own decisions, these societies were the first attempts by African peo ples i n this hemisphere t o order their live s in their own way. Their societie s wer e always insecure, however, because they faced th e constant threat of invasions fro m the outside. Yet many of them survived fo r long periods o f time because the desir e for freedo m gave them th e necessar y resolve to confront , and i n many cases overcome, the obstacles tha t stood in their path. The communities that these maroons established appear to have been patterned along th e line s o f African societies . Althoug h informatio n o n thi s subjec t i s still rather sketchy , such communities coul d be characterized as centralized kingdoms with a ruler, such a s Yanga, wielding absolut e o r near-absolute power . These com munities, of course, were also influence d b y the condition s th e escapee s encoun tered in the Americas. Consequently, the y were never exact copies of the Africa tha t they remembered. I n any event, the maroons create d communities tha t me t thei r needs and bore their ow n cultural an d political stamp . No slav e revolt , however , achieve d an y succes s durin g thi s firs t century . Th e slaves coul d no t successfull y contest th e arme d migh t o f the colonia l states . No t

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Wearing Spanish clothes and native jewelry, zambos from Esmeraldas (in present-day Ecuador) visit Quito in 1599. Some zambos, children of blacks and Indians, were among the many free Africans in the Americas.

until tw o centuries later were slaves in Haiti able to clai m thei r freedo m throug h their ow n efforts . Still , the incidenc e o f revolt s an d conspiracie s show s tha t th e enslaved neve r resigne d themselve s t o thei r conditio n an d neve r sa w it a s just. Although relativel y few in number, thes e individuals gave slave owners everywher e notice that they could neve r be taken for granted. The enslavement o f the African people s in the Americas finally ende d i n 1888 . In that year , Brazil became the last society to emancipate its slaves, bringing to an end a process that had begu n i n th e firs t decade s of the nineteent h century . The Haitian slaves began a successful revolution in 1791 and finally defeated the French slave-owning colonist s i n 1803 . Whe n the y achieve d thei r independenc e fro m Spain in the earl y 19th century , the forme r Spanish colonie s began a slow process of liberating their slaves. The British passed an Emancipation Act in 1833 , and th e French followed suit in 1848. In North America, all of the slaves were freed in 186 5 as a result o f a bloody civi l war. Puerto Ric o ended th e institutio n i n 1873 , an d Cuba acted similarly in 1886 . There were, of course, a number o f slaves who manage d to become legally free before slaver y formally ended i n th e variou s societies . Thi s proces s began i n th e sixteenth century , but it s extent varied , dependin g o n th e societ y an d th e force s that encouraged freedom for some slaves. In all of the slaveholding societie s of the Americas, a child bor n t o a free woman bu t fathere d by a male slav e was legally free. Som e slave owners free d thei r ow n children born of slave women an d some times those women as well. Others liberated slaves who had grown too old to work

The First Passage or who had served faithfully fo r a period of time. Some slaves purchased their free dom; others had it done on their behalf by a sympathetic citizen or humanitarian. Children bor n to parent s who wer e already free als o added t o the siz e of the fre e black population . The Spanis h legal code, the Siete Partidas, encouraged liberty for slaves. It stat ed that slavery was "the mos t evi l and the most despicabl e thing that ca n be found among men. " A s a result , accordin g t o th e Siete Partidas, "al l o f th e law s of th e world should lead toward freedom." Owners who freed thei r slaves, the documen t maintained, rendere d a servic e t o God . I n 1540 , the Crow n echoe d thes e senti ments an d advise d it s official s i n th e America s tha t i f slave s "shoul d publicl y demand thei r liberty , they should be heard an d justice done t o them, an d car e be taken tha t the y shoul d no t o n tha t accoun t .. . be maltreate d b y their Masters. " There was, of course, a tremendous gul f between thes e ideal s and actua l practic e both i n Spai n an d i n th e colonies . Th e Portugues e neve r produce d a documen t similar to the Siete Partidas and did not embrace, at least in legal theory, the notio n that property i n persons was not to be encouraged. In general , the enslavemen t o f the African s i n th e America s was not a n issu e about whic h sixteenth-centur y Spaniard s an d Portugues e worried . Onl y a fe w enlightened voices raised questions about the morality of African slavery , but thei r objections had n o effect . On e o f the firs t people to do so was Alonso de Montufar, the archbishop o f Mexico. In 156 0 he wrote to the king of Spain complaining tha t "we do not know what reason exists that the Negroes should be enslaved more than the Indian s .. . because the y receiv e the hol y fait h an d d o no t mak e war against the Christians. " Nin e years later, Friar Tomas d e Mercado denounce d th e abuse s of the slav e trade and urge d his fellow Spaniard s not t o participate i n it. In 1573 , Bartolome de Albornoz, a professor who lived in Mexico, wrote a well-known trea tise condemnin g slavery . He pointed ou t tha t the institutio n violate d natura l law, or th e basi c "natural " right s o f al l huma n beings . Thes e wer e lonel y voices ; i t was not unti l the second hal f o f the eighteent h centur y that a movement t o abol ish the slav e trade—and eventually slavery—gathered momentum, particularl y in England and France. The slaves who gaine d their freedo m i n the sixteent h century , therefore, benefited fro m individua l arrangements and no t fro m an y formal en d of slavery. While some slaves were freed by their owners, others worked hard, saved whatever money came their way and, if the master were agreeable, bought thei r freedom. On occa sion, slaves could no t readil y meet the pric e the maste r asked , so they purchase d their freedom ove r a period o f years. Young men betwee n th e age s of fourteen an d twenty-fiv e were the grou p least likely to be freed. The y were in the most productiv e years of their live s physically, and slav e owner s wer e no t particularl y eage r t o par t wit h thei r stronges t an d healthiest workers. At the other extreme , the mulatto childre n o f the slave masters

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To Make Our World Anew and the mistresses of these men stoo d th e best chance of acquiring their freedom . Liberty was clearly not withi n th e reac h of everyone in quit e the sam e way. Most African-born slave s and thei r childre n coul d expec t to spen d their entir e lives in bondage. It is impossible to say how many persons received their freedom i n the Spanish empire an d in Portuguese Brazil in the sixteenth century. The proportions proba bly never exceeded five percen t to ten percent of the black population a t any time. It ma y b e guessed , however, tha t th e numbe r o f free d person s i n th e Spanis h colonies increased steadily after 155 0 simply because of the continuin g growt h o f the black population, the incidence of owners freein g thei r children and mistresses, and the fact that some slaves by that time had been in the colonies long enough and receive d their freedom becaus e of advancing age. There were no laws in the colonies that prevented slaves from bein g freed. Thi s did no t mean , however, that fre e black s wer e accorded equa l right s with whites . The white colonists dominated th e colonies, and blacks and Indians , regardless of their legal status, occupied subordinate places. The fre e peoples of African descen t were expecte d t o pa y taxes , serve in th e arme d forces , an d generall y assum e th e responsibilities of full citizenship , but the y were the victims of discriminatory legislation because of their racial heritage. As soon as the numbers of free blacks began to increase, the Spanish crown an d the colonial authorities sought to control their lives and limit their opportunities . Such actions were based on the racist notion that blacks needed white supervision. Unlike the slaves , free black s could, a t least in theory, choose their employer s an d move from place to place. The colonists feared the loss of control over them, as well as loss of access to their labor. Beginning in the 1570 s free black s were ordered t o live with Spaniards and wor k for them fo r a wage. This was a serious curtailment of their libert y and mad e the m littl e bette r than slaves . Other measure s require d that al l freed person s be registere d with th e loca l authorities i n orde r t o mak e it easier to collect taxes fro m them . Failure to be registered brought severe physica l punishments. The order was repeated from tim e to time, an indication tha t som e free persons successfully evade d it. Most fre e black s performed menia l and unskille d tasks during the period , bu t some were artisans muc h i n demand . Th e various guilds—associations of crafts men, suc h a s carpenters—eithe r refuse d membershi p t o fre e black s o r allowe d them to become only apprentices. They were also excluded from hig h schools and universities, a fact tha t also limited their economic and socia l opportunities . The Spanish-America n societie s wen t t o extraordinar y length s throughou t the period to emphasize th e inferior status of the fre e person s of African descent . In 1614 , fo r example , th e authoritie s i n Lim a rule d tha t fre e black s shoul d b e buried withou t coffins . Evidently , burial i n a coffi n blurre d th e socia l distinc tions betwee n white s an d blacks . Th e authoritie s i n Mexic o an d Per u als o

The First Passage

prevented fre e black women fro m adornin g themselves with gold and othe r jewelry and wearin g silk. Suc h finer y wa s the preserv e o f white women , a s a mark o f their socia l superiority. Very little is known abou t the textur e of the live s of the fre e people s of Africa n descent i n thi s earl y perio d o r abou t th e socia l institution s tha t the y created . Scattered evidenc e suggests that a s a group the y were likely to choos e thei r mar riage partners fro m amon g their peers. Few males married slave women, probably because thei r childre n woul d tak e th e mother' s status . Ther e wa s considerabl e interaction a t othe r levels , however. Free blacks and slave s often belonge d t o th e same cofradias, o r mutua l ai d organizations , participated i n conspiracies , established friendships , and worke d togethe r i n obrajes, households , on suga r plantations, and so on. The relationships of the free peoples with one another, however, was not always harmonious. Ther e i s evidenc e tha t som e o f the m adopte d th e racis t view s of Spanish societ y and gav e a higher value to thos e who ha d a lighter skin color by virtue of a mixed ancestry. Some cofradias tha t free persons established in Lima, for example, admitted onl y mulattoes. Yet, in spite of such divisions, a similar heritage bound the fre e an d the slave— a fact tha t none could forget. Slavery and discrimi natory treatment i n the Americas produced enormou s stresse s and strain s in th e lives of the free d people , but thei r common identit y was never destroyed. Shaping America For the black populations in the Americas, the sixteenth century represented th e start o f thei r uniqu e historica l odyssey . Th e estimated 300,00 0 African s wh o arrived during that firs t centur y made crucial contributions t o the shapin g of the colonial societies. They also laid the foundations of the present-day black societies of th e Americas . Whether the y cam e i n group s larg e or small , Africans brough t their languages, religious beliefs, musical styles, cooking practices, and a thousand other aspect s of their societies with them. Becaus e Africans cam e from man y different ethni c groups , the y di d no t al l shar e th e sam e cultur e o r way s o f doin g things. As a result , a variety o f Africa n belief s an d cultura l form s wen t int o th e making and shapin g of the societies of the Americas. Although thei r numbe r wa s smal l a t first , th e labo r o f th e African s wa s in dispensable i n th e minin g industries , textil e factories , an d i n suga r cultivatio n and othe r agricultura l enterprises. B y the secon d hal f o f th e eighteent h century, African worker s had helpe d mak e sugarcan e "king" in th e Caribbea n an d Brazil . Vast number s o f slave s would b y that time , o r shortl y thereafter, b e use d o n th e coffee plantation s i n Hait i and Brazi l and i n the cotto n industr y i n the souther n United States. In term s o f labor, Africa n slave s made th e principa l contributio n t o th e con struction o f th e plantatio n economie s o f th e Americas . But the y wer e no t th e

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To Make Our World Anew beneficiaries of their efforts . The y formed an exploited labor force, and their ener gies went into the creation of wealth for those who owned them. Because they did not benefi t materiall y from wha t the y produced, th e slave s really had n o stak e in the economic systems. Their labor was both forced and unpaid. Still, the roles that they played a s workers in th e buildin g o f the America n societie s must b e recog nized, even as the slave systems that define d Africans an d their children as property and tried to debase them a t every turn should be condemned . The economic benefits o f slavery and th e slave trade, even in the sixteent h century, wen t beyon d th e Americas . Th e Europea n slav e traders, slav e owners, an d their societie s reape d economi c reward s a s well. Thes e reward s increase d a s th e slave trade and slaver y expanded in the seventeenth and eighteent h centuries . Starting i n th e sixteent h century , a numbe r o f European-produce d goods — such as guns, textiles, woolen products, and pots and pans—were used in the Afri can trade. The increased demand fo r these products benefited the economies of the areas that manufactured them. The construction o f slave ships created jobs for carpenters, sai l makers , painters , an d othe r artisans . Slav e traders brough t Africa n gold, ivory , an d redwoo d bac k t o Europe , import s tha t wer e i n grea t demand . Then, too, the profits from th e slav e trade were frequently invested i n other area s of the Europea n economies . Historians are not in agreement on the degree to which the slave trade was profitable. Several joint stock companies went bankrupt in the first two hundred years . But th e independen t trader s wh o dominate d th e huma n traffi c afte r abou t 170 0 seemed to have done muc h better. The rate of profit o r loss varied fro m trade r t o trader o r from voyag e to voyage. A great deal depended o n the business sense an d skills of the trader, the price of slaves on the African coast , their selling price in th e Americas, the number who perished durin g the Atlantic crossing, and the state of their healt h upo n arrival . With thes e qualification s in mind , mos t o f the existin g studies sho w a return o f somewhere between five percent and twent y percent o n the investment mad e by the traders. In the end, it may not be possible to separate the profitability of the slave trade from tha t o f slavery. The two business practices were intricately interrelated. Th e funds tha t the slave trade generated were used to purchase the products that were produced with slav e labor. Thus, a slave trader would sel l his slaves in the Carib bean and use the funds t o buy sugar, which he would then sel l in Europe. There are no reliabl e estimate s o f the return s that slav e owners made o n thei r investments in slaves in Latin America and the Caribbean. Investments in slaves in the United State s in the nineteenth centur y yielded an average rate of profitability of ten percent , makin g fo r a very healthy business. Some Caribbea n slav e owners were heavily in debt b y the beginning o f the nineteent h century , but other s mus t have continue d t o tur n a profit . I n fact , som e scholar s hav e argue d tha t th e economies of European countries owe d their expansion t o the slav e trade an d th e financial benefit s o f slave labor.

The First Passage

The impact o f the slave trade on the African societie s is also a highly controver sial issue. Some scholars maintain that the removal of millions of people from West and West Central Africa le d to th e depopulatio n o f certain societies . Others con clude that the African population s di d not decline during the almost four centurie s that th e slav e trade existed . The y suggest that ne w food crop s introduce d durin g the period le d to improved diet s and helped t o account for a steady increase in the population, eve n though millions were being drained away by the trade. These two points of view do not necessaril y rul e each other out . The slav e trade di d no t affec t al l African societie s in the sam e way, and it s im pact varied over time. Some weaker societies disappeared, while the stronger one s with access to guns and gunpowder increased their power and size. They were able to incorporate other societie s into their own, often sellin g the captives whom the y took i n th e process . The fac t tha t mos t o f the slave s who wer e sol d wer e youn g males must hav e had sever e negative consequences i n some societies . There were probably imbalance s i n th e numbe r o f me n t o wome n i n som e societie s an d a shortage of persons availabl e for such male-assigned duties as defense. The slav e trade ma y als o hav e increased th e incidenc e o f war s i n th e Africa n societies. African societie s in the sixteenth century and later went t o war for their own local reasons. The popular view that the Europeans created wars between the Africans fo r th e purpos e o f acquirin g slave s is highly exaggerated. Nor i s it gen erally true that the Africans fought primarily for the purpose of obtaining captives to b e sol d a s slaves . I t i s very likely, however, that th e availabilit y o f European supplied weapons led to an increase i n the frequency of wars. The slave trade, according to most scholars , had a negative economic effec t o n the African societie s that were involved in it. This was because the Africans devel oped a taste for the consumer goods provided by the Europeans in exchange for the slaves. Becaus e these goods coul d b e obtaine d withou t undu e difficult y an d th e prices wer e no t excessive , som e African s developed a dependenc e o n the m an d neglected their own local industries. In the long run, the Africans' failure to develop their own industries helps to account fo r their falling behind th e Europeans in manufacturing. The Atlantic slave trade left a lasting and bitte r legacy for all groups involved in it. I t ha s remaine d a sourc e o f embarrassmen t an d guil t fo r them . Som e hav e sought t o establish blame an d responsibilit y for its origins an d continuation . Th e unpleasant fac t i s that there were African seller s and European and American buyers. The Africa n seller s cam e fro m man y differen t societie s an d s o di d th e pur chasers. The contemporary reade r look s bac k in horror a t human being s buying and sellin g other member s o f the human family . Bu t most peopl e a t the time di d not se e anything wrong with the slav e trade. Still, there were others, undoubtedl y a small minority, who denounced the human traffi c an d reacted to it with disgust . Blame an d accusatio n aside , the extraordinar y burden s tha t th e enslave d en dured must be recognized. They were human property , subjected to the whims of

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their owners, humiliated, and abused. As unfree workers, they labored long hours, often at dangerous tasks. Overworked and underfed, many died prematurely. Their life chances were limited, an d fe w could expect to acquire their freedom. Yet, there is ample evidence that the enslaved called upon their inner strength to survive their ordeal. Beginnin g in the sixteenth century, they escaped an d rebelled, challengin g the powe r o f those wh o denie d the m freedom . The enslave d everywher e estab lished the cultura l institutions tha t became the core of black life in the Americas. Theirs i s a tale o f extraordinar y suffering ; bu t i t i s also a timeless lesso n i n en durance and survival.

CHAPTER

2

Strange New Land 1619-1776 Peter H. Wood

I

n th e summe r o f 1619 , a 160-to n shi p fro m th e por t o f Flushing in Hollan d sailed int o Chesapeak e Bay . This Dutc h vesse l was unde r the comman d of Captain Jop e and piloted by an Englishman named Marmaduke Raynor. They were seekin g to obtai n provision s after a season of raidin g in th e Wes t Indies. In exchange fo r supplies , Jop e an d hi s cre w sold mor e tha n twent y Negroes t o th e local authoritie s i n th e strugglin g English colon y o f Virginia. These blac k newcomers cam e ashor e twelv e years afte r th e foundin g of Jamestow n and on e yea r before the Mayflower arrive d at Plymouth i n New England. The people brought t o Virginia b y the Dutc h man-of-wa r ar e ofte n cite d a s the firs t person s o f African ancestry to se t foot o n Nort h America. But, in fact , other s had com e before the m and had traveled widely through th e southern part of the continent . Africans wer e present i n the earl y Spanish forays ont o th e continen t o f Nort h America, as Juan Ponce d e Leo n an d hi s successor s probe d Florid a and th e Gulf Coast i n searc h of slaves, wealth, and a passage to th e Pacific . I n August 1526 , for example, si x Spanish ship s lande d o n th e coas t o f wha t i s now Sout h Carolina . Their commander , Luca s Vasquez d e Ayllon, brought a t leas t five hundred people—men, women, and children—along with one hundred horses and enough cattle, sheep, and pigs to start a settlement. They pushed south alon g the coast to find a suitable location, and the y constructed a small village of thatched-roof huts . But within month s Ayllo n died, an d bitte r tension s aros e ove r wh o shoul d succee d him. I n the midst o f this struggle for control, African slave s set fire to som e of the houses at night. Divided and embittered, 150 survivors straggled back to the Caribbean as winter se t in. Almost al l the rest—more than 350 people—died because of sickness, violence, hunger, or cold . But i t was rumored tha t som e o f the African s had escaped their bondage and remaine d to live among the coastal Indians. That sam e winter the Spanish king approved anothe r expeditio n to the Florida region, and fiv e ships , commanded b y Panfil o d e Narvaez , se t sai l fro m Spai n i n June 1527 . Th e followin g spring mor e tha n fou r hundre d soldier s an d servants , including som e me n o f Africa n descent , lande d nea r Tamp a Ba y and marche d

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To Make Our World Anew northwest. The y hope d t o mak e grea t conquests , bu t the y were poorl y prepare d and badly led. The Indians fought fiercely to defend their own lands, and soon th e invaders were separated from thei r supply boats and from eac h other. Most died in the Gul f Coast wilderness, but a few survived long enough to be taken i n by local tribes. Miraculously, four such men encountered one another on the Texas coast in 1534. They evaded th e tribe s with who m the y were living and se t of f across th e Southwest i n hope s o f reaching Mexico City , the capita l o f the Spanis h colony of New Spain. One o f these four survivor s was a Spanish-speaking African name d Esteban — the first African t o emerge clearly in the pages of North American history. Another survivor wa s a Spanis h office r name d Alva r Nune z Cabez a d e Vaca who wrot e down thei r incredibl e story . He told ho w they had bee n enslave d by Indians an d forced t o hau l woo d an d water , living on nuts , rabbits , spiders , and th e juic e of prickly pears. Heading west, they viewed the rollin g Texas prairie with its herds of buffalo. "Over al l the region, " they reported, "we saw vast and beautiful plains that would mak e goo d pasture. " They als o marveled a t th e variet y o f language s the y encountered among Southwestern Indians. Cabeza de Vaca noted that "there are a thousand dialectica l differences," addin g that Esteba n served as their primary gobetween. "He was constantly in conversation, finding out about routes , towns, and other matters we wished to know. " After eigh t years in America, including two years traveling together through the Southwest, the fou r me n finally reached Mexico Cit y in 1536—th e firs t newcom ers fro m Europ e an d Afric a t o cros s the hug e expans e o f North America . Whe n they described th e massiv e Indian apartmen t dwelling s they had see n (know n as pueblos), gold-hungr y listener s assume d the y ha d glimpse d th e legendar y an d wealthy Seve n Citie s o f Cibola . Soo n th e Spanis h viceroy , Governor Antonio d e Mendoza, organize d a new exploratio n t o see k out thes e seve n mythica l towns , which were supposedly surrounded b y turquoise-studded walls of gold. Since the black ma n wa s a skilled translator an d a seasoned guide who remaine d enslaved , Mendoza purchased Esteba n and presented hi m t o a Spanish fria r name d Marco s de Niza, who had bee n selecte d to lea d the expedition . I n Marc h 1539 , the friar' s party, "with th e Negr o and othe r slaves , and Indians, " heade d northwar d towar d what is now Arizona i n search of Cibola. According to an official report : The Lord Viceroy having ... news and notice of such land sent a friar an d a negro, the latter having come from Florid a with the others ... as survivors of the party taken there by Panfilo Narvaez . These set out with the knowledge th e negr o ha d i n orde r t o g o t o a ver y ric h country , a s th e latte r declared, and told the friar ... that there are seven very populous cities with great buildings The y have houses built of stone and lime, being of three stories, and with great quantities of turquoises set in doors and windows. Esteban, familia r wit h th e region , proceede d ahea d wit h hi s tw o dog s an d a number of Indians. As the summer hea t increased, he sent wooden crosse s back to

Strange New Land the Christia n fria r t o assur e him o f their progress . Finally he approache d a large community—probably the pueblo of Zuni in western New Mexico. Hoping to have reached "Cibola" at last, Esteban sent messengers ahead as usual, carrying "his great Mace made of a gourd," which "had a string of belles upon it , and two feathers on e white and another red, in token that he demanded saf e conduct, an d that he came peaceably." But the Zunis quickl y recognized th e bells as Spanish. The y linked thi s party advancing from th e south with rumors of Spanish slave raiding and violence that wer e alread y circulating i n th e India n market s o f th e region . Zun i leader s blamed the appearance o f foreigners for deaths that had already occurred, and they feared a plot by which "neither ma n no r woma n o f them shall remaine unslaine." When Esteban' s messenger s returned, the y reporte d handin g ove r th e "grea t gourd" to the Indian magistrate . He "tooke the same in his hands, and after h e had spyed the belles, in a great rage and fur y he e cast it to the ground , and wille d the messengers to ge t them packin g with speed, for he knew well ynough what people they were, and tha t the y should . . . in n o cas e enter th e citie , for if they di d he e would pu t the m al l to death." Determined in his course and confiden t that diplo macy could prevail, Esteban dismissed thi s initial rejection as "no great matter" and proceeded to approach th e town. But armed men blocked his entrance to the city and confine d hi m t o a n outlyin g building . The y denie d hi m foo d an d wate r overnight, an d they confiscated his trade goods. Negotiations prove d unsuccessful, and when Esteban emerged the nex t morning , h e and mos t o f his company were attacked an d kille d by a n angr y crowd. Thoug h "blood y an d wounde d i n man y places," severa l o f hi s India n companion s manage d t o survive . The y returne d southward to inform Fray Marcos of the deat h of his experienced black guide. The failur e o f th e expedition s o f Ayllon , Narvaez , an d Fra y Marco s onl y in creased the ambitions of other explorers. Their ventures into the American interior would also include the presence of Africans a t every stage. Even before the deat h of Esteban at the Zuni pueblo, other black Hispanic soldiers and slaves were amon g those preparing to accompany Francisco Vazquez de Coronado int o the Southwest and Hernand o d e Soto into the Southeast , and a few remain visible in the surviv ing accounts. Among those marching with d e Soto, for example, was a man named "Gomez, a negro belonging to Vasco Goncalez who spok e good Spanish." In 1537, de Sot o ha d receive d permissio n t o invad e Florid a an d carv e out a provinc e fo r himself and his followers i n the southern interior . Th e Spanish crown had autho rized hi m t o rais e an army , to establis h thre e fortifie d towns , an d t o includ e a s many a s fift y enslave d Negroe s in hi s plans . Gome z wa s amon g th e blac k me n forced t o take part i n this ambitious design. When th e expedition lande d i n Florida in May 1539, it contained 33 0 foot sol diers and almost as many others—artisans, carpenters, cooks, servants, and priests. They also brought herd s of hogs and othe r livestoc k that woul d accompan y their army to provid e fres h meat . De Sot o had take n par t i n Pizarro' s successfu l cam paign against the golden citie s of the Incas in Peru. Now he was anxious to discov er an equally wealthy kingdom of his own. But long marches through th e swamp s

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To Make Our World Anew and forests of the Deep South revealed no suc h prize, even when he tortured loca l leaders fo r information and pushe d hi s own compan y t o extremes . The more de Soto's ambitio n wa s frustrated , th e mor e ruthles s hi s invasio n became . A t th e Indian tow n o f Cofitachequ i near the Savanna h River , he finall y receive d gift s o f pearls in the sprin g of 1540 . But he thanked th e youn g woman leade r (o r cacica) who had presented the pearls by making her a captive in her own region and obliging her to march with his soldiers to assure their saf e passage in her domain . De Soto's repeated cruelty toward the Native Americans ensured that few would give him a kindly reception. His ruthlessness with his own army meant tha t man y were willing to risk desertion i n a strange land, especially slaves who stood to gain nothing fro m th e entir e enterprise . Severa l weeks afte r d e Soto' s departur e fro m Cofitachequi, his royal Indian prisone r steppe d of f the pat h wit h severa l servants and mad e goo d he r escape . Several member s o f d e Soto' s compan y als o disap peared, includin g thre e Spanish-speakin g slaves : a n India n bo y fro m Cuba , a Berber from Nort h Africa, an d a West African—Gomez. Th e firs t tw o slaves eventually returned to camp and begged forgiveness, reporting that Gome z had electe d to remain behind with the young Indian. Regarding th e blac k ma n an d th e Nativ e American woman, thes e informant s said, "it was very certain that they held communicatio n a s husband an d wife , an d that both had made up their minds" to go to Cofitachequi . So by 1540 , less than fift y year s after th e arriva l of Columbus i n the Caribbean , an Africa n ex-slav e an d a n India n cacica wer e livin g togethe r i n th e souther n forest. B y now othe r Europea n countries , jealou s o f Spanis h wealt h i n th e Ne w World, were beginning to show an interest in the coas t of North America . Several explorers sailin g for th e Frenc h kin g envisione d th e possibilit y o f discoverin g a short "Northwest Passage " from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Giovanni d a Verrazzano hoped to find a route to the Orient when he examined the Outer Banks of Carolina and the mouth o f New York harbor i n 1524 . lacques Cartier had simila r ambition s when h e saile d u p th e broa d St . Lawrence Rive r i n 1535 . Eve n if they could no t discover acces s to th e Pacific , Spain' s rival s could tak e advantag e o f th e excellen t fishing grounds in the North Atlantic. Or, if they dared, they could go after grande r targets, attackin g th e Spanis h galleon s tha t saile d homewar d regularl y fro m Mexico. The annua l Spanis h fleet , carryin g gol d an d silve r fro m th e Ne w Worl d t o Seville, followe d th e current s o f th e Gul f Strea m northwar d alon g th e Florid a Peninsula. Foreign ships, lying in wait along that coastline , could easil y attack an d capture stray vessels before they headed across the Atlantic. In 1565 , therefore, the Spanish establishe d a garrison a t St . Augustine o n th e eas t coas t o f Florida. The purpose o f thi s smal l por t tow n wa s to hel p protec t th e passin g gol d flee t fro m marauders an d t o secur e Spain' s clai m t o th e Florid a regio n agains t Europea n rivals. It became the first permanent non-Indian settlement in North America, and Africans were present there from th e beginning .

Strange New Land By 1600, roughly forty Africans had been transported to the small outpost o f St. Augustine as property of the royal garrison; another sixty had arrived in the households o f privat e individuals . Thes e earl y Africa n Americans—mostl y me n an d mostly Spanish-speaking—wer e involve d i n erectin g mor e tha n on e hundre d Spanish-owned shop s and houses and i n building Fort San Marcos on th e north ern edg e of town. The y planted garden s and fishe d in the Matanza s River, selling their catc h i n th e loca l fis h market . Thos e wh o ha d accepte d Christianit y wor shipped a t the local Catholic church, and some drew token pay for themselves and their owners as drummers, fifers, and fla g bearers in the local militia. But living conditions wer e harsh, and controls at the remote outpost wer e limited. So some Africans escape d to live among the Indians, as Gomez and other s ha d done severa l generations earlier . A Spanish document fro m 160 5 complained tha t slaves had slipped away toward the south an d intermarried with the Ais tribe living along the Florida coast. Those who remained in town had little reason for allegiance to thei r owners . The authoritie s feare d tha t the y would suppor t an y invader wh o offered the m thei r freedom, and on e official , writin g in 1606 , warned other s to b e wary of "persons o f their kind, who are the worst enemies we can have." More than a century later St. Augustine would be viewed as a potential haven by a later generation o f black Southerners, but tha t day was still far in the future . Just a s blacks, both enslave d an d free , too k par t i n th e exploratio n an d colo nization of Spanish Florida, they also participated i n the creatio n of a new colony in the Southwest. There, from th e time of Esteban, Spanish raiding parties had carried Indian captives back to Mexico to work in the silver mines alongside enslaved Africans. Befor e th e en d o f the sixteent h century , Mexican adventurer s pushed t o gain control of the populated regio n along the upper Rio Grande. Their reasons for immigrating t o thi s regio n wer e man y an d varied : Som e hope d t o limi t th e exploitation o f local Indians ; some hope d t o conver t the Indian s to Christianity ; some hoped t o contro l the m an d extrac t a profit. Governmen t official s hope d t o prevent Europea n rival s fro m discoverin g wealt h tha t ha d s o fa r elude d th e Spanish. But most o f the settler s simply hoped t o escap e harsh condition s i n old Mexico and tak e their chance s on the roug h frontie r in a colony to be called New Mexico. In 1595 , a contrac t fo r thi s norther n ventur e wa s awarde d t o Do n Jua n d e Onate, one of the last in a long line of ambitious and violent conquistadors stretch ing back to Cortes and Pizarro, de Soto and Coronado. Onate put up the enormous wealth hi s father ha d gaine d fro m silve r mining (largel y with India n an d Africa n labor) i n exchange fo r the right to conquer, control, and exploit a vast region. His tactics prove d strikingl y ruthless, even i n a n er a know n fo r it s brutality, and hi s grandest ambition s wer e neve r realized . I n 159 9 h e crushe d a desperat e India n revolt at the pueblo o f Acoma so ferociously that he was reprimanded for his acts, and eventually h e was forced to withdraw fro m his newly founded colony. By 1608 there wa s seriou s tal k o f abandonin g th e settlemen t o f Ne w Mexic o altogether .

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Nevertheless, by 161 0 a permanent mission ha d been establishe d a t Santa Fe, and many o f those who had accompanie d Onat e had demonstrate d thei r determination t o remain in New Mexico. In 1598 , the firs t contingen t o f five hundred colonist s headin g nort h included persons o f varied racia l background s an d socia l ranks . These newcomer s t o th e Southwest include d blac k an d mulatto men and women, bot h enslaved an d free . Authorities i n Mexico , anxiou s t o preven t runaway s fro m escapin g t o anothe r province, ordere d th e deat h penalt y fo r an y India n o r mulatt o attemptin g t o migrate withou t presentin g clea r identification . S o when severa l hundre d rein forcements headed north i n 1600 , nonwhites had to obtain clearanc e to depart . In th e centur y befor e th e firs t Dutc h slave-tradin g shi p arrive d i n Virginia , Africans i n Nort h America had experience d all of the hardship s an d som e of th e opportunities associate d with transatlantic colonization. The Uncertain Century During the first half o f the sixteent h century , while Gomez and Esteba n encountered th e wilderness of America, Europe was shaken by a religious upheaval . The disruption was so large that its shock waves had a lasting influence o n al l parts of the Atlanti c world , includin g Afric a an d Nort h America . Member s o f Europe' s Catholic church, led by German minister Martin Luther, "protested" against practices of the established priesthoo d an d challenged th e authority o f the Pope. Thes e dissenters, called Protestants, broke awa y fro m th e Catholi c churc h in Rom e an d organized thei r ow n Christia n churches . Thei r mas s movement , aimin g t o "re form" Christianity to a purer and simpler pattern o f earlier times, became know n as th e Reformation . Encourage d b y the theologia n Joh n Calvi n i n Geneva , thi s rebellion agains t papa l authorit y soo n gaine d it s stronges t suppor t i n norther n Europe. There were more than religiou s motivations for defying papa l power i n Rome. The Catholic church was also a major economi c an d political force across Europe. Its larg e cathedral s an d numerou s monasterie s mad e i t a dominan t landholde r throughout th e continent, and the Pope supported, and benefited from, the enormous spoil s tha t flowe d t o Europ e a s a resul t o f Spanis h conques t i n th e Ne w World. Bot h Englan d an d th e Netherlands , tw o land s caugh t u p i n th e Refor mation, were small countries with excellent ports and long seagoing traditions. By the secon d hal f o f the sixteent h centur y they eac h had enoug h ship s an d sailors , backed by private capita l and encouraged by government leaders, to dare to chal lenge the awesome sea power of Catholic Spain. The Protestant Reformation's ideas about humanity's relationshi p t o God and about papa l authority adde d a religiou s and political dimension to this challenge. Defending its economic power and its religious ties, Spain emerged a s the leade r of an extended "Counter-Reformation," and by the 1580 s this struggle had erupt ed into international warfare in Europe. Among the Dutch, the northern province s

Strange New Land rebelled successfull y agains t Spanis h contro l (becomin g the countr y w e know as Holland o r the Netherlands). Among the English, Queen Elizabeth's seamen, led by Sir Francis Drake, repelled a huge invasion by an armada of Spanish ships in 1588 . Emboldened b y suc h triumph s an d jealou s o f Spanis h an d Portugues e succes s overseas, Dutc h an d Englis h se a captains becam e increasingl y active i n Atlantic waters and beyond . As a result , thes e religiou s an d politica l rivalrie s i n Europ e too k o n a muc h wider an d mor e lastin g significance, reaching out t o touc h an d shap e the live s of many distan t peoples , includin g earl y African Americans . Reformatio n rivalrie s helped determin e wher e Africans woul d be transported i n the Ne w World an d by whom, a s well as which ne w languages they would hear and wha t forms o f Chris tianity they would encounter . Most importantly , these struggles meant tha t fo r an entire uncertai n century , from th e 1560 s to th e 1660 s and beyond , i t was by n o means clea r how man y African s woul d reac h North Americ a or wha t thei r exac t status would be when they arrived. One wa y for Englishme n t o gai n acces s to Spain' s closel y guarded dominion s and profit s i n th e Ne w Worl d wa s t o see k a rol e i n shippin g non-Christian s between Afric a an d Lati n America. Englishme n firs t trie d transportin g African s across th e Atlanti c fo r gai n i n th e 1560s , when a n Elizabetha n "sea dog " name d John Hawkins made several slaving voyages from Afric a t o the Caribbean. Spanis h reluctance, no t Englis h scruples , cu t shor t thi s approach . Alternativ e way s fo r England to undermine th e powerful Spaniard s involved plundering their gold flee t in th e water s o f th e Gul f Stream , or—eve n mor e dangerously—attackin g thei r Central American port s an d incitin g discontented Indian s an d enslave d African s to revol t agains t thei r Spanis h overlords . Raidin g Panam a fo r treasur e i n 1572 , Francis Drak e receive d valuable ai d fro m th e cimarrones, several thousan d "val iant" Negroes living in the mountains wh o had, according to one English account, "fled fro m thei r crue l masters the Spaniards. " When Drak e returne d t o th e Spanis h Caribbea n o n a similar missio n i n 1585 , his countryman Si r Walter Raleigh sent a related expedition t o the Atlantic Coast . Raleigh's men establishe d an outpost a t Roanoke Island. The spot (i n modern-da y North Carolina ) was not fa r from Florid a and wa s protected b y the Oute r Banks. From there, the colonists hoped to support raid s against the Spaniards. In addition, the Protestan t Englishme n intende d t o trea t neighborin g Indian s an d importe d Africans wit h greate r respect and humanity tha n thei r Catholi c rival s had shown . The opportunity cam e sooner tha n the y expected. Drake , having narrowly missed the Spanish treasure fleet, attacked several major Spanish ports, siding openly with local cimarrones and embittere d slaves . I n Sant o Doming o an d Cartagen a h e extracted hug e ransoms , capture d valuabl e ships , an d liberate d hundred s o f en slaved men and women—Indians, Africans, Turks, and Moors. Frightened Spanis h officials reporte d "the pains he took to carry off launches and frigates, implements , locks and al l sorts o f hardware and negro laborours who in his country are free. "

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Drake's nex t sto p wa s a t St . Augustine, where hi s me n attacke d th e for t an d encouraged local Indians to burn the town. The victorious little fleet, carrying people from thre e differen t continents , then heade d north u p th e coas t to Roanoke. Three black men who remained behind a t St. Augustine confirmed to authoritie s that their liberator "meant t o leave all the negroes he had in a fort an d settlemen t established... by the English who went there a year ago." But when Drake reached Roanoke in June 1586 , he found the officer s an d men ready to give up their enterprise as a failure. Befor e he could unload his newly freed reinforcement s and cap tured hardware, a summer storm scattere d his fleet fro m it s unprotected anchor age. Within day s Drake sailed for England in hi s remaining ships, taking most of the garrison with him. A further settlemen t effor t o n the same spot the followin g year with more than on e hundred ne w colonists had disappeared by 1590, largely because boats carrying much-needed supplie s were held in England to help resist the Spanish Armada. The rea l myster y o f thi s so-calle d "Los t Colony " i s no t wha t becam e o f th e English settlers; evidence suggests that most were absorbed peacefull y int o neighboring tribes. Instead, the most fascinating, and unanswerable, question concern s several hundre d ex-slave s fro m th e Caribbean . Thes e people , mostl y Africans , apparently vanished in the sudden storm , an d record s give no indicatio n o f their fate. Bu t on e wonders : What migh t hav e become of these "lost colonists " i f they had manage d to g o ashore before th e tempes t struck ? They would certainl y have been put t o work along with everyon e else, for the outpos t wa s short o n supplies and needed additional hands. But the English, to score a propaganda victory, might have gone out of their way to convert these men and women to the Protestant religion and to make sure they lived more freely than under Spanish rule. Grateful for liberation and relative independence, these newcomers might have served in futur e Caribbean ventures, eager to gai n revenge upon th e Spanish , liberate fello w Afri cans, and share in possible spoils. The transitio n t o rigi d an d unwaverin g racial enslavemen t in Nort h America still lay in the future. Black arrivals before 1680 , several thousand in number, came from varied backgrounds an d often had extensive Caribbean experience. Most ha d been denie d thei r freedo m i n th e Wes t Indie s an d ha d bee n force d t o wor k a s slaves, but thi s di d no t mea n tha t thei r statu s wa s fixe d fo r lif e i n th e fledglin g colonies of the mainland. Frequently they spoke one or more European languages; often the y were of mixed Europea n an d Africa n ancestry . They entere d a world where religious identity an d the practica l demands o f daily survival still counte d for fa r more than one' s physical appearance or ethnic background. Between 1600 and the 1670s , the status of Africans in North America remained varied and uncertain, a s th e Protestan t Englis h an d Dutc h pushe d t o establis h ne w settlement s along a coastline that the Spanish had once claimed as their own. In 1609 , the Dutch laid claim to the area now known as New York when Henry Hudson saile d u p th e rive r tha t no w bear s hi s name . Thei r colony , called New

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During the seventeenth century, Dutch ships transported several thousand Africans to the New World each year. Most were enslaved on Brazilian and Caribbean sugar plantations, but a few hundred labored in New Amsterdam.

Netherland, bega n as a fur trading outpost, and African Americans appeared there aboard the earliest ships. By 1628, the Dutch had constructed a crude fort at the tip of Manhattan Island. They planned to import enslaved Africans t o augment the supply of farm laborers in the little village of New Amsterdam, which had a population of fewer than three hundred people . Several years later the Dutch West India Company imported addi tional slaves from th e Caribbean to rebuild the fort, and by 1639, a company map showed a slave camp five miles north o f the tow n housin g newcomers from th e West Indies. Though most black settlers were legally enslaved and some apparently lived in a separate settlement, these few initial Afro-Dutch residents did not lead a lif e totall y apar t fro m othe r colonist s in Ne w Amsterdam. Som e were grante d "half-freedom" (the y lived independentl y bu t continue d t o pa y a n annua l tax); others were manumitted, or freed , by their owner s and possesse d their ow n land and labor . Indeed, it was possible for a European woman to work for an Africa n freeman a s an indentured servant. Early Dutch record s mak e clear that blacks were active in th e courts . I n June 1639, for example, a freeman name d Pedro Negretto, who worked as a day laborer alongside Dutch farmhands, sued Jan Celes for failing to pay him fo r taking care of

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To Make Our World Anew his hogs. Similarly, religious documents sho w that th e few Africans wh o professed Christianity were permitted t o marry within the Dutch Reformed church . Among fifty marriage s recorded by the Ne w Amsterdam church fro m 163 9 to 1652 , thirteen involve d union s betwee n blac k me n an d blac k women . Whe n India n war s threatened, a s in 1641 , Africans foun d themselve s recruite d b y the governo r an d council to venture out in teams against Indian hunting parties . Though Hollan d steadil y expande d it s rol e i n transportin g African s t o th e Americas, th e populatio n o f Ne w Netherlan d gre w slowly at first . Fo r th e mos t part, the powerful Dutch confine d their major traffic to the burgeoning plantation economies of the Sout h Atlantic. They focused particularly on Portugues e Brazil, seizing temporary control there in 1637 . They also took fro m th e Portugues e several ports i n Africa (Elmin a o n the Gold Coas t an d Luanda in Angola), and soon they wer e transportin g twenty-fiv e hundre d African s pe r yea r wes t acros s th e South Atlantic. A few of these people eventuall y ended u p i n New Amsterdam, as suggested by the presenc e in the records of such names as Paulo d'Angola, Simon Congo, and Anthony Portuguese. In 1654 , the Dutc h lost control of Brazil, where they had been shippin g thou sands of Africans, s o distant Ne w Netherland suddenl y became a more attractiv e destination fo r Dutch slavers from th e Sout h Atlantic. The firs t shiploa d o f several hundre d peopl e brough t directl y fro m Afric a arrive d a t th e mout h o f th e Hudson i n 1655 . More shipments followed, and man y of the enslave d passengers were promptly resol d to English planters in the Chesapeake colonies seeking additional workers . B y this tim e th e Dutc h ha d mad e peac e wit h th e Spanis h an d found themselves at war with their former ally, England. In 1664 , when the English seized Ne w Netherland an d rename d i t New York, there ma y have been a s many as seven hundred Dutch-speakin g black residents in a population o f nine thou sand. Th e Dutc h soo n turne d thei r colonizin g attentio n t o othe r places—suc h as South Africa, wher e they had establishe d a colony at th e Cap e o f Goo d Hop e in 1652. It would be the English who expanded thei r hold on the Atlantic Coast of North America an d steadil y increased the numbe r o f blacks living there. As more black newcomers appeared in the English mainland colonies , racial designations gradu ally too k o n ne w significance . Eventually , lega l code s woul d impos e hereditar y enslavement, an d profit-consciou s trader s woul d undertak e th e importatio n o f slaves directly from Africa . An earl y muster roll fro m th e Plymout h Colon y in Ne w England, founded by the Pilgrim s i n 1620 , shows that a t leas t on e African—o r "blackamoor, " th e ol d English ter m fo r a dark-skinned African—wa s presen t i n th e communit y by the early 1630s and was serving in the militia. The journal of John Winthrop, governor of th e large r Massachusetts Ba y Colony (founde d i n 1630) , make s clea r tha t i n 1638, not long after the English defeat of the neighboring Pequot Indians, a Boston

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sea captain carried Native American captives to the West Indies and brought back "salt, cotton, tobacco, and Negroes." Six years later, in 1644 , Boston merchants sent several ships directl y to th e West African coast , a small beginning to a pattern o f New England slave trading that would continue for a century and a half. At the start of the seventeent h century , Christian European s stil l tended to see political an d religious , no t physical , difference s a s th e ke y division s amon g mankind. Enemie s in foreign wars and adherents t o different faith s could b e captured an d enslaved . For this reason, John Smith , a leader of the English colony at Jamestown, had bee n force d briefly int o slavery by the Muslims when fightin g in Eastern Europe as a young man; "infidel" Pequots who opposed Winthrop's me n in New England were sold into bondage in the Caribbean. Such enslavement was not always for life ; conversio n to th e religio n o f the capto r an d othe r form s o f goo d behavior coul d resul t in freedom . A law passed in th e colon y of Rhod e Island in 1652 even attempted to limit the term of involuntary servitude to ten years. By mid-century, however, the conditio n of unfre e colonist s in Nort h America had starte d t o change . I n th e olde r colonie s of th e Spanis h New World t o th e south, a pattern of hereditary servitude based upon race had long ago evolved into a powerfu l an d irresistibl e system o f exploitation . Now , slowly, this destructiv e institution began to gain a substantial foothold in the small colonies of the North American mainland as well. Its emergence would have a devastating effec t o n th e next generation o f Africans to cross the Atlantic, and upon all of their descendant s for severa l long centuries to come . The Terrible Transformation During th e second hal f o f the seventeent h century , a terrible transformation , th e enslavement o f people solely on the basis of race, occurred i n the lives of Africa n Americans living in North America . These newcomer s still numbere d onl y a few thousand, bu t th e bitte r reversal s they experienced—firs t subtle , the n drastic — would shape the lives of all those who followed them, generation after generation . The timing and nature of the change varied considerably from colony to colony, and eve n from famil y t o family . Gradually , the terribl e transformation took o n a momentum o f its own, numbing and burdening everything in its path, like a disastrous winter storm. Unlike the changing seasons, however, the encroachment of racial slavery in the colonies of North America was certainly not a natural process. It wa s highl y unnatural—th e wor k o f powerfu l competitiv e government s an d many thousands of human beings spread out across the Atlantic world. Nor was it inevitable that people's legal status would come to depend upon their racial background an d tha t th e conditio n o f slavery would be passed down fro m paren t t o child. Numerous factors combine d to bring about this disastrous shift . I t is worth exploring ho w al l these huma n force s swirled togethe r durin g th e decade s afte r 1650, to create an enormously destructive storm .

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The indenture papers of Jacques Rapalje, a white immigrant who agreed to work for a New York brewer for five years. Many Europeans arrived in America as indentured servants. Their labor belonged to their master for a set number of years, after which they were free.

Strange New Land Consider th e situatio n a t mid-century alon g the Atlanti c Coast. Excep t for St. Augustine in Florida, there were no colonia l settlements south of Chesapeake Bay. The English and Dutch colonies remained extremel y small. As growing communities, they felt a steady need for additional hands, but thei r first priority was to add persons of their own religion and nationality. Many newcomers labored for others, but mos t o f them wer e "indentured"—they had signe d contract s t o wor k unde r fixed conditions fo r a limited number o f years. Their term coul d be shortened fo r good servic e o r lengthene d fo r disobeyin g th e laws , but whe n thei r indentur e expired the y looke d forwar d to havin g lan d o f thei r own . Ship s sailin g back t o England and Holland regularl y carried letters describing the pluses and minuses of each colony. As a result of this continuous feedback , European migrants learned to avoid the settlements tha t had the longest indentures, the poorest working conditions, and the least amount of available land. Conditions i n the Caribbean and Latin America were strikingly different. There, for wel l over a century, Spanish and Portugues e colonizers had enslave d "infidels": first Indian s an d the n Africans . A t first , the y relie d fo r justificatio n upo n th e Mediterranean tradition that persons of a different religion , or persons captured in war, could be enslaved for life. But hidden in this idea of slavery was the notion that persons wh o converte d t o Christianit y shoul d receiv e thei r freedom . Wealth y planters i n th e tropics , afrai d tha t thei r chea p labo r woul d b e take n awa y fro m them becaus e o f this loophole, changed th e reasonin g behind thei r exploitation . Even person s wh o coul d prov e that the y were not capture d i n war and tha t the y accepted th e Catholi c fait h stil l could no t chang e their appearance . So by making color the key factor behind enslavement , dark-skinned people brought fro m Afric a to work in silver mines and on sugar plantations could be exploited for life. Indeed, the servitude could be made hereditary, so enslaved people's children automatically inherited the same unfree status . By 1650, hereditary enslavement based upon color, not upo n religion, was a bitter reality in the olde r Catholic colonies of the New World. But this cruel and self perpetuating system had no t ye t taken firm hold in North America for a variety of reasons. The same anti-Catholic propaganda that had led Sir Francis Drake to liberate Negro slaves in Central America in the 1580 s still prompted many colonist s to believe that it was the Protestant mission to convert non-Europeans rather than enslave them. Apart from suc h moral concerns, there were simple matters of cost and practicality . Workers subject to longe r term s an d comin g fro m furthe r awa y would requir e a larger initial investment. By 1650 , however, conditions wer e already beginning to change . For one thing , both th e Dutc h an d th e Englis h ha d starte d usin g enslave d African s t o produc e sugar i n th e Caribbea n an d th e tropics . Englis h experiment s a t Barbado s an d Providence Islan d showe d tha t Protestan t investor s coul d easil y overcom e thei r moral scruples. Large profits could be made if foreign rivals could be held in check. After agreein g to peac e wit h Spai n an d givin g up contro l o f Northeas t Brazi l a t

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To Make Our World Anew mid-century, Dutc h slav e trader s wer e actively looking fo r ne w markets . I n Eng land, after Charle s II was restored to the throne i n 166 0 he rewarded supporters by creating the Royal African Compan y to enter aggressively into the slav e trade. The English king also chartered a new colony in Carolina. H e hoped i t would b e clos e enough to the Spanish in Florida and the Caribbean to challenge them i n econom ic and militar y terms. Many of the firs t Englis h settlers in Carolina afte r 167 0 came from Barbados . They brought enslave d Africans wit h them. They also brought th e beginnings of a legal code and a social system that accepted race slavery. While new colonies with a greater acceptance of race slavery were being founded, the older colonies continue d t o grow. Early in the seventeenth centur y no tin y North American por t could absorb several hundre d workers arrivin g a t one time on a larg e ship . Mos t Africans—suc h a s those reachin g Jamestow n i n 1619 — arrived severa l doze n a t a tim e aboar d smal l boat s an d privateer s fro m th e Caribbean. Lik e Mingo, who wa s working among white indentured servant s on a Virginia farm in 1648, they tended to mix with other unfre e workers on small plantations. Al l of these servants , no matte r wha t thei r origin , coul d hop e t o obtai n their own land an d the personal independenc e that goes with private property. In 1645, in Northampton Count y o n Virginia's Eastern Shore, Captain Phili p Taylor, after complainin g tha t "Anthon y th e negro " di d no t wor k har d enoug h fo r him , agreed to se t aside part o f the cor n fiel d wher e they worked a s Anthony's plot . "I am ver y gla d o f it, " th e blac k ma n tol d a local clerk , "now I know myn e own e ground and I will worke when I please and pla y when I please." Gradually, i t wa s becoming harde r t o obtai n Englis h labo r i n th e mainlan d colonies. Civil War and a great plague reduced England's population, an d the Great Fire o f Londo n create d fres h demand s fo r worker s a t home . Stif f penaltie s were imposed o n sea captains who grabbed young people in England and sold them i n the colonies as indentured servants. (This common practice was given a new name: "kidnapping.") English servants already at work in the colonies demanded shorte r indentures, better working conditions, an d suitable farmland when their contract s expired. Official s feare d the y would los e future Englis h recruits to rival colonies if bad publicit y filtered bac k to Europe, so they could no t ignor e this pressure, even when it undermined colonia l profits . Nor could colonial planters turn instead to Indian labor. Native Americans captured i n frontie r war s continue d t o b e enslaved , bu t eac h ac t o f aggressio n b y European colonist s mad e futur e diplomac y with neighborin g Indian s mor e diffi cult. Native American captives could easily escape into the familiar wilderness and return t o their origina l tribe. Besides, their numbers wer e limited. African Americans, in contrast , wer e thousands o f miles from thei r homeland , an d thei r avail ability increased as the scope of the Atlantic slave trade expanded. More Europea n countries compete d t o transpor t an d exploi t Africa n labor ; mor e Wes t Africa n leaders prove d willing to engag e in profitable trade wit h them ; mor e Ne w World planters had the money to purchase new workers from acros s the ocean. It seemed

Strange New Land as thoug h ever y decade th e ship s becam e larger , the contact s mor e regular , the departures mor e frequent , the routes mor e familiar , the sales more efficient . As the siz e and efficienc y o f this brutal traffic increased , so did it s rewards for European investors . Their ruthles s competition pushe d up the volume of transatlantic trade from Africa an d drove down th e relative cost of individual African s in the New World at a time when the price of labor from Europ e was rising. As their profits increased , slav e merchants an d thei r captain s continue d t o loo k fo r fres h markets. Nort h America , o n th e fring e o f this expandin g an d infamou s Atlanti c system, represented a likely target. As the smal l mainland colonie s grew and thei r trade wit h on e anothe r an d wit h Englan d increased , thei r capacit y t o purchas e large numbers of new laborers from oversea s expanded. By the end o f the century, Africans wer e arriving aboard larg e ships directly from Afric a a s well as on small er boat s fro m th e Wes t Indies . In 1698 , the monopol y hel d b y England' s Royal African Compan y o n this transatlantic business came to an end, and independen t traders from England an d the colonies steppe d u p their voyages, intending t o capture a share of the profits . All these large and gradua l changes would stil l not hav e brought abou t th e ter rible transformation t o race slavery, had it not been for several other crucial factors. One ingredien t wa s the mountin g fea r amon g colonia l leader s regarding signs of discontent an d cooperatio n amon g poo r an d unfre e colonist s o f al l sorts . Europeans an d African s worke d together , intermarried , ra n awa y together , an d shared common resentment s toward the well-to-do. Both groups were involved in a serie s of bitter strike s an d servan t uprisings among tobacc o picker s in Virginia, culminating i n a n ope n rebellio n i n 1676 . Greatl y outnumbere d b y these arme d workers, authorities were quick to sense the need to divide their labor force in order to control it. Stressing cultural and ethnic divisions would be one way to do that . A second crucial ingredient contributing to worsening conditions wa s the tota l lack of feedback within the strea m o f African arrivals. If masters mistreate d thei r English servants , word o f such abuse s could reac h England and influenc e futur e migration. Whether thi s informatio n travele d b y letter o r b y word o f mouth , i t provided an incentiv e for fai r treatmen t that did not exis t for migrant s brough t from Africa . Onc e deporte d acros s the Atlantic , Africans ha d n o prospec t o f re turning t o thei r homeland , an d fe w European sailor s possesse d th e will , o r th e language skill , to carr y the ful l stor y o f New World enslavemen t bac k t o th e sea ports o f Wes t Africa . Therefore , when a n Englis h maste r misuse d hi s Africa n workers, it had no influenc e upo n th e future suppl y of labor fro m tha t continent . He wa s therefore tempte d t o hol d the m fo r life , reasonin g tha t the y ha d bee n enslaved fo r lif e lon g befor e h e eve r sa w them. Onc e the y wer e hel d fo r life , h e could no t exten d thei r ter m o f servic e for ba d behavio r (th e usua l punishmen t for indenture d servants) , s o h e resorte d increasingl y t o hars h physica l punish ments, knowin g tha t thi s year' s brutality woul d no t effec t nex t year' s suppl y of African labor .

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Lifetime servitud e could be enforced onl y by removing the prospect tha t a person might gai n freedo m through Christia n conversion . On e approach wa s to out law this traditional route to freedom. As early as 1664, a Maryland statute specified that Christian baptism coul d have no effec t upo n the legal status of a slave. A more sweeping solution , however, involve d removin g religio n altogethe r a s a factor i n determining servitude . Therefore , a thir d an d fundamenta l ke y t o th e terribl e transformation was the shift fro m changeabl e spiritual faith to unchangeable physical appearance as a measure of status. Increasingly, the dominant Englis h came to view Africans no t a s "heathen people " bu t a s "black people." The y began, for th e first time , to describe themselves not a s Christians but a s whites. And they gradu ally wrote this shif t int o thei r colonia l laws . Within a generation, the English defi nition o f who coul d b e mad e a slav e had shifte d fro m someon e who wa s not a Christian to someone who was not European in appearance. Indeed, the transitio n for self-intereste d Englishmen wen t further . I t wa s a smal l but momentou s ste p from sayin g that black persons could be enslaved t o saying that Negroes should be enslaved. On e Christia n ministe r wa s dismayed b y thi s rapi d chang e t o slaver y based o n race : "these tw o words , Negro an d Slave," wrot e th e Reveren d Morgan Godwyn in 1680 , are "by custom grown Homogeneou s and Convertible"—that is, interchangeable. As if this momentou s shif t wer e not enough , i t wa s accompanied b y another . Those who wrote the colonial laws not onl y moved to make slavery racial; they also made it hereditary. Under English common law , a child inherited th e legal status of the father . As Virginia officials pu t i t when looking int o th e cas e of Elizabeth Key in 1655 : "by the Comon Law the Child o f a Woman slave begott by a freeman ought to bee free." Elizabeth, called Black Bess by her neighbors, wa s the mulatto daugh ter o f Thomas Ke y and hi s Negro servant. As a child, sh e had bee n indentured b y her fathe r fo r nine year s to Colone l Humphre y Higginson , but afte r Thoma s Key died others had attempted t o extend he r term of service indefinitely . Bess wa s i n he r mid-twentie s an d anxiou s t o prov e he r fre e statu s i n cour t before marrying William Greensted. After hearing sworn testimony, the authorities ruled that "the said Elizabeth ough t t o bee free and that her last Master should give her Corn e an d Cloathe s an d giv e her satisfactio n for th e tim e she e hat h serve d longer than She e ought to have done." Bess did indeed have the same status as her father and was free to marry William. Bu t within seve n years that option had bee n removed. Face d with simila r case s of "whether childre n go t b y an y Englishma n upon a negro woman should be slave or Free," the Virginia Assembly in 1662 decided in favo r o f the maste r demandin g servic e rather tha n th e chil d claimin g free dom. In this special circumstance, the Assembly ignored all English precedents that children inherited the name and status of their father. Instead, the men in the colonial legislature declared tha t al l such childre n "born e in this countr y sha l be hel d bond or free onl y according t o the condition of the mother." In Virginia, and soon elsewhere, the childre n of slave mothers would be slaves forever.

This 1680 document contains a land grant at the top, and at the bottom a manumission document for "Negro Harry" from South Carolina. As the nature of slavery in the colonies changed, such routes to freedom became less available.

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To satisfy their huge demand for labor in America, colonial empires developed the vicious circle depicted here. Europeans offered guns, rum, and trade goods to Africans for enemies captured in local wars. With profits from reselling these enslaved workers in the New World, they imported more guns and rum to encourage further conflict, which in turn provided additional African captives.

Now th e terribl e transformatio n wa s almost complete , wit h th e colon y o f Virginia leadin g th e way. An additional legal sleight o f hand b y the land-hungr y Virginia gentry helped spee d the process . For several generations, as an incentive toward immigration , newcomer s ha d receive d titl e t o a parcel o f land , calle d a "headright," for ever y family membe r o r Europea n servan t the y brought t o th e struggling colony . B y expanding thi s syste m t o includ e Africans , self-interested planter-magistrates, who were rich enough t o mak e the initial investmen t i n en slaved workers, managed to obtai n fre e land , as well as valuable labor, every time they purchased an African worker .

Strange New Land

A Nation of Newcomers In 1976 , the African-American writer Alex Haley traced the story of his black family in th e popula r boo k Roots. H e discovere d tha t hi s "furthest-back-person " i n America was Kunte Kinte, a Gambian who had been brought i n chains fro m Wes t Africa t o Annapolis , Maryland , i n th e 1760 s aboard th e Englis h slav e shi p Lord Ligonier. Haley was fortunate i n knowing the nam e o f his firs t American forebear and in being able to locate the exact ship on which he arrived. But the fact s them selves are remarkably typical . On average , the furthest-bac k New World ancesto r for an y African American today would have reached these shores shortly before th e American Revolution, just as Kunte Kinte did. (B y comparison, th e largest migrations o f Europeans an d Asian s to th e Unite d State s began i n th e lat e nineteent h century and gre w larger in the twentieth century.) Newcomers like Kunte Kinte were part of a large forced migratio n tha t started i n earnest shortl y before 170 0 and ended , for the mos t part, shortly afte r 1800 . By the time th e government o f the young United State s prohibited furthe r importatio n o f enslaved Africans i n 1807 , well over six hundred thousan d peopl e had been brough t to North America directly from Africa or indirectly via the Caribbean. (Mos t of these people were transported t o English-speaking settlements on the East Coast, although some entere d Florid a an d Louisiana ; many fewe r entere d Canad a an d th e Spanis h Southwest.) Roughly two hundred thousan d o f these enslaved people arrived durin g the final generation of the slave trade, between 177 6 and 1807 . This means that mor e than fou r hundre d thousan d African s reache d Nort h Americ a during th e centur y stretching betwee n 167 5 and 1775 . They were described a t th e tim e a s "Saltwater Negroes," Africans who had endured the Atlantic crossing. This diverse group of men and women occupie s an important plac e in American history. Even though thes e black ancestors arrived in North America early compared t o most whit e ancestors , they arrive d late in compariso n wit h Africans elsewher e in the New World. In addition, thes e ancestor s represen t a surprisingly small part— less than seve n percent—of the entire transatlantic movement fro m Africa . Moreover, eve n withi n th e Britis h portio n o f th e vas t Africa n trade , African s sent to North American ports represented only a small portion o f the total exodus . Between 169 0 and 1807 , English captains deported nearl y 2.75 million slave s from Africa. Mos t wer e sold in foreig n ports , but Englis h planters on th e tin y island of Barbados purchase d mor e Africa n slave s tha n al l th e mainlan d Britis h colonie s combined, an d English-controlle d Jamaic a absorbed full y twic e as many workers. Finally, unlik e thei r countryme n disperse d throug h th e suga r culture s o f th e tropics, th e African s transporte d t o Nort h Americ a manage d t o liv e longe r o n average an d bea r mor e children . Almos t fro m th e start , th e numbe r o f birth s regularly exceede d th e numbe r o f death s i n mos t place s ove r th e cours e o f eac h year, meaning that the black population gre w steadily, regardless of new importa tions fro m Africa .

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To Make Our World Anew The condition s face d b y these saltwater slaves were less horrendous tha n thos e encountered b y thei r blac k contemporarie s enterin g th e suga r colonie s o f Lati n America. Bu t the y wer e decidedl y worse tha n thos e face d b y th e fe w thousan d Africans reaching North America before 167 5 (or by the numerous Europeans who arrived in increasing numbers throughout th e eighteent h century) . Diverse force s combined i n the late seventeenth century to slowly and terribly transform the sta tus o f African arrival s from ba d t o worse. Two furthe r adjustment s assure d tha t thi s syste m o f race-base d exploitatio n would endur e acros s Nort h Americ a fo r generations—an d i n som e region s fo r more than 15 0 years. The first shif t involved the creation of strict legal codes in on e colony after another , spelling out the organized practice of discrimination an d giving i t th e ful l forc e o f th e law . Wealth y whit e assemblymen , representin g th e landowning gentr y wh o woul d benefi t th e mos t financiall y from thes e changes , enacted statute s that destroyed th e lega l standing o f African Americans . The laws of the land they had entere d viewed them not a s humans wit h right s but a s property to b e controlle d b y others. Specifi c statute s prohibite d enslave d black s fro m earning wages , moving abou t freely , congregatin g i n groups , seekin g education , marrying whites, carrying firearms, resisting punishment, or testifying in court. In 1705, Virginia legislators gathered divers e laws aimed agains t blacks int o a single comprehensive "slave code," and othe r colonie s followed this example . English colonists took another step as well—less formal but equall y destructive . Brutal and dehumanizin g treatment o f African newcomers was approved no t onl y in the colonial court s of law, but als o in the broad cour t o f white public opinion . The phenomeno n al l Americans kno w a s "racism"—which peake d i n th e nine teenth centur y an d linger s eve n a t th e star t o f th e twenty-firs t century—firs t emerged as a solid featur e o f North America n society in the earl y eighteenth cen tury. In Boston, the prominen t Purita n ministe r Cotto n Mathe r (himsel f a slaveholder) generalize d about wha t h e viewed a s the "stupidity" of Negroes. In 1701 , another Bostonian refuse d t o fre e hi s African slav e on the ground s tha t th e "character" of every black person wa s innately deficient. Unquestionably, sign s o f Europea n prejudic e an d discriminatio n towar d Indians an d Africans ha d been present i n the English colonie s fro m th e start. But this poisonous pattern of mistrust and abuse became widespread and central within the cultur e only after 1700 , as race slavery rapidly expanded. On e indicatio n o f this racis m wa s th e increase d hostilit y towar d marriage s betwee n African s an d Europeans. Suc h interracia l union s becam e illega l i n Virgini a i n 1691 , i n Massachusetts in 1705 , in Maryland in 1715 , and soon afte r i n most other colonies. Another indication wa s the shar p prejudice exhibited toward fre e blacks . A law passed in Virginia in 169 9 required black persons receivin g their freedo m to leave the colon y withi n si x months. Th e assembl y argue d tha t additiona l fre e black s would represen t "great inconveniences . .. by their either entertaining negr o slaves . . . , o r receivin g stole n goods , o r bein g grow n ol d bringin g a charg e upo n th e country."

Towns and colonies drafted elaborate legislation controlling the activities and limiting the mobility of enslaved workers. This law, passed by the Common Council of New York City in 1 731, prohibited any "Negro, Mulatto or Indian slave" above the age of fourteen from appearing on the streets of the city at night alone without a lantern. Those caught breaking this law could receive as many a forty lashes at the public whipping post.

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To Make Our World Anew Ironically, a s th e situatio n worsene d an d th e option s diminishe d fo r Africa n Americans, their population in certain English mainland colonie s rose dramatical ly. In the forty years between 168 0 and 1720 , the proportion o f blacks in Virginia's population jumpe d fro m seve n percen t t o thirt y percent , a s whit e landowner s shifted fro m a labor system of indentured servitud e to one of chattel slavery. "They import s o many Negros hither," observed plante r William Byr d II, "that I fear thi s Colony wil l som e tim e o r othe r b e confirme d by the Nam e o f Ne w Guinea." In South Carolina during th e same four decade s the African increas e was even mor e pronounced: fro m seventee n percen t t o sevent y percent . Durin g th e 1740 s an d 1750s, an average of five thousand African s pe r year were being sold into bondage on American docks. In 1760 , Virginia had more than 130,00 0 black residents, and fifteen year s late r th e numbe r ha d jumpe d beyon d 185,000 . B y the ev e o f th e American Revolution , the proportio n o f African American s in th e populatio n o f North America was higher than it would eve r be in any subsequent generation . Several hundre d thousan d African s appea r a s nameless statistic s i n shi p log s and por t record s fro m eighteenth-centur y Nort h America . Onl y i n exceptiona l cases ca n w e reconstruct th e lif e o f a n individua l saltwate r slav e with muc h cer tainty. Ayuba Suleiman Diallo, best known a s Job ben Solomon , is one such exception. He was born around 170 2 to Tanomata, the wife of a Fula high priest name d Solomon Diallo, in the region o f Bondou betwee n the Senegal and Gambi a River s of West Africa, more tha n tw o hundred mile s inland fro m th e Atlantic Ocean . Raised as a Muslim, Job could rea d and write Arabic easily; by the tim e he was fifteen thi s exceptiona l studen t ha d committe d th e Kora n to memor y an d coul d copy it by heart. His education prove d hi s salvation afte r Marc h 1 , 1731 , when h e suddenly found himself in chains aboard an English slave ship. He was no stranger to the slav e trade, for French captains on the Senega l and Englis h captains on th e Gambia furthe r sout h bartere d regularl y for captives , and merchan t familie s like the Diallo s ofte n too k advantag e of this stif f competitio n t o driv e profitable bargains. Indeed, by his own later account, Job had just sold two persons int o slavery in exchange for twenty-eight cattle. He was beginning the long trek home with his new herd when he was suddenly kidnapped by a group of Mandingo men and sol d to an Englishman on the Gambia, Captain Pyk e of the Arabella. Job sent a message to hi s wealthy father askin g for help , but befor e the distan t pries t coul d ranso m his son (b y providing two replacement slaves) , the Arabella had se t sail across th e Atlantic. For Captai n Pyke , the transi t fro m Afric a t o Americ a was the middl e le g of a three-part voyag e that bega n an d ende d i n Englan d an d wa s designed t o brin g profit t o investors Henr y and William Hunt . Bu t for the Africans cramme d belo w decks, this middl e passag e was a terrifying one-wa y journey fro m whic h n o on e could expec t t o return . Th e voyag e fro m Jame s For t o n th e Gambi a Rive r t o Annapolis, Maryland, on Chesapeake Bay was long and hard, as Kunte Kinte would discover thre e decade s later . Th e me n an d wome n wer e kep t i n separate , foul -

Strange New Land smelling holds. They were given terrible food and almost no chance to move about. For some, the endless motion o f the ship brought seasickness ; for others, the con stant chafing against hard boards created open sores that could not heal. The threat of infection and epidemic disease hung over the captives constantly, made worse by their crowded condition s an d the daily changes in temperature below decks, fro m scorching heat to damp chill . When th e crew, in its daily inspections, foun d that som e had died , their bodies were literally "thrown to the sharks. " This prompted furthe r despair , and some , if they share d a commo n language , spok e o f violen t revolt . The y wer e physicall y weakened, narrowl y confined , and closel y watched . Moreover , the y wer e totall y unarmed, uncertai n o f thei r whereabouts , an d innocen t o f th e working s o f th e large ship, so an uprising seemed nearly suicidal. Despite these odds, a shipload of passengers occasionally attempted to rebel. But most, however desperate, struggled simply to endure, praying to be saved from thi s nightmare into the unknown . For Job ben Solomon , almos t alon e amon g mor e tha n on e hundred thousan d prisoners transporte d fro m th e Senegambi a regio n t o th e Ne w Worl d aboar d British ships , thi s praye r woul d eventuall y b e answered . Whe n Pyk e reache d Annapolis, he turne d ove r saltwate r slave s to Vachel l Denton, a local "factor, " o r agent, who wa s paid b y merchant Willia m Hun t o f London t o sel l the Arabellas human carg o at a profit. When Dento n pu t Jo b on the auction block, he was purchased fo r forty-fiv e pound s b y Alexander Tolsey , a plante r fro m Quee n Anne' s County. Job's new master attempte d t o change his name to Simon an d put hi m t o work picking tobacco an d herding cattle. This latter task was a thoroughly familia r one, and it gave him time to pray regularly in the woods and also to plan an escape. But when h e ran awa y in desperation, h e was captured easily and confine d to jail in the back of a local tavern. While there he was visited by an elderly saltwater slave who coul d stil l spea k Wolof, Job' s native language, and th e ol d ma n explaine d t o Job the ful l outline s o f his predicament . The ingenious youn g Ful a now wrote a note in Arabic to his important father , explaining hi s dilemm a an d requestin g Captai n Pyk e to delive r th e lette r o n hi s next voyag e to th e Gambi a River . Against al l odds, Jo b sent i t t o Mr . Denton i n Annapolis, wh o forwarde d th e curiosit y t o Mr . Hun t i n London , wh o i n tur n showed a cop y t o friend s unti l a translatio n wa s obtaine d fro m a professo r o f Arabic a t Oxfor d University . Officials o f th e Roya l African Company , includin g James Oglethorpe, the idealistic founder of the Georgia colony, took an immediat e interest in the note. The author clearl y had powerful relative s in Africa wh o migh t be o f us e i n futur e tradin g ventures , i f onl y th e captiv e coul d b e bough t i n Maryland an d returned safely to Gambia. Tediously, the sum of forty-five pound s passed from Oglethorpe to Hunt to Denton to Tolsey, and by the spring of 1733 Job was aboard a ship sailin g from Annapoli s to London . During the eight-wee k voyage, betwee n bout s o f seasickness , h e practice d hi s Englis h an d mastere d th e European alphabet .

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To Make Our World Anew In London , official s o f the Roya l African Compan y prepare d a certificate "setting forth that Simon otherwis e called Jo b the Gambi a blac k latel y brought from Maryland, is ... t o b e a free man ; and tha t h e is at liberty to tak e his passage to Africa i n any of the Company' s ships. " They assured Job they would avoi d takin g Muslim slave s in the future . I n return, he agreed to assis t them i n their competi tion with the French to gain access to his homeland and its traffic in gold, gum, and non-Muslim slaves . He reached the Gambi a River in August 1734, after fou r years away fro m Africa , an d wa s met b y Francis Moore, th e Roya l African Company' s agent at James Fort. Moore was eager to benefit from Job's return, so he sent a messenger to Bondou. The man returne d in several weeks with disheartening news. According to Moore, he reporte d tha t Job' s fathe r ha d recentl y died an d hi s prosperous country , onc e noted fo r its "numerous herds of large cattle," had been ravaged by such a terrible war "that there is not s o much as one cow left i n it." On top o f all that, one of Job's wives had given him u p for lost and had married anothe r man . As Moore record ed in hi s journal, Job "wept grievousl y for his father's death, and th e misfortunes of his country. He forgave his wife, and the man that had taken her; for, says he, Mr. Moore, sh e coul d no t hel p thinkin g I wa s dead, fo r I wa s gone t o a lan d fro m whence no Pholey [Fula ] eve r yet returned; therefore sh e is not t o be blamed, no r the man neither. " Though Jo b be n Solomon' s persona l sorrow s seeme d heavy , his biographe r rightly calls him "the fortunate slave." Thousands upo n thousand s were less fortunate, torn awa y from Afric a unwillingl y and sol d into bondag e overseas , with n o hope o f return. Som e o f thes e me n an d wome n ha d alread y been slave s in thei r own lands—captured in war, condemned fo r a crime, or purchased for a price. But they had been treated as people, not a s property. They had been allowed to marr y and rais e families, an d thei r childre n did no t fac e continuou s servitude . Captive s deported acros s the ocea n faced a new kind of slavery. They entered a system driven by enormous profits, tolerated by the Christian churches, bolstered by increasing racism, and backe d by the ful l sanctio n o f the law. Very few found ways to tel l their story, but one who did was named Olaudah Equiano, who was seized with his sister at age eleven and shippe d to Virginia via Barbados. Equiano claimed to be born in 174 5 among the Ibo people living near the lower Niger River , an are a unde r th e loos e contro l o f th e kin g o f Benin . Like Jo b be n Solomon, Equiano grew up i n a slave-owning family. Lik e Job, he was captured i n his native land and shipped to Chesapeake Bay, eventually gaining his freedom and making his way to England. Unlike Job, he did not retur n to Africa an d become a participant in the slave trade from whic h he had escaped. Instead, he sailed extensively during th e er a o f th e American Revolution—to Jamaica , Portugal, Turkey, Greenland. He spok e frequently in Britai n about th e evil s of slavery, and i n 178 9 he published a vivid autobiography, in which he described the circumstances of his arrival in the New World.

Strange New Land At last we came in sight of the islan d o f Barbadoes, at which the whites on board gav e a grea t shout , an d mad e man y sign s o f joy to us . We did no t know what t o think of this; but a s the vessel drew nearer, we plainly saw the harbor, an d othe r ship s o f differen t kind s an d sizes , an d w e anchore d amongst them, off Bridgetown. Many merchants and planters now came on board, though i t was in th e evening . They pu t u s in separat e parcels , an d examined us attentively. They also made us jump, and pointed t o the land , signifying w e were to g o there. We thought b y this, we should b e eate n b y these ugly men, as they appeared to us; and, when soon afte r w e were all put down unde r the deck again, there was much dread and trembling among us, and nothin g bu t bitte r crie s to be heard al l the night from thes e apprehen sions, insomuch, that a t last the white people go t some ol d slaves from th e land t o pacif y us . They told u s we were not t o b e eaten , but t o work , an d were soon to go on land, where we should se e many of our countr y people. This repor t ease d u s much . And sur e enough , soo n afte r w e were landed , there came to us Africans o f all languages. We were conducted immediatel y to th e merchant' s yard , where we were all pent u p together , like so many sheep in a fold, without regar d to se x or age. As every object was new to me, everything I saw filled me with surprise . What struck me first, was, that the houses were built with bricks and stories, and i n every other respect different fro m thos e I had see n in Africa . We were not man y day s i n th e merchant' s custody , befor e w e were sol d after thei r usua l manner.... I now totally lost the smal l remains of comfort I had enjoyed in conversing with my countrymen; the women too , who used to wash and take care of me were all gone different ways , and I never saw one of them afterwards. I stayed in this island for a few days, I believe it could not b e above a fortnight, when I, and some few more slaves, that were not saleable amongst th e rest, fro m ver y muc h fretting , wer e shippe d of f i n a sloo p fo r Nort h America. On the passage we were better treated than when we were coming from Africa , an d w e had plent y o f rice and fa t pork. We were landed u p a river a good wa y from th e sea , about Virginia county, where we saw few or none of our native Africans, and not on e soul who could talk to me. I was a few weeks weeding grass and gathering stones in a plantation; an d at last my companions were distributed differen t ways , and onl y myself was left. I was now exceedingly miserable.

Those African s lik e Equiano who wer e shipped t o Nort h Americ a made u p only one small portion o f an enormous stream. But their numbers grew rapidly, particularly in the Southern colonies. Between 177 0 and 1775 , Charleston, South Carolina, was receiving four thousand Africans per year. All of them were held for several weeks at the so-called pest house on Sullivan's Island, a quarantine station

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designed t o preven t th e arriva l o f epidemic s fro m overseas . S o man y peopl e arrived there that it has been calle d "the Ellis Island of black America." Yet unlike the European s who poure d int o Ne w York Cit y throug h Elli s Island i n th e lat e nineteenth an d earl y twentieth centuries , the saltwate r slave s of th e eighteent h century could hav e little hope fo r a life tha t was more self-sufficien t o r human e than the one they left behind . A World of Work Most immigrants coming to North America arrive with high hopes. They expect to work hard, and they assume their effort s wil l somehow yiel d tangible rewards for themselves or their children. Over the centuries the dream has not always been fulfilled, but th e dream exists. It did not exist , however, for Africans arrivin g in colonial North America after th e terrible transformation. They had no choic e in their deportation an d n o knowledge of their destination . Fro m the hold of a slave ship, they could onl y speculate about th e reaso n for their abductio n an d th e natur e of their impending fate . What awaite d them wa s a world o f work—lifetimes o f unending labor, rigidly controlled. Equiano and thousands of other people like him soon came to the realization that they were to be kept alive, but only in order to work. Their labor would benefit others , rathe r tha n themselves . They would be granted minima l foo d an d clothing and shelter in exchange for their toil; there would be no wages and no possibility to save for a better future . Indeed, it seemed clear there would be no better future. The incentive for parents to work hard s o that their children could enjo y a better life had been removed for almost al l Africans by the terrible transformation to race slavery, which obliged each generation to inheri t the sam e unfree statu s as the last. The servitud e facin g Africa n newcomer s was th e horribl e outgrowt h o f un precedented economic warfare on an international scale. With the rise of European exploration overseas, the battles for supremacy among a few rival monarchies ha d spread far beyond Europe . Their struggle s to establis h profitable colonies abroa d took o n ne w intensity afte r th e religiou s Reformation divided Europ e into competing Protestan t an d Catholi c powers . B y creating divers e colonial settlements , each country hoped to provide itself with a steady flow of resources—gold and silver, furs and fish, timber and tobacco, sugar and rice. At the same time, they would prevent rival s from obtaining access to the same goods, unless they were willing to pay a high price. By 1700, mounting competition had led to the creation of numerous New World colonies , and durin g the eighteent h centur y rival European powers would establish additiona l outpost s in all corners of North America. In successive generations th e Frenc h colonize d Louisiana , the Englis h settle d Georgia , the Spanis h entered California, and the Russians laid claim to Alaska. Though very different i n location and purpose, each new European settlement demande d a steady supply of

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labor in order to survive and gro w as a profitable colony. In many places accessible to the transatlantic slave trade, it was Africans who fille d that growing demand fo r labor durin g the century before the American Revolution . Work, therefore, dominated th e live s of al l enslaved African Americans—me n and women, young and old. But the nature o f that work varied significantly fro m one place to the next, from on e season to the next, and from on e generation to the next. Cotto n agriculture , thoug h presen t i n Africa , di d no t ye t exis t i n Nort h America. Later generations of African American s would be obliged to pick cotton all across the Dee p South afte r 1800 , but thei r ancestor s in colonia l time s face d a very different arra y of tasks. Most lived in the Chesapeak e region an d th e coasta l southeast, wher e th e length y growin g seaso n promise d enormou s profit s t o ag gressive white investors onc e the land had been cleare d for plantation agriculture . African newcomers—wome n as well as men—soon found themselves cutting an d burning trees , splittin g rail s an d buildin g fences . Usin g a n ax e an d a hatchet , each individua l was expecte d to clea r severa l acre s of souther n wildernes s in a single season. For some, the work with wood neve r ended. Buildings were needed, and work ers spent lon g hours fellin g tree s and the n squarin g the logs with a n adze. Guided by an African paren t o r a white overseer , a skilled black youth migh t lear n to be a wheelwright, a house carpenter, a shingle cutter, a boat builder, or a cabinetmaker . But he was most likel y to mak e barrels , for these huge container s wer e crucial t o the saf e shipmen t o f valuable products ove r long distances. Barrels pieced togeth er from separat e staves of wood were needed for fish an d ru m i n New England, for grain and tobacco i n the Chesapeake, for rice and indigo in South Carolina. B y the eighteenth century, timber, which had been cleared to make room for plantations , was scarce on Caribbea n islands , so staves shaped fro m America n tree s were sold to the West Indies, where they were assembled into barrels for shipping Caribbea n sugar and molasses . The transportation need s of the expanding colonies demanded variou s sorts of labor. Africans found themselves pressed into service building wagons, hammering horseshoes, stitchin g saddles , an d mendin g harnesses . Amos Fortune , an Africa n who ende d hi s days as a free leatherworke r in Jaffrey , Ne w Hampshire, worked for a tanner i n Woburn , Massachusetts , for two decade s befor e gainin g his freedom . Black South Carolinians built dugout canoes from cypres s logs and fashioned larger boats to float the rice crop to Charleston via the winding rivers. After crops were harvested every fall, planters in South Carolina's coastal low country were required to sen d enslave d workers to di g ditches. Over severa l generations they created a n amazing network o f canals—a web of waterways linking local rivers for travel and irrigation. Near Chesapeake Bay, slaves constructed road s along which huge round wooden "hogsheads" of tobacco coul d b e rolle d t o ship s waitin g at harbor dock s and riversid e piers . I n Marylan d on e o f thes e thoroughfare s i s stil l know n a s "Rolling Road" after mor e than tw o hundred years .

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To Make Our World Anew Sooner or later, all colonial roads led down to the sea and ships. England's North American colonists clustered around rivers and ports. They sold their surplus produce to Europ e and receive d a steady supply of manufactured goods i n return — everything from hats and hatchets to china and window glass. They also sent to the West Indies quantities of salt fish, to be used as food for enslaved workers, and sup plies o f firewood, to b e use d i n boilin g sugarcan e into molasses . I n return , the y brought bac k slaves who had no t ye t been sol d i n Caribbea n markets , along with barrels of molasses to be made into rum an d shippe d to Africa a s a commodity i n the slav e trade. In North Carolina , slave s cut pine trees filled with resi n an d the n burned th e woo d i n close d oven s t o produc e ta r an d pitc h fo r us e b y Englis h sailors. French seamen neede d simila r material s for protecting th e hull s an d rig ging of their ships. In 1724 , an English report suggested that rival French colonists in Louisian a were producin g pitc h an d ta r an d ha d "alread y settle d fou r Plan tations with fifty Negroes on each to carry on that Work." Besides workin g i n th e dangerou s productio n o f ta r an d pitch , African American artisans were involved in all aspects of the colonia l boat-building trade . It was one thing to build ships, but quite another t o sail on them. Numerous ingenious colonia l slave s foun d way s t o leav e shor e an d becom e harbo r pilot s an d deep-sea sailors. Equiano, for example, was purchased b y the captai n o f a British merchant shi p shortl y afte r hi s arriva l i n Virginia , and h e spen t decade s sailing the Atlantic, working for different owner s on various ships, before finally securing his freedom. Equiano had never seen the ocean, or even a large river, before being taken fro m his small village as a boy, but man y Africans arrive d in America with a knowledge of the sea. Those from coasta l regions were experienced swimmers, not a s afraid of bathing an d divin g a s mos t eighteenth-centur y Europeans . Other s wer e exper t fishermen, and they put thei r skills to good use in the fish-filled bays and river s of the America n coast . Blac k newcomer s i n Sout h Carolin a an d Georgi a foun d a n abundance o f shrim p ( a delicac y well-known t o man y African s bu t foreig n t o Europeans) i n the water s surrounding th e coasta l Se a Islands. They wove casting nets and hauled in schools of tasty shrimp just as they had done in West Africa. In Southern swamp s and rivers, the Europeans proved frightened by the strange alligators. Africans, o n th e othe r hand , wer e familiar wit h killin g an d eatin g croco diles, so many of them knew how to confront suc h dangerous reptiles without fear . Black women ofte n worke d i n th e fields, as many of them ha d don e i n Africa , but the y als o assume d primar y responsibilit y fo r a great dea l o f domesti c labor . House servant s were forced t o coo k an d clean , wash and press , sew and mend , t o suit the demand s of their colonia l mistress. With varying degree s o f oversight, a plantation coo k handled al l aspects of food preparation, fro m tendin g the garde n or visitin g th e tow n marke t t o washin g the dishe s an d throwin g leftover s t o th e pigs. Indeed , whe n i t cam e tim e t o slaughte r th e hog s an d cur e their meat , sh e supervised tha t comple x proces s a s well . Da y afte r day , year afte r year , sh e wa s obliged t o balance the endles s demands of the white household an d th e ongoin g

Strange New Land needs o f her ow n family . Nothin g illustrates this conflic t mor e dramaticall y than the fac t that the mother o f a black infant was sometimes required to stop suckling her own baby and to serve instead as the wet nurse to a newborn child in the family of her master . Southern planter s noted approvingl y that African wome n were generally experienced agriculturalists, while women comin g from Europ e usually were not. They also realized that Africans were less troubled by the seasonal bouts o f malaria that often sickene d Europea n workers (though no one yet understood that a distinctive blood trai t no w know n a s sickle cell contributed t o thi s difference) . I n addition , they observe d a n obviou s benefi t i n th e fac t tha t Wes t Africans wer e generally familiar wit h surviva l i n a war m an d humi d climate . The y kne w ho w t o tak e advantage of shade trees and summe r breezes in locating their dwellings, and they were familiar with many of the plants and animals that existed in the subtropics . Where the flora and faun a differe d fro m th e Old World, enslaved Africans could turn t o loca l Indian s fo r knowledge. India n slave s still made u p a portion o f th e colonial wor k forc e i n th e earl y eighteent h century . Moreover , African s wer e involved i n the early Indian wars on the frontier and participated in the extensive fur trade . These frontie r activities brought blac k men int o frequen t contact wit h Nativ e Americans, and eventually this aroused the fears of white authorities. They worried about an y black person wh o wa s carrying a gun, exploring the countryside , an d gaining th e acquaintanc e of Indians willing to harbo r runaways . Therefore , they passed laws limiting the participation of enslaved Africans i n frontie r warfar e an d the India n trade . They even went so far as to offe r handsom e reward s to Indian s who brough t bac k runaway slaves, dead o r alive . By the 1720s , of course, Africa n Americans had alread y been i n contac t with Indian s for more than tw o hundre d years, an d thi s comple x an d importan t relationshi p woul d continu e throughou t North America regardless of such laws. The extent of Indian-African contac t i n the eighteenth century is evident in the way the Southern diet evolved in colonial times. Such African food s as okra, yams, peanuts, and sesame seeds made their way into Southern cooking. Often they were combined wit h traditional India n delicacies , as in gumbo, the famou s specialty of Louisiana cuisine. The thick base is made by cooking sliced okra (a n African dish ) or powdere d sassafra s ( a Chocta w India n staple ) i n slowl y heate d oil . Eve n th e word gumbo ma y com e fro m th e Angola n guingombo fo r okr a o r th e Chocta w kombo ashish for sassafras powder . Food containers and utensil s also revealed traditions fro m Africa , reinforced by New Worl d India n practices . Th e palmett o tre e o f coasta l Carolina , whic h ap peared strange and exotic to Europeans, was familiar to African newcomer s as well as Indian residents . Soo n blac k Carolinian s were using strip s fro m th e lon g pal metto leaves to bind togethe r circula r baskets of all shapes and sizes , much a s they had in Africa. Gourds, like palmetto trees , were familiar to Africans an d Indians , as the experienc e of Esteban in an earlie r century made clear . Southern Indian s ha d

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To Make Our World Anew long used light, durable gourd s fo r bowls, dippers, an d storag e containers, as had arriving Africans. I n contrast , Englis h colonists, comin g from a cool climate , ha d little familiarity with gourd s and thei r practica l possibilities. I n addition, w e now know tha t African-America n artisans wer e fashionin g their ow n cla y pot s an d bowls, whic h wer e differen t fro m Europea n earthenwar e bu t simila r t o muc h Native American pottery. These simple vessels, now known a s "cokmoware," have been correctly identified only in recent years. In short, the Africans who survived the middle passage brought numerous skills with the m an d acquire d other s fro m India n neighbors , who alread y knew which local plant s wer e edibl e an d whic h ha d specia l medicina l value . Ironically , th e slaves' ability to persevere and subsist under harsh conditions ofte n benefited their self-styled "owners." Obviously, workers who raised their own food i n small garden plots an d caugh t fis h i n the local strea m save d a planter th e expens e of supplyin g provisions. A strong man who had hammered iro n i n Africa neede d little instruction i n metalworkin g a t a colonial forge . Occasionall y European s seized an d ex ploited muc h mor e tha n Africa n labor ; they too k advantag e o f superior African knowledge as well. The story of profitable rice cultivation in colonial South Caro lina is a good example. After the founding of Carolina in 1670 , English colonists spent a full generatio n seeking a suitable staple crop . I n orde r t o hav e enough food , a few of the earlies t enslaved Africans i n th e settlemen t bega n growin g rice i n th e we t swampland, as they ha d don e i n thei r homeland . Englis h planters , who wer e largely unfamiliar with rice , realized that condition s wer e excellent fo r this crop an d bega n t o learn more. Production gre w rapidly as Africans showe d them ho w to irrigate the plants in the field, pound th e rice kernels with a wooden morta r an d pestle, and winno w the chaf f wit h a "fanner" basket . Soon slav e merchant s wer e advertising worker s from th e so-called Rice Coast o f West Africa, and profit s from the sal e of Carolina rice wer e makin g loca l plantatio n owner s th e riches t gentr y i n Nort h America . French Louisian a bega n importin g African s aggressivel y around 1718—th e year New Orleans was founded. French officials promptly urged captains to import several Africans "who kno w how to cultivate rice," along with "hogsheads o f rice suitable for planting. " By 1775 , roughly half a million African American s were living and laborin g in North America. Throughout th e colonie s a small proportion wer e free blacks , but most wer e legall y enslaved , an d mos t live d i n th e South . A s thei r number s increased, so did the profits fro m thei r work. Wealthy planters acquired more lan d and bought additiona l slaves, so an increasing number o f enslaved black colonist s found themselve s workin g o n larg e plantations . Thi s wa s especially tru e i n th e Chesapeake region, where nearly half of the entir e African-America n populatio n labored i n the tobacc o field s o f Virginia and Maryland . Thomas lefferson , stil l in his earl y thirties, owned nearl y fou r hundre d blac k Virginians o n th e ev e of th e Revolution, and Georg e Washington's enslaved labor forc e was even larger.

When Lawrence Washington died in 1 754, his African slaves, including infants, were divided "evenly"—with regard to market value rather than family or kinship. Half went to Colonel George Lee and the other half ("the estate's part," right column) went to his brothers, including twenty-two-year-old George Washington.

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To Make Our World Anew Washington, Jefferson , an d othe r member s o f th e Virgini a gentr y wer e dismayed to see so much of the wealth generated by their African workers passing into the hands of London merchants instead o f into their own pockets. The grievances of whit e colonist s woul d eventuall y promp t thei r demand s fo r freedo m fro m English rule . But eighteenth-century African American s gained few rewards fro m the revolutionar y struggle . Nevertheless, black Americans had bee n engage d in a successful revolutionar y battle o f their ow n ove r several generations. Throughout the eighteenth century they had been struggling, against tremendous odds, to build the cultural framework that would allow their survival in a harsh and alien land. Building a Culture The growin g number o f black colonist s i n Americ a varied dramaticall y i n thei r backgrounds and experiences . Gambians differe d fro m Angolans , and "saltwater " slaves differe d fro m "country-born. " Obviou s an d importan t contrast s emerge d between fiel d hand s an d hous e servants , Northerner s an d Southerners , tow n dwellers and rura l residents—not to mentio n th e gul f ofte n separatin g the man y who wer e enslaved from th e fe w who were legally free. Among most o f these very different people , however, there began to appear during the eighteenth century one identifiable African-American culture . In certai n ways, the emergenc e of African-American cultur e ca n be compare d with the later appearance of other ethni c cultures in pluralistic America. All newcomers—from the earliest African Americans down to the most recent immigrants from Asia , Lati n America , the Caribbean , o r th e Middl e East—tr y to hol d o n t o certain elements of life fro m thei r "old country." I n addition , al l newcomers confront the hard questions posed by American geography. Is the land hotter or colder, wetter o r drier , than th e hom e the y lef t behind ? How differen t ar e the food s an d smells, the hills and rivers , the cities and towns? Each group, in short, must adap t to the possibilities and limits of the varied American landscape and climate. Moreover, al l ne w arrival s mus t confron t th e worl d o f white , English-speakin g Prot estants. This portion o f the divers e American population gaine d the uppe r han d during the colonial era, grew with th e country in the nineteent h century , and has dominated the nation's mainstream culture from it s beginning. In other ways , however, the emergenc e of black culture is unique i n American history, for th e influ x o f Africans wa s early, large, and involuntary. The fac t tha t most Africans , i n contras t to othe r distinctiv e racial , ethnic, o r religiou s groups , arrived during the eighteenth century means that their roots in America are older and deeper . Blac k culture ha s ha d mor e tha n tw o centurie s t o influenc e othe r parts of the society. Though late r migrations t o North America have been bigger, none ha s been s o large in compariso n t o th e tota l America n population o f th e time. Most important o f all, no othe r migratio n to America was involuntary an d based entirel y upon exploitation . Blac k immigrant s t o th e strang e ne w lan d o f North Americ a faced live s of physical hardship an d constan t psychologica l hur t

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from on e generation t o the next. In order t o endure in this isolated and confinin g world o f work, i t was necessary to forg e link s tha t woul d allo w families t o for m and communitie s to develop . Racial slavery as practiced i n colonial North Americ a made th e creatio n of stable families extremely hard. Slave captains usually purchased thei r captives one by one fro m severa l Africa n ports . I f a husban d an d wif e o r mothe r an d daughte r somehow manage d t o sta y together an d surviv e until the y reached America, they were likel y t o b e separate d a t th e auctio n block . Creatin g ne w familie s prove d almost a s difficul t a s preservin g ol d ones . Newcomer s wh o overcam e th e dee p sense of grief and los s created b y the middl e passage had t o weigh the ris k of fres h relationships i n th e Ne w World. Intimac y wa s difficul t i n a real m wher e neither husbands nor wive s controlled thei r own lives. Nevertheless, durable familie s and extensiv e networks of kinfolk gradually came into being . Master s realize d tha t peopl e wit h vulnerabl e an d need y love d one s depending o n them often prove d more obedient an d hardworking than singl e people who lacke d loca l ties . Because it would hav e limite d their power, master s di d not recogniz e lega l marriage amon g slaves , but the y encouraged long-ter m relationships fro m which the y expected t o benefit , both throug h the work of the cou ple and the labor o f their eventua l children . More importan t than the pressure s o f the master s were the desire s of the peo ple themselves. The harshness an d insecurit y of their situation increase d the nee d to shar e the numerou s suffering s an d rar e pleasures wit h anothe r person . Raisin g one's ow n children , eve n unde r tryin g circumstances, could b e a greate r affirma tion than living without childre n at all. If family members coul d suddenl y be killed or disappear , ther e wa s all the mor e reaso n t o hono r eac h ne w union , delight in every healthy birth, an d exten d th e networ k of relations as widely as possible. Extended slav e families reache d acros s generations an d linke d separate plantations. They were constantly being broken apar t an d reforme d in new ways, adapting t o mee t th e changin g an d unkin d circumstance s o f plantatio n life . Thes e emerging famil y networks playe d a n importan t rol e in transmittin g cultural patterns an d conservin g Africa n values . Many slaveowner s welcomed thes e tie s a s a way to limit black independence , but famil y bonds wer e not alway s such a conservative forc e fo r preservin g th e slaver y system a s most master s thought . Afte r all , families fostered loyalty and trust; they conveyed informatio n and belief; they pro vided a stron g shelte r withi n whic h t o hid e an d a reliabl e launchin g pad fro m which t o venture forth . By providing much-neede d solac e and support , the positiv e ties of famil y gave encouragement to individuals an d groups who were coming together , agains t for midable odds , to forg e th e beginnings of a common culture . Over time, they built a unique an d varie d wa y of life o f their ow n tha t gav e them the fait h t o carry on. Music undoubtedly provided on e crucial starting point for this complex process of cultura l building . Certainl y n o elemen t wa s mor e central , o r illustrate s th e

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To Make Our World Anew process mor e clearly . Recognizable African harmonies , intonations , an d rhythm s sounded familiar t o strangers from differen t region s who could no t convers e with one another. This shared musical background drew together people who still spoke different languages . Songs of grief, worship, love, and work could reassure listeners even befor e the y discovere d othe r commo n ground . A musica l traditio n tha t stressed improvisation provided a welcome hearth where the sharing process could begin. Eventually, a similar sharing process would touch almost every aspect of cultural life, but fo r many the earlies t common link s were through music . Drums, universal among African societies, served as one common denominator , and differen t style s of drummin g an d divers e ways of makin g drum s wer e soo n shared. Moreover , thi s kin d o f exchang e throug h a n emphasi s o n percussio n instruments reached beyond diverse Africans. Native Americans found that the use of drums an d rattle s represented one of many cultural elements they shared wit h people fro m sub-Sahara n Africa . Europeans , startle d b y th e exten t o f Africa n drumming an d fearfu l tha t thi s skill sometimes provide d a secret means of com munication, outlawe d th e us e o f drum s b y slave s i n variou s colonies . Sout h Carolina's stric t Negr o Cod e o f 174 0 prohibite d slave s fro m "usin g o r keepin g drums, horns, or othe r lou d instruments , which ma y call together, or give sign or notice to one another o f their wicked designs and purposes. " Such fears did not preven t white colonists from recruitin g free blacks to serve as military musicians (a s they were already doing i n England) . Virginia's Militia Act of 172 3 allowed that "Such fre e Negroes , Mulattos o r Indians , as are capable, may be listed and emploie d a s Drummers o r Trumpeters. " Learning to pla y European instruments allowe d a black person to gai n status in the community , avoi d hars h tasks, and trave l widely. Notices in colonia l newspaper s sugges t such slav e musi cians were in constant demand . For eac h perso n wh o learne d t o mak e an d pla y Europea n instruments , ther e were many others who recalled how to make and play African instruments . Besides manufacturing a variet y o f drums , Africa n American s als o re-create d variou s string and percussion instruments used on the other side of the Atlantic. The most popular impor t wa s the banj o (ofte n calle d a bandore , banjer , o r banjar) . "Th e instrument prope r t o the m i s the Banjar, " wrot e Thoma s Jefferson , "whic h the y brought hithe r fro m Africa. " When William Smit h visited Wes t Africa a s a surveyor for Britain' s Royal African Compan y i n th e 1720s , he describe d th e xylophon e know n a s a balafo (als o ballafoe, barrafou, or barrafoo) an d later published a picture of it. The instrumen t consisted of eleven thin planks of differing lengths, supported ove r large gourd resonators o f various sizes . Th e musi c o f thi s unusua l instrumen t wa s well known locally, as suggested by a sarcastic comment in the Virginia Gazette the followin g year, when many blacks were joining the British rather than supporting their masters' push for independence. With obvious irritation, the editor observed that these people expecte d to "be gratifie d wit h the us e of the sprightl y and enlivenin g bar-

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rafoo" behin d Britis h lines , rather tha n being stirre d b y "th e drows y fif e an d drum" of the patriot cause. The patter n i s clear . Blac k colonist s learned fro m on e anothe r an d fro m non-Africans a s well. The y recalle d ol d songs and sounds an d instruments, and they borrowe d ne w ones . Ove r severa l generations, the y gav e birth t o a fres h and changin g musica l tradition . The y drew heavil y upo n thei r varie d Ol d World heritage, but the y also built, necessarily, on the novel influences and sorrowful circumstance s o f thei r strang e new land . Th e resul t wa s a rang e o f musical expressio n tha t wa s both Afri can and American. It varied widely in its forms fro m Ne w Orlean s t o Philadel phia, or fro m a Georgia slave cabin t o a Boston kitchen . But i t containe d unify ing thread s tha t becam e stronge r ove r time. Afte r 180 0 thi s consolidatio n African newcomers to America, such as those reaching would becom e cleare r still , as access t o Savannah from Angola in July 1 774, would learn the African root s diminished , communica strange language of their oppressors from earlier arrivals tion amon g blac k American s increased , such as Billy and Quamina, who were said to "speak and full entr y into the dominant cultur e good English." remained of f limits . The same conditions applie d to muc h mor e than music . All elements of life i n the strange new land seemed to depend upon involvement with other Africans an d with non-Africans as well. Language provides a dramatic case in point. Even before they reache d America , enslaved Africans bega n t o lear n word s an d phrase s fro m one another . Shipmate s from th e sam e are a ofte n foun d they coul d comprehen d portions o f their neighbors ' languages. In the Ne w World, black newcomers were soon force d t o assimilat e a t leas t on e Europea n languag e — whether English , French, German , Dutch , Spanish , o r Portugues e — and ofte n learne d mor e tha n one. If an African gir l lived on a large plantation in Sout h Carolina , wher e black s were in a majority and contac t wit h whites was limited, she might spea k Gullah, a complex blend o f African language s and English . But if she lived in a white house hold in New England, she would learn the English of that region. Certain African words were especially likely to survive. Some, for example, were common to numerous African tongues, such as Cudjo, th e day name for a boy born on Monday . Other s happened to coincide closel y in sound with a n English word.

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To Make Our World Anew An African gir l born o n Thursday and given the traditional da y name Abba became known i n America as Abby. A few terms overlapped i n bot h soun d an d meanin g and therefor e had a stron g chanc e o f survival . I n th e Mend e languag e o f West Africa, sasi could mean "a prideful boaster" o r "to ridicule contemptuously." I n the Gullah speech of the South Carolina low country, therefore, sasi continued t o mean "proud one " or "to ridicule," but this matched so closely the common Englis h ter m "saucy" tha t i t probabl y reinforce d the us e o f "sassy" an d "t o sass " in America n English. Othe r word s endure d simpl y becaus e the y wer e use d s o often . I n th e Congo region , tota means "t o pick up," and enslavemen t involve d s o much liftin g and carrying that "to tote" became a universal Southern term . The sam e factor s tha t shape d ho w newcomer s migh t spea k als o determine d other aspect s of life. Th e clothe s the y wore an d th e home s the y built, how the y styled their hair and cooke d their food—al l thes e things were influenced by many forces, eve n i n th e confinin g worl d o f enslavement . Obviousl y on e powerfu l force—though no t alway s the mos t importan t one—wa s the rul e of the masters . Colonial assemblies passed laws defining the cheap fabrics suitable for slave clothing and forbidding fancier apparel . But appearance was difficult t o legislate. When Peter Deadfoot ran awa y in Virginia in 1768 , his master advertised that thi s versatile man ( a shoemaker, butcher, plowman, sawyer , boatman, an d "on e o f the bes t scythemen . . . in America") was also "extremely fon d of dress. " On certain holidays, colonial blacks were allowed to dress in extravagant English finery. B y the 1770s , for instance , a tradition o f black celebration s ha d grow n u p around th e annua l whit e electio n da y in suc h Ne w England town s a s Newport , Rhode Island; Hartford, Connecticut; and Salem, Massachusetts. Once a year, during thes e sanctione d "Negr o Electio n Days, " elegantly dressed blac k "kings " an d "governors" borrowed fin e horses, large hats, or dress swords from th e whites who endorsed the entertainment. O n other special occasions, particularly in the South , blacks often chos e to dress in styles and colors and materials that invoked their fre e African past . By the nineteenth century , and perhaps eve n earlier o n som e planta tions, slaves in certain localities were dressing in African costume s an d dancin g t o African rhythm s durin g th e event tha t would becom e know n a s Jonkonnu. Thes e festivities usually occurred during the Christmas season, and the lead dancer ofte n wore a n elaborate mask o r headdres s and ha d colorfu l rag s and ribbon s swirlin g from hi s costume . Like clothing, hairstyles also represented a complex area for cultural negotiation . Some black men became barbers for whites, learning to cut the hair and powder th e wigs of their master; some black women attende d t o the hair of their mistress an d her children, according to the latest European fashions. But how African Americans wore their ow n hair depende d upo n th e individual' s preference , an owner' s rules , and the limits of time. For girls to braid thei r hair in elaborate cornrows—the n as now—was satisfying and attractive, but also very time-consuming. Fo r men to tease

Strange New Land their hai r int o swellin g "Afros" dre w comments—an d eve n punishments—fro m white masters who were often offende d by such "foreign" styles. Hats and bonnets, bandannas and braids often provided varied and colorful compromises in the realm of hairdressing. In some areas, necessity may have agreed with preference. Many early slave cabins, for example, ha d dirt floors and yards without grass. Did this represen t simpl y an unwillingnes s of th e plante r t o provid e board s fo r floor s an d seed s fo r grass ? Probably not, for many blacks preferred the African tradition of a clay floor, pound ed hard and kept clean, just as they valued a carefully swept yard, even though these practices demande d considerabl e work . Similarly , the thatchin g o f house s wit h palmetto leave s an d th e weavin g o f basket s wit h coil s o f swee t gras s represen t cherished tradition s remembere d fro m Afric a an d practice d i n America. What ar e we to make of the presence of simple handmade pottery at eighteenth-century slave sites across the South ? Though iro n cookin g pots an d cracke d dishes and pitcher s from th e bi g hous e ar e als o evident , archaeologist s no w believ e man y Africa n Americans ma y have preferred t o fashio n their ow n bowl s fo r cooking i n a mor e traditional way . Finally, consider ho w thes e earl y African American s fashioned the menta l an d moral aspects of their emergin g culture. In short, what did they think and believe? The questio n i s challenging, and th e ful l answe r remains to b e found . But i n th e realm o f ideas, as in the material domain , thei r lives seem to have been varie d an d creative, despite overwhelming constraints. At the center of black thought through out th e eighteent h century , a crucial debat e wa s occurring ove r th e acceptanc e o f European Christianity . Man y "saltwate r slaves"—includin g some , lik e Jo b be n Solomon, who ha d been raise d i n the Musli m faith—hel d firml y to thei r Africa n religious beliefs. A white missionary i n Sout h Carolin a recalle d the answe r of on e elderly African when asked why he refused t o take part in the rituals of the Churc h of England. The old man replie d simply, "I prefer to live by that which I remember." On the other hand, certain slaves who had lef t Africa a t an early age or had been born i n th e Ne w World , accepte d th e Protestan t Christia n fait h o f th e white s around them . Bu t mos t Africa n American s fel l somewher e i n th e middle . Tor n between th e remembere d belie f system s of their ancestor s and th e dominan t reli gion o f thei r masters , they combine d thes e tw o world s i n a process o f evolutio n that took many generations . Over time , white master s increasingl y demanded, an d eve n rewarded , a n out ward profession o f Christianity among many second- an d third-generation Africa n Americans. But they had little control ove r the forms that religion might take, and black colonists , slave an d free , graduall y bega n t o shap e a fait h tha t gav e specia l meaning to traditional Protestan t beliefs. Black Christians favored music and song; they emphasized baptis m and down-to-earth preaching . Denie d th e right to read , they stressed Old Testament stories that suite d their situation, such as the Hebre w

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To Make Our World Anew captivity in Egypt. Most o f all, they considered carefull y th e Ne w Testament portrait o f Jesu s Christ a s a friend o f th e afflicte d an d a redeeme r o f th e weak . We know tha t Georg e Liele, the slav e o f a Baptist deacon i n Burk e County, Georgia, used to preach to fellow slaves on the text: "Come unto me all ye that labour, an d are heavy laden, and I will give you rest. " By the mid-eighteent h century—during a period of revitalized Protestan t zea l among white s know n a s the Grea t Awakening—a minorit y o f blac k Americans were beginning to embrace Christianity. Black preachers appeared as early as 1743, and by the mid-1770s, George Liele and a small group of converted slaves along the Savannah Rive r establishe d th e Silve r Bluf f Baptis t Church , th e firs t blac k Protestant church in America. Under the influence o f both white and black itinerant Methodis t an d Baptis t ministers, th e numbe r o f African-American converts would grow during the next generation. But even those who accepted Christianity retained certain African spiri t beliefs an d burial customs that would become vital aspects of the emerging African-American culture . Breaking the Bonds Challenging arbitrar y rule is the world' s mos t difficul t task , especially when un democratic control has become firmly established. Faced with overwhelming odds, many in bondage elect survival over open resistance , and thei r choic e is as logical and understandable as it is painful. For those who choose to defy the odds and test the boundaries of their confinement, no one effective mode l exists. Therefore, they try al l imaginable mode s o f resistance : calculate d an d spontaneous , cover t an d direct, psychological and physical , individual and collective . Despite the monotony of enslavement, n o tw o circumstances are ever exactl y alike , so the bes t tacti c yesterday may be th e mos t costl y or foolhard y today. Adaptability is crucial, and bravery is a constant ingredient, for even the smallest gesture of defiance can result in cruel punishment an d lasting consequences. Small acts of resistance, though dangerous , were regular events in the hous e of bondage. The slightes t comman d coul d b e wrongly interpreted o r carelessl y carried out . Th e easies t tas k could b e purposel y bungled o r endlessl y extended. By breaking a tool o r pretendin g t o b e sick , slaves could avoi d a whole day' s work , gaining needed rest for themselves and undercutting steady profits for their owner. Workers forced to labor t o support the life of a master often fel t justified in appro priating some of the food they had grown and prepared, even if the planter viewed this activit y a s stealing . Elaborat e tradin g an d marketin g network s gre w u p t o exchange such goods. Though the owner might encourage slave gardens to reduce his own expense in feeding his work force, he objected when these gardens receive d more attention tha n his fields or when the slaves sold their own produce and defi antly pocketed the profits . No act of defiance was more commonplace than running away. Even brief departures could provide relief from an oppressive overseer . But such disappearances also

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When he arrived in Virginia from Africa, Equiano was shocked to see a black woman forced to wear an iron muzzle "which locked her mouth so fast that she could scarcely speak; and could not eat nor drink."

deprived the owner s o f their dail y profits, so penalties wer e often harsh, especiall y for repea t offenders . Magistrate s could no t asses s fines agains t persons wh o wer e forbidden to own property. Therefore, minor act s of defiance prompted harsh physical punishment, suc h as whipping, branding, or the wearing of shackles. Moreover, masters were free to inflict their own forms of retribution. Equiano never forgot th e horrible sigh t tha t confronte d him th e first time h e entered a white dwelling , just days after h e had arrive d in Virginia: I had see n a black woman slave as I came through the house, who was cooking the dinner, and the poor creature was cruelly loaded with various kinds of iro n machines; she had on e particularl y on he r head , which locke d he r mouth s o fast tha t sh e could scarcely speak; and coul d no t ea t nor drink . I was much astonished an d shocke d at this contrivance, which I afterward s learned was called the iron muzzle. Seeing or experiencing such inhuman treatmen t could only sharpen the resentments and deepen the bitterness of a worker i n bondage. The resulting rag e often found expressio n i n act s of extrem e violence. Overseer s were beaten t o deat h b y angry workhand s i n th e fields ; master s an d thei r familie s wer e poisone d b y desperate servant s i n th e kitchen . Settin g fires also becam e a favored act o f defi ance, sinc e arson , lik e poisonin g food , wa s difficul t t o prov e an d eas y t o deny .

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Burning a loaded bar n a t harvest tim e wa s a way to avoi d unwelcom e wor k an d deprive the owne r o f a year's profits. Even the desperat e ac t o f suicide too k o n a double meaning , fo r i t free d th e blac k worke r fro m bondag e an d deprive d th e white owner of a valuable investment. Black violence against the syste m of slavery ranged fro m spontaneou s individ ual act s t o elaborat e conspiracie s involvin g numerou s people . Amon g enslave d African Americans, as among an y people living under totalitaria n control , thought of rebellion was universal; open talk of such matters was far more guarded; and th e undertaking itsel f was the bold and rare exception, fo r a variety of reasons. Urba n slaves wer e closel y watched , an d rura l slave s wer e widel y dispersed ; organize d patrols were commonplace, and informants were everywhere. Long working hours and wid e distance s mad e communicatio n difficult , a s di d force d illiterac y an d diverse ethnic backgrounds. Despite such huge obstacles, brave individuals joined in risky coalitions to attempt mas s escape or armed insurrection . Occasionally, an event took o n a life o f its own, as rumors o f revolt fueled fear s among white s and raised hope s amon g African Americans. Word o f a foreign war, a heavenly sign, or a slave rebellion in some other colon y could quickl y bring matters to a head, increasing the sense of urgency among enslaved blacks and the feel ings o f paranoi a amon g those wh o exploite d them . I n Ne w York City , i n 1712 , workers desiring their freedom se t fire to a building and attacked those summone d to put ou t the blaze. They managed t o kill nine person s an d wound seve n others , but the y failed t o spark a larger revolt. Half a dozen accused conspirators commit ted suicide afte r thei r capture , an d more than twent y wer e put t o death, some by being burned alive. Capital punishment was also used in the small French colony of Louisiana, when several hundre d Bambar a people , wh o ha d recentl y bee n brough t fro m Africa , planned a revolt that was to begin in late June 1731. The rebellion migh t have succeeded, but a remark by a defiant African woman tippe d of f authorities. They were surprised t o learn tha t th e leade r was a man know n a s Samba Bambara , who ha d worked as an interpreter fo r the slave traders at Galam on the Senegal River in West Africa. After fallin g ou t of favor with French authorities there, he had been throw n aboard th e slave ship Annibalin 1726 and shipped t o Louisiana, where he was soon put t o work as a trusted overseer . According to L e Page du Pratz , who investigate d the case , eight suspected leaders, including Samba, were "clapt in irons" by authorities and the n "were put t o the torture o f burning matches ; which, though severa l times repeated , could not brin g them to mak e any confession." When furthe r evi dence prompte d a n admission o f guilt, du Prat z reporte d tha t "the eigh t Negroe s were condemned t o be broken alive on the wheel"—tied to a wagon wheel and battered severel y until they gradually die d of shock. Meanwhile, th e woman who ha d revealed the plot was sentenced "to be hanged before their eyes ; which was accordingly done." Eve n then , rumors o f revolt continued , bu t a n uprisin g predicted t o begin during midnight mass on Christmas 173 1 never materialized.

Strange New Land Meanwhile, slave s had bee n escapin g occasionall y fro m Sout h Carolin a an d making thei r wa y t o St . Augustin e i n northeas t Florida . Spanis h official s ha d bestowed freedom on some of the refugees, in hopes of disrupting the neighboring English colony, while others, such as a Mandingo man name d Francisco Menendez, were resold into servitude. In 1728 , Menendez was made captain of the slav e militia, a unit organize d to help protect St. Augustine from Englis h attack. In 1733 , the Spanish kin g issue d a n edic t grantin g freedo m t o runawa y slave s reachin g St . Augustine, and in 1738 , the local governor granted these newcomers a townsite several miles north o f the por t city . In return, dozens of converted freedmen pledged to she d their "last dro p o f blood i n defens e o f the Grea t Crown o f Spain and th e Holy Faith , and t o be th e mos t crue l enemies of the English. " With Menende z as their leader, they constructe d a fortification known a s Mose (o r Moosa o r Mosa) . Two decades late r this small for t (whic h ha s recently been locate d an d excavated) still sheltered a community o f sixty-seven men, women, and children. By 1739 , a great many of the fort y thousand Africa n American s in bondage i n South Carolin a were aware that th e Spaniard s in Florid a had offere d freedo m t o slaves from Englis h colonies. In September , when word reached Charleston of th e outbreak o f ope n wa r betwee n Englan d an d Spain , th e new s helpe d trigge r a n uprising a t Ston o Landing sout h o f the city . During th e brie f an d blood y Ston o Rebellion, scores of slaves killed their English masters and began marching toward Fort Mose and Spanis h St. Augustine, only to be intercepted before their numbers could swell. Fearful o f the colony's expanding black majority, officials displaye d the heads o f execute d rebel s o n pole s to discourag e future revolts . In addition , they placed a prohibitive duty , or tax, on slaves imported fro m abroa d fo r several years, and they passe d a new Negro Act further restrictin g th e movemen t an d assembl y of black South Carolinians. A suspected slav e plot in New York in 174 1 led to even more fearsom e reprisals , fuele d b y suggestion s o f undergroun d suppor t an d encouragement from Spanis h Jesuits and local poor whites. British conflict wit h Spai n had give n hope to slaves in England's North American colonies . Similarly , whe n Englan d an d Franc e becam e locke d i n a n all-ou t imperial war in the 1750s , white colonist s agai n became anxious. They feared that enslaved African American s would take advantage of warfare o n th e frontier s an d seek to challenge their miserable condition. In 1755 , British troops under General Edward Braddock suffered a shocking defeat in the backcountry at the hands of the French and their Indian allies. When word of the setback at Fort Duquesne reached the governor o f Maryland, he immediately circulate d a notice that slaves should be "well observe d & watched," an d h e ordere d th e colony' s militi a unit s "t o be pre pared to quell it in case any Insurrection should be occasioned by this Stroke." Officials i n Virginia also worried abou t th e potentia l fo r rebellion . More than one hundred thousan d black s now made up wel l over a third o f the total population in that province, and many of the white militiamen were absent in the war. The lieutenant governor reporte d tha t local slaves had become "very audacious" in th e

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To Make Our World Anew wake of Braddock's defea t in the Ohio Valley. In South Carolina, where blacks outnumbered white s b y roughl y thre e t o two , authoritie s mad e plan s t o separat e Charleston from th e mainland with a canal (to be dug by slaves), so the city might be somewhat "protected agains t an Insurrection of the Negroes " in the surround ing countryside or an attack by Indians from th e frontier . The end o f the grea t war of empire brought dramati c change s to the colonies . In Pari s i n 1762 , British representative s sa t dow n wit h envoy s fro m Franc e an d Spain t o negotiat e a final peace. Their treaty , completed th e followin g year, gave decisive advantages to the victorious British under thei r young monarch, George III. From the kin g of France, they received control over Canada. From Spain, the Catholic ally of France, they gained hold o f what had fo r two hundred years been Spanish Florida. These sweeping shifts in the colonial landscape had an immediate impact on all the peoples o f eastern Nort h America. Among Indians, for example , it is no coincidenc e tha t a major uprising know n a s Pontiac's Rebellion bega n i n 1763, as Native Americans in the Grea t Lakes region lost their strategic bargaining position between French and English colonizers. Many African American s also felt a n immediat e impact fro m th e peac e settlement. I n Florida , hundred s o f black s ha d bee n importe d a s laborers fro m th e West Indies or had escaped from slaver y in the neighboring English colonies. Most of the m departe d wit h th e Spanis h a s they evacuate d St . Augustine i n 1763 . At the sam e time, thousands o f African American s enslaved i n nearb y Georgi a an d South Carolina saw a sudden end to their dream of escaping to Fort Mose. Florida quickly change d fro m a n outpos t o f possible blac k liberty to a ne w frontie r fo r English plantations. Rich investors in Charleston and Savannah transported several thousand worker s to British Florida in hopes of earning quick profits from slave labor. A fe w of thes e Africa n American s manage d t o escap e an d joi n band s o f Creek Indians in what would soon be known as the Seminole Nation. The rest died in bondage. Elsewhere on the Britis h colonial frontier, the en d o f the so-calle d French an d Indian War also brought immediat e chang e for African Americans . In th e North , numerous servant s an d fre e black s had take n advantag e o f the turmoil of war t o travel more freely . Some served white officers, while others cut roads, built fortifi cations, and transported supplies. Still others enlisted as soldiers. Garshom Prince, for example , had bee n born i n New England in 173 3 and apparentl y went to war with Captain Robert Durkee. He must have been issue d a musket to fight, for h e inscribed a traditional powder containe r made fro m a cow's horn, when th e sol diers pause d a t Crow n Poin t i n 176 1 followin g thei r victor y ove r th e French . Seventeen years later, at age forty-five, Princ e was back in service in the America n Revolution, fightin g fo r th e patrio t side . Whe n h e wa s kille d i n th e Battl e o f Wyoming, Pennsylvania, in 1778 , he wa s once agai n carrying his carve d powde r horn. Th e years between the en d o f one grea t war an d th e beginnin g of anothe r would be eventful one s for African American s in their strange new land.

Strange New Land To the west of the English colonies, the end of the war with France also brought change for African Americans. George III and hi s government ministers were fearful tha t expanding settlement would encroach on Native American lands and pro voke an expensive Indian war. Britain, deeply in debt after the struggle with France, wanted to avoid such a costly undertaking. So the king proclaimed a boundary line running alon g the to p o f the Appalachia n mountains to divid e the Atlanti c col onies from India n nations living in the Ohio and Mississippi river valleys. This socalled Proclamation Line, plus the willingness of colonial officials t o pay bounties to Nativ e Americans for capturing runaways, held dow n th e numbe r o f enslaved blacks wh o riske d seekin g freedo m i n India n country . A n ac t b y th e Virgini a Assembly "thought i t good Policy ... to keep up and increase that natural aversio n which happily subsists betwee n Negroes and Indians. " Efforts t o prohibi t interracia l mixin g o n th e frontie r wer e no t new . Whe n a German name d Christia n Pribe r ha d gon e t o liv e amon g th e Cherokee s i n th e 1730s, announcin g hi s plan s fo r a n interracia l Utopi a without privat e propert y where all races would be welcome, he was hunted dow n by authorities an d impris oned in Georgia until he died in 1744 . Nevertheless, the backcountry wa s so large and so thinly populated tha t it was impossible fo r white authorities t o prevent non whites from settlin g together alon g the frontier. In 1740 , Molly Barber, daughter of a wealthy white New England family, eloped with lames Chaugham, a Narragansett Indian. The couple established th e small community o f Barkhamsted in northwes t Connecticut, whic h soon dre w a number o f Indians, poo r whites , and fre e blacks . In 1758 , Mary Jamison, a Scots-Irish immigran t girl , was captured b y Indians an d lived most of her life among the Senecas in what is now upstate New York. She later told o f staying briefly with two African-American runaways at their remot e cabi n near the Genese e River. She and her childre n helpe d harves t their cor n cro p an d passed the winter in their frontie r homestead . Besides affecting Africa n Americans on the borders of the empire, Britain's dramatic triumph ove r France also had a swift impac t upon blacks living in the hear t of th e mainlan d colonies . Soo n afte r 1763 , the politica l climat e began t o change dramatically. "Liberty! Liberty!" England's war with Franc e had bee n a long an d expensiv e struggle; it ha d take n place on lan d an d sea , and i t had extende d t o severa l continents. As a result, th e British crown had built up an enormous public debt. Therefore, no sooner had victory celebration s ende d tha n th e governmen t in Londo n bega n pressing for new taxes to replenis h empty coffers. Wit h resident s of England already heavily taxed, Parliament turned it s attention to th e colonies . Their economie s had grow n an d prospered unde r th e protectio n o f th e Britis h crown an d ha d benefite d directly from th e recent war. In the past, England had asked its colonists to pay only duties designed t o regulat e trade. Now, however, officials suggeste d that perhap s it was

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Although African Americans had dreamed of liberty for generations, it took the idealism of the revolutionary era to prompt some white Americans to accept the political goal of black emancipation. In the June 21, 1775, issue of the Massachusetts Spy, the Committee of Correspondence for Worcester County published this notice stating its desire to see an end to slavery.

time to lev y taxes to rais e revenues , eve n i f the colonist s were not directl y repre sented in the English Parliament. In 1765 , Parliament approved the controversial Stam p Act, taxing the colonist s by obliging them to purchase a government stamp for such simple transactions as buying a newspaper, filing a will, or selling a piece of property. Extensive protests forced the law to be repealed, but i t was followed by other revenue measure s tha t intensified debate . Britis h soldier s an d sailor s pai d t o maintai n orde r becam e objects of scorn, and the king's troops were frequently attacked. When Parliamen t passed the Te a Act in 1773 , suspicious local leaders saw the offe r o f cheap tea as a device to trick the colonies into accepting the principle o f taxation by Parliament. Colonists vowe d no t t o purchas e Englis h te a an d eve n thre w boxe s o f te a int o Boston harbor . I n 1774 , an irate Parliamen t responde d wit h a series o f "Coerciv e

Strange New Land Acts," prompting colonia l leader s to organiz e a Continental Congres s that would work out the American respons e t o the intrusive British legislation. Britis h troops met armed resistanc e whe n they attempted t o secure government powde r supplie s in Lexington , Massachusetts , i n Apri l 1775 , an d i n Jul y 177 6 th e Continenta l Congress voted to declare independence fro m Grea t Britain. As participants or observers , African American s were close to al l these important event s leading up t o th e American Revolution. They witnessed firsthand th e mounting pressure s fo r a n arme d revol t agains t th e stronges t empir e o n earth . During a Stamp Act protest in Wilmington, North Carolina, for example, the royal governor sen t food and drink in an effort t o placate white demonstrators. No t willing to be bought off, the crow d "immediatel y brok e i n the heads o f the Barrel s of Punch and let it run into the street." According to a firsthand account, they refused to roast the ox offered t o them b y the governor. Instead, they put it s head o n display "in th e Pillor y and gav e th e Carcas s to th e Negroes " who wer e looking on . Equiano wa s working a s a slav e o n a smal l vessel in th e Caribbea n whe n wor d reached Americ a tha t suc h protest s ha d brough t a n en d t o th e Stam p Act . He recalled sailing into Charleston harbo r a t night an d seeing "the tow n illuminated ; the gun s wer e fired , an d bonfire s an d othe r demonstration s o f jo y shown , o n account o f repeal of the stamp act. " Crispus Attucks, son of a black man and an Indian woman , played a central rol e in th e Bosto n Massacr e of 1770 , in whic h Britis h redcoat s kille d fiv e colonists . Described as "Six Fee t two Inche s high" with "short curl' d hair, " Attucks had ru n away from hi s master i n Framingham , Massachusetts, in 1750 . Twenty years later, at ag e forty-seven, he was working as a sailor ou t o f the Bahamas , aboard a boat bound fro m Bosto n to North Carolina . On the evenin g of March 5, 1770, Attucks played a leading par t in the bloody skirmish o n King Street. When attorne y Joh n Adams (late r th e secon d Presiden t o f th e Unite d States ) defende d th e Britis h soldiers at their trial, he argued they had been provoked by a "mob" mad e up of "a motley rabble of saucy boys, negroes and mulattoes , Irish teagues [slang for Irishmen] and outlandish jac k tarrs [sailor s from foreig n ports]. " "Attucks," he told the court, "appear s t o hav e undertaken t o b e th e her o o f the night , and t o lea d this army with banners, to form them in the first place in Dock square, and march them up to King street wit h their clubs. " Andrew, a slave witness who testifie d a t the sam e trial, recalled seein g Attucks and his band arrive on the scene, where a bitter scuffl e was already in progress. The new contingent wa s shouting loudly and crying , "Damn them , they dare not fire , we are not afrai d o f them." According to Andrew, "one of these people, a stout ma n with a long cordwood stick, " whom h e late r identified a s Attucks, "threw himself in, and mad e a blow a t the officer, " cryin g out, "kill th e dogs , knock the m over. " Similarly, John Adams argued that th e "stout Molatt o fellow " waded int o the fra y "and wit h on e hand took hold o f a bayonet, and with th e other knocke d th e man

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To Make Our World Anew down." Attucks's action s cos t him his life. According t o published accounts , he was the firs t t o fall—"kille d o n th e Spot , two Ball s entering hi s Breast." When Bosto n staged an elaborate public funera l fo r the martyr s killed in this clash, "all the Bells tolled in solemn Peal " throughout th e town. In subsequen t years colonial radical s invoked th e name o f Crispus Attucks as the firs t perso n who had give n his life for the patriot cause . Other African Americans woul d ris k thei r lives , even before the Declaratio n o f Independence. Whe n Pau l Rever e summoned th e Minuteme n t o oppos e Britis h troops a t Concor d an d Lexingto n i n Apri l 1775 , a numbe r o f blac k me n livin g in Massachusett s responde d t o th e call . The y include d Cat o Stedman , Cuf f Whitemore, and Cato Boardman from Cambridge, Job Potama and Isaiah Bayoman from Stoneham , Peter Sale m from Braintree, Prince Easterbrook s fro m Lexington , Pompy fro m Brookline , and David Lamson , a n elderly mulatto who had fough t in the Frenc h and India n War. Later that sam e year, at the Battl e of Bunker Hill, Cuf f Whitemore an d Pete r Sale m agai n sa w action , alon g wit h nearl y twent y othe r African Americans . Salem Poor, a black freeman from Andover , fought s o bravely that some of his white colleagues later petitioned tha t this "Brave & gallent Soldier " deserved a reward, sinc e h e had "behaved lik e an Experienced officer " throughou t the conflict. Crispus Attucks has become a remembere d figur e i n American history, an d a picture of Pete r Sale m at Bunke r Hill ha s appeare d o n a U.S. postage stamp . But there are other blac k men an d women fro m th e decad e before th e revolution wh o are less well known an d wh o deserv e greater recognition. Individuall y an d collec tively, they were involved i n their own struggle for liberty. The y face d tremendou s odds and they took enormous risks. Loyal to the principle of freedom, they listened to the competing rhetoric of white patriots and the British crown. Would either side in th e mountin g debat e include African American s as free an d equa l members o f society? Unfortunately, the respons e turned ou t t o be "no." Bu t during the decad e before 177 6 (and the decade afte r a s well) this fateful answe r remained uncertain . After all , there wer e moral and logica l argument s wh y Englishmen o n on e o r both side s o f the Atlantic migh t finall y decide t o renounc e rac e slavery . Fo r on e thing, a fe w whites , le d b y pioneerin g Quaker s suc h a s Joh n Woolma n an d Anthony Benezet , were showing a n interes t i n abolishin g th e institutio n o f slav ery—an ide a tha t enslave d Africa n American s ha d supporte d unanimousl y fo r more tha n a century. Not only were notions o f human equalit y beginning t o gain favor, but politician s an d strategist s o n both sides o f the Atlantic wer e anxious to appear consisten t in arguing ove r "British liberties. " Whit e colonist s who claime d they were being "enslaved" b y British tyranny were frequently reminded o f thei r hypocrisy. How could the y pretend t o be "advocates for the liberties of mankind, " one critic asked, when they were "trampling o n the sacred natural rights and privileges of Africans" at the sam e moment? How indeed, wondered Abigail Adams in

Strange New Land Boston. She reminded he r husband, Joh n Adams, that white colonists were preparing to figh t fo r th e sam e liberty that "w e are daily robbing an d plunderin g fro m those who have as good a right to freedom as we have." Black colonist s wer e read y t o figh t fo r thei r ow n freedom . They kne w the y might gai n fro m an y dissen t tha t divide d th e white s who dominate d thei r lives. Even distant event s could provid e ray s of hope. In 1772 , a judge in London ruled , in th e well-publicize d cas e o f a slave named Somerset , that i t was illegal to hol d anyone in bondage in England, regardless of race. While this case did no t actually end slaver y i n England , wor d o f thi s stunnin g decisio n reache d th e souther n colonies, and create d a predictable stir among enslaved workers. Virginia newspapers soon carrie d ads for black runaways who ha d disappeare d in hopes o f securing passage to England. A year later, four slave s in Bosto n seeking independence fo r black s in Massachusetts ha d petitione d the colonia l legislature . Whether ou t o f irony o r flattery, they began by stating: "We expect grea t things fro m me n wh o hav e made suc h a noble stand against the designs of their fellow-men to enslave them." They asked for the right to "leave the province" a s soon a s they coul d ear n enoug h mone y t o buy passage "to some part of the coast of Africa, wher e we propose a settlement." At the same time othe r blac k New Englanders, both slave and free , were petitioning successive governors, hoping t o induc e the Britis h crown to sho w sympathy t o thei r cause. In 1774 , African American s in Massachusetts reminded Governo r Thoma s Gage, "we have in commo n wit h al l other me n a naturel righ t t o ou r freedoms. " They aske d hi m t o abolis h slaver y and t o provid e the m wit h "som e par t o f th e unimproved land , belonging to the province, for a settlement. " In the Southern colonies , with enslavemen t mor e widespread an d black literac y generally forbidden, the chance s for a petition o r publi c appeal remained slim— unless i t cam e fro m a n outspoke n visitor . I n th e tumultuou s sprin g o f 1775 , a n African-born preache r name d Davi d visite d Charleston . Th e youn g evangelis t spoke to a private gathering of black and white Christians, and he refused t o utter gentle pieties . Instead , Davi d assure d hi s audienc e tha t "Go d woul d sen d Deliverance to the Negroes, from th e power of their Masters, as He freed th e Chil dren of Israel from Egyptia n Bondage." White listeners suspected that "he meant to raise rebellio n amongs t th e negroes, " and Davi d ha d t o flee the tow n rapidl y to avoid being hanged. If enslaved Africans were finally to win deliverance in 1775 , perhaps it would b e with the aid of British forces. When shots were fired at Lexington in April, and later at Bunke r Hill , blacks like Pete r Sale m joined th e patrio t forces , an d eventuall y thousands mor e woul d follo w during th e cours e o f th e Revolutionar y War. But many more, particularly in th e South , saw the Britis h as their likely ally, as court testimony reveals. In April, Thomas Jeremiah , a free black who worked as a pilot in Charleston harbor, took aside an enslaved dockworker named Sambo and told him

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A committee of slaves circulated this carefully worded request to the Colonial Assembly of Massachusetts in 1 773. They applauded the anti-British legislature's "noble stand against the designs of their fellow-men to enslave them" and went on to request their own release from bondage and the chance to return to Africa.

Strange New Land

"there is a great war coming soon." He urged Sambo to "join the soldiers," because the impendin g wa r "was com e t o hel p th e poo r Negroes. " Several months late r Jeremiah was accused o f smuggling gun s fro m a British warshi p t o slave s in th e Charleston vicinity. Fearful of black rebellion, patriot leaders in control of the town had Jeremia h publicl y hange d an d the n burne d a s a bruta l exampl e t o othe r African American freedom fighters. In other Souther n colonie s black hopes fo r successful armed rebellio n als o ra n high durin g 1775 , and whit e fear s o f a slave uprising prove d equall y strong . I n eastern North Carolina , rumors of revolt were widespread. When a plot wa s discovered i n earl y July , th e patrio t Committee s o f Safet y rounde d u p score s o f African Americans, many of them armed. Suspected slaves were severely whipped in public , an d som e had thei r ear s cut off . All those who spok e to thei r captors told a simila r story . According to Colone l Joh n Simpson, they said they were to rise u p o n th e nigh t o f Jul y 8 , destroy the loca l community , an d marc h towar d the backcountry, where they expected to be met by armed British officials an d "settled i n a fre e governmen t o f thei r own. " Black s in Marylan d ha d simila r hope s of overthrowin g thei r bondage . Thei r bol d tal k an d action s infuriate d the pat riot leaders in Dorchester County, who finally moved to confiscate their weapons. In on e day , they claime d t o hav e take n u p "abou t eight y guns , som e bayonets , swords, etc. " As 1775 unfolded, black aspirations fo r freedom and English desires to frighten white radical s i n America seemed to coincide. "Thing s ar e coming t o that crisis, " wrote Britis h commande r Thoma s Gag e in June , "that w e must avai l ourselve s of ever y resource, even to rais e the Negros , in ou r cause. " This practical alliance emerged most dramatically in Virginia. The royal governor in Williamsburg, Lord Dunmore, ha d hinte d i n Ma y hi s intentio n o f "proclaimin g al l th e Negroe s free, who should join him." By autumn, the patriots had force d him t o take refug e on a vesse l fro m Hi s Majesty' s Navy , an d Dunmor e wa s sailin g the coastline , encouraging black Virginians to escape to Britis h ships. In November he issued a proclamation emancipatin g an y slave s wh o woul d joi n hi s forces , an d blac k Virginians flocked to his banner. Within a month he had more than three hundred persons enrolle d i n his "Ethiopian Regiment, " with th e words "Libert y to Slaves" emblazoned acros s their uniforms. Patriot leaders and Virginia planters expresse d dee p concern over the success of Dunmore's proclamation . U p an d dow n th e Chesapeake , an d a s fa r awa y a s Georgia, enslaved blacks were making desperate effort s t o elude their owners an d come under the protective wing of the Royal Navy. On November 30, the Virginia Gazette spoke o f "boatloads o f slaves " struggling to reac h Britis h ships. When a contingent o f blacks in Georgia gathered on Tybe e Island near the mout h o f th e Savannah River, the loca l Committee o f Safety secretly paid a band of Creek Indians to destroy them before the y could reac h British protection. Likewise, some of

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the South Carolin a runaways who set up camp on Sullivan's Island nea r Charleston harbor were hunted down before they could board Britis h ships. Despite th e hig h risk , hundreds o f African American s clamore d safel y aboar d English vessels in the months after Lor d Dunmore's proclamation. In late Decem ber 1775 , George Washington expresse d hi s fea r o f Dunmore's plan . Th e patriot commander wrot e that if "that man i s not crushe d by spring, he will become th e most formidable enem y America has; his strength wil l increase a s a snow ball by rolling; and faster, if some expedient canno t be hit upon to convince the slaves and servants of the impotency o f his designs." But during the spring of 1776, it was not General Washington who stoppe d th e dramati c flo w o f black Virginians to join Lord Dunmore . Instead , an outbrea k o f smallpo x i n th e crowde d camp s finall y reduced the tide of hopeful refugees . During the Revolutionar y War that followed , numerous slave s took advantage of the continuing turmoil to seek their freedom, but most were disappointed. The new natio n tha t wa s born ou t o f th e struggl e over independenc e woul d fai l t o honor, in its Constitution, the stirring words of Thomas Jefferson's declaration that "all men ar e created equal." The vast majority of the country's half million African Americans wer e still livin g in th e Sout h an d stil l bearing th e yok e of slaver y in 1776. It would take more than thre e long generations before th e expectation s for freedom raise d by the American Revolution could be met through th e bloodshe d of the Civil War.

CHAPTER

3

Revolutionary Citizens 1776-1804 Daniel C. Littlefield

I

n Octobe r 177 2 a young Boston woman wrote a poem dedicate d to William Legge, earl of Dartmouth, who lived in London. A man reputedl y of humane character, the earl had recently been appointed by the British king as secretary of stat e for the colonies . He took charg e during this troubled perio d i n relation s between Britai n and it s North American possessions. The young Boston woma n hoped that th e earl would respond favorably t o the difficul t issue s that prevente d harmony between the king and hi s colonial subjects. She flattered hi m a s a frien d of "Fair Freedom" who would end the "hated faction" o r dissension, that the crisis created. Ironically, the youn g woman wh o wrot e s o knowledgeably abou t th e colonia l struggle for liberty and wh o wa s so aware of the politica l affair s an d personalitie s of the da y was not fre e herself . Her bondage gave her a n acute sensitivity to issues of slavery and freedom . As she wrote the earl: Should you, my lord, while you peruse my song, Wonder from whenc e m y love of Freedom sprung, I, young in life , by seeming cruel fate Was snatched from Afric' s fancy' d happ y seat; Such, such my case. And ca n I then but pra y Others may never fee l tyrannic sway 7.

The poet's name was Phillis Wheatley, and she was brought fro m the West Coast of Africa, probably from the Senegambia region, to Boston, Massachusetts, in 1761. Her lif e spanne d th e er a o f America's revolutionar y struggl e wit h Grea t Britain , and her death in 1784 followed by one year Britain's recognition o f America's independence. Sh e wrote a poem lauding Georg e Washington a s well as one praisin g King George III, and sh e attracted th e attentio n of revolutionary patriot s suc h as Benjamin Franklin , Thoma s Jefferson , Thoma s Paine , Joh n Hancock , an d th e American naval hero Joh n Paul Jones. She was the firs t African America n to pub lish a book o f poetry and sh e gained international notice . Yet she was also a slave

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and composed most of her poetry while in that condition. Her color, enslavement, keen intelligence, and, quite likely, her gender all contributed to her fame . She was seen as unique because many people at that time did not thin k that Africans ha d intelligence or capability equal to that o f Europeans. Many believed that African s could not b e educated, that they had no capacity for original or creative thought, and that they were best suited to servitude. Phillis Wheatley began early on to disprove these notions. She was only seven or eight years old when she landed i n Boston , but a s John Wheatley, her purchaser , related, "Without an y Assistance from Schoo l Education, and by only what she was taught in the Family , she, in sixtee n Months Time fro m her Arrival, attained the English Language, to which she was an utter Stranger before, to such a Degree, as to read any, the most difficul t Part s of the Sacred Writings, to the grea t Astonishment of all who heard her." Doubtless her owner s quickly saw a chance to test the proposition tha t African s wer e unable to learn and encourage d her t o persis t i n educating herself. John Wheatley bought Philli s to ai d his wife, Susannah, whom friends describe d a s a woman o f unusua l refinement, sensitivity, an d religiosity . She also had a n interes t in missionar y activity , particularly among Africans an d Native Americans. These characteristic s help explai n why Susannah encourage d Phillis t o ge t a n education . Beside s studying Lati n an d Englis h classics , she was tutored in astronomy, ancient and modern geography, and history. When one considers that sh e was a slave and als o a woman in a period when most wome n an d even mor e slave s received no suc h attention , he r situatio n an d accomplishment s are remarkable . She was almost certainly one o f the mos t highl y educated young women in Boston at the time . She was also well connected, fo r her mistress encouraged he r religious interest s and introduce d he r t o leadin g advocate s o f th e eighteenth-centur y evangelica l Christian movemen t i n Americ a an d Britain . Evangelica l religio n ha s bee n de scribed as more a feeling and an attitude abou t religio n tha n a strict religiou s sys tem. Evangelicals refused to be bound by the rules of formal church organizations . They placed grea t emphasi s o n a personal knowledge o f the Bible , a direct an d emotional experienc e o f God's grace, and the unity and equality of those saved by faith in the Holy Spirit. Consequently, they weakened existing distinctions between masters an d slave s an d undercu t th e traditiona l Christia n toleratio n o f slavery . Though no t al l evangelicals oppose d slavery , the mos t radica l amon g the m did , particularly those of the Baptist and Methodist denomination s tha t began a rapid expansion i n England an d America during Phillis' s lifetime . They directed a particular appea l to the slaves. The English noblewoma n Salin a Hastings , countes s o f Huntingdon , frien d o f Susannah Wheatley, and patron o f Phillis, was a supporter o f evangelical Method ism. He r persona l chaplain , Georg e Whitefiel d (who m Philli s celebrate d i n a n elegy), was the leading figure i n the Grea t Awakening religious reviva l movemen t (1739-45). It was characterized by highly emotional preaching, often delivere d by

Revolutionary Citizens itinerant ministers who sometimes preache d i n fields or tents as well as in church es. It united black and white people in religious community an d inspired som e to reflect upo n the blacks' secular condition, includin g speculation s concerning thei r mental capabilities. Phillis's achievements, therefore, had mor e tha n persona l significance. She was embraced b y abolitionists , man y o f whom wer e evangelicals, and offere d a s evidence that black people had the same possibilities as white people and deserved the same opportunities . After he r Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral wa s published i n Londo n i n 1773 , th e Philadelphi a physicia n an d abolitionis t Benjamin Rus h extravagantly praised her "singular geniu s and accomplishments. " Her book , dedicate d t o th e countes s o f Huntingdon , wa s printed a year afte r the famou s Somerset decisio n o f 1772 , a cour t cas e tha t place d sever e limits o n slavery i n Englan d an d cause d considerabl e uneas e fo r he r youn g master , Mrs . Wheatley's so n Nathaniel , whe n the y travele d ther e togethe r i n th e summe r o f 1773. At the cente r o f th e cas e wa s James Somerset , a n America n slav e taken t o London by his Bosto n maste r i n 1769 . In England , Somerset escaped, onl y to b e recaptured an d a s punishmen t threatene d wit h relocatio n t o th e mor e rigor ous slav e environment o f Jamaica. His plight cam e t o th e attentio n o f Granvill e Sharp, an abolitionis t committe d t o endin g slaver y in Britain . Chief Justic e Lord Mansfield, wh o hear d th e case , wa s reluctan t t o mak e th e decisio n fo r libert y toward whic h h e fel t th e la w leaned, because h e feare d th e reaction s o f colonia l planters i f all the servant s they ha d brough t t o Englan d were suddenl y declare d free. He also feared the socia l and economic consequences of freeing al l the slaves. He therefor e delayed an d attempte d t o ge t the cas e dismissed . When thi s tacti c failed, h e ordere d Somerset's maste r t o releas e hi m fro m servic e an d establishe d the precedent that in Britain slaves could not be compelled to serve. Although thi s case did not actuall y end slavery in Great Britain, as historians so often maintain , it di d mak e th e atmospher e uncongenia l fo r slaveholders . Moreover , i t brough t the issu e of slavery before th e publi c an d excite d muc h sympath y fo r th e slaves . Phillis Wheatley, however , di d no t tak e advantag e o f th e situation . Instead , sh e cut short he r stay and returned t o Boston when her mistress, then ailing , requested her presence . Her popular succes s in Britain notwithstanding, no t everyone was impressed by Phillis's accomplishments . Despit e hi s stirrin g affirmatio n i n th e Declaratio n o f Independence tha t all men were created equal, Thomas Jefferso n ha d sever e reservations about blacks ' abilities. Moreover, he readily discounted whateve r evidence he found that discredited hi s opinion. Consequently, he dismissed Phillis Wheatle y as being incompetent a s a poet. "The compositions published under her name," he said, "are below the dignity o f criticism." A Jamaica planter, Edward Long, was even more harsh . He intended t o parod y Wheatley's verse and the uses to which sh e had been put b y abolitionists whe n h e wrote:

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To Make Our World Anew What woeful stuf f thi s madrigal would be In some starv'd, hackney sonneteer, or me! But let a Negroe own the happy lines, How the wit brightens! How the Style refines ! Before his sacred name flies ev'ry fault, And each exalted stanza teems with thought! Long clearly intended to suggest that the merits o f Wheatley's poetry derived sole ly from th e fac t that sh e was black. Yet he exhibited a certain illogic because, while she may not have been, in his estimation, a genius, the common assertio n was that blacks had not eve n a minimal competence . The Ne w World i n whic h thes e commentator s live d seeme d t o suppor t suc h doubts, because by the middl e o f th e eighteent h century, Africans wer e enslave d throughout th e Americas . Abolitionist sentimen t bega n t o develo p an d hav e it s first effects in Britain's American colonies. There were several reasons for this: First, British victorie s agains t Franc e i n th e Seve n Years ' Wa r (1756-63 ) extende d Britain's possessions in the Caribbean an d allowed for an increase in the supply of sugar reachin g the mothe r country , temporarily forcin g dow n it s price . Bu t th e decline wa s not permanen t becaus e the Britis h returne d capture d Frenc h sugar islands after the war, and the commodity's price in the British market, protected by restrictive regulations, recovered. However, increasing absentee ownership , risin g slave prices , soi l exhaustio n i n olde r islands , natura l disasters , an d slav e unres t caused a rise in production costs . The outbreak of the American Revolution in th e 1770s, which cut off the major source of island supplies, aggravated the situation . Planters, however, did no t cur b bu t rathe r expande d production , spurre d b y an economic boom in the 1790s . Jamaican planters, particularly, extended cultivation. Nevertheless, th e Frenc h islan d o f Sain t Domingu e produce d mor e sugar , mor e cheaply, and undercu t the British sugar price in Europe. The British simply coul d not compet e becaus e o f th e hig h productio n cost s associate d wit h thei r suga r industry. Some people began to questio n th e whol e process of British sugar production, and the most glaringl y expensive factor i n this production wa s slavery. But economic stress does not adequatel y explain the British anti-slavery movement. Indeed, the movement achieve d its first successes during a period whe n th e sugar industr y had , howeve r briefly , regaine d it s profitability . Moreover , simila r crises amon g th e Spanis h o r Portugues e had no t le d to th e sam e questionin g o f human bondage . On e historia n explain s th e distinctiv e Britis h reactio n a s being the resul t o f a differen t historica l backgroun d tha n tha t o f th e Iberia n nations . Spain an d Portuga l ha d experience d slaver y continuously fro m th e tim e o f th e Roman Empire , and Iberians transported the institution to their colonies overseas as an ancient practice. But slaver y had die d o r wa s dying i n northwester n Europe , and Englishme n readopted i t in the sixteent h century mainly as a way to secur e profits i n tropica l

Revolutionary Citizens climes. They did not, however, approve of it at home. Where Iberians saw a familiar pattern o f relationships because of their long slave tradition, Briton s saw something ne w an d relativel y strange . Slaver y was an institutio n fo r th e colonie s bu t not fo r Britai n o r th e British . This doe s no t mea n tha t ther e wer e n o slave s i n Britain, fo r an estimate d fourtee n thousan d reside d ther e i n th e eighteent h cen tury. Bu t slaveholdin g wa s increasingly see n a s a n immora l choice , no t par t o f British tradition. One o f the social , intellectual, and religiou s currents tha t force d peopl e within th e Britis h Empir e t o loo k mor e closel y a t bonde d labo r wa s evangelica l Protestantism. Millennialis m (take n fro m th e biblica l prophec y i n Revelation s of Christ's one-thousand-yea r reig n on earth) , which suggeste d the ide a tha t man' s sinful natur e ca n be changed an d that the world ca n be transformed int o a heaven o n earth , wa s a n importan t featur e o f thi s outlook . I t prompte d muc h self reflection. Millennialists equated slaver y with sin and reform with virtue, and thus many of them became abolitionists. The ideas of the equality of all men before God and th e necessity o f free will for salvation wer e also source s o f anti-slavery beliefs . Many Protestant s considere d fre e wil l t o b e essentia l to a conversio n experienc e that emphasize d persona l commitment , an d slaver y permitte d n o fre e exercis e of will. Another intellectua l concep t tha t force d a reconsideratio n o f slaver y was th e Enlightenment. Beginnin g in th e lat e seventeent h century , thi s Europea n philo sophical movement develope d aroun d a number of concepts. The most importan t of these were a confidence in huma n reaso n a s a guide t o wisdom , a rejection of ignorance and superstition, a firm belief in the basic goodness of humankind, an d a certaint y tha t society , throug h reason , coul d b e perfected . Eighteenth-centur y Enlightenment thought , particularl y the ide a o f natural equalit y an d th e notio n that society departed fro m that principle when it instituted slavery, supported abo lition. Thes e philosophical idea s intersected wit h religiou s ones: Fro m both per spectives, slavery was seen as wrong and societ y could an d ough t t o be reformed. But i t took economi c change , which place d increasin g emphasis o n fre e labo r and fre e trade , and a move away from th e restrictiv e trading system derived fro m mercantilism, to make the arguments of abolitionists most effective . Mercantilis m was an economic philosoph y base d on the concept tha t a nation's wealt h depend ed on it s supply of precious metals o r othe r commodities , suc h as gold and silve r (bullion) or jewels. These could be obtained throug h trad e or conquest. A nation's colonies existe d t o ai d th e mothe r countr y i n achievin g wealt h b y supplyin g these commodities directl y or by producing item s tha t coul d b e traded fo r them . Ideally, a colony tha t di d no t yiel d bullio n directl y produce d ra w materials that could be rendered into products that would bring in bullion. Slavery was not a necessary component of mercantilism excep t tha t it came t o be considered th e most effective an d efficient mean s of raising the tropical products that created the wealth of eighteenth-century Europea n empires.

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To Make Our World Anew The Scottis h philosophe r Ada m Smit h cas t doub t o n thi s relationship . I n hi s Theory o f Moral Sentiments (1759 ) an d Th e Wealth o f Nations (1775) , h e argue d that slaver y was inefficien t a s well as brutal and , i n fact , no t th e mos t profitabl e system. "The experienc e o f al l age s an d nations, " Smit h claimed , "demonstrate s that th e work done b y slaves, though i t appears to cos t only their maintenance, is in th e en d th e deares t of all." It encouraged idleness , Smith argued , and retarde d progress. Neither enforce d labor no r restricted trad e brought the greatest materia l or social reward. In Nort h America , eve n befor e th e revolutionar y era , th e belief s o f som e Protestant sect s led the m t o conside r th e injustic e o f slavery . As early as 168 8 a Quaker grou p i n Germantown , Pennsylvania , spok e ou t agains t th e institution , and i n 169 3 Quaker s publishe d th e firs t anti-slaver y tract i n America . Quaker s were no t onl y concerne d abou t thei r persona l salvatio n bu t ha d a commitmen t to socia l reform a s well. Their anti-slavery sentiments increase d in the eighteent h century a s individua l meetings , o r congregations , too k a stan d agains t holdin g slaves. They were joined i n their stanc e by members o f other sect s as a result o f the Great Awakening. Having ouste d th e Frenc h fro m th e continent , the Britis h governmen t devel oped reorganizatio n schemes designed to gover n the empir e mor e effectivel y an d economically. These effort s ende d a practice that had lef t colonial s largely to thei r own affairs. I n practical terms, the new policies brought much greater interference by the Britis h Parliament i n th e colonists ' daily lives—an intrusio n th e colonist s resented. Mos t disturbin g wa s Parliament' s clai m o f th e powe r t o tax , formerly assumed b y provincia l legislatures . Americans viewe d thes e innovation s a s dis ruptive o f harmony, running counte r to an ancient and valuable relationship, and corrosive o f traditional liberties . What bega n as a struggle for traditional English rights (suc h as the principle that the y could no t b e taxed without thei r consent) , however, was extended unde r th e influenc e o f Enlightenmen t philosoph y int o a struggle for liberty as a natural (rather than an English) right . This struggle forced white Americans to consider th e plight of blacks. The Massachusett s patrio t Jame s Oti s mad e thi s connectio n mos t clearl y i n 1764 when, in response to the Sugar Act, he declared that "the Colonists ar e by the law of nature free born, as indeed al l men are , white or black." Skin color, hair texture, o r othe r physica l characteristic s wer e no t a logica l basi s o n whic h t o bas e enslavement. Or, as another revolutionary put it , "That al l black persons should b e slaves is as ridiculous a s that la w of a certain country that al l red-haired person s should b e hanged." He referred t o Th e Spirit o f Laws (1748), a book by the French Enlightenment philosopher Baro n de Montesquieu tha t mad e fun o f prejudice by describing a country where that was the custom . But blacks were not satisfie d to let others make their cas e for them. They , too , were affected b y revolutionary ideology and were quite prepared to use it to argue for their own freedom. This was particularly th e case for New England blacks, who,

Revolutionary Citizens of all slaves, had the greatest opportunity to attain literacy. Thus in April 1773 four Massachusetts slave s addressed a letter t o th e Colonia l Hous e o f Representatives stating that "the effort s mad e by the legislature of the province in their last sessions to fre e themselve s fro m slavery , gave us, who ar e in tha t deplorabl e state , a hig h degree of satisfaction." They went on t o suggest that they, too, desired freedom. They adopte d a peculiar strateg y in pressin g their case : "We are ver y sensible that it would b e highly detrimental t o ou r presen t masters , i f we were allowe d t o demand al l that o f right belongs to us. " But , they continued, "Even the Spaniards, who have not thos e sublime idea s of freedom that Englishme n have, are conscious that the y have no righ t t o al l the service s of .. . th e Africans, wh o they have pur chased." So they simply asked to be allowed one day a week to work for themselves to accumulat e th e mone y t o bu y thei r freedom . Th e Hous e table d th e petition . When the blacks appealed to Governor Thomas Hutchinson, he said that h e coul d do nothing for them. After th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e wa s signed , petition s t o th e Massa chusetts legislature from blacks became a little more aggressive. In New Hampshire blacks argue d tha t "th e Go d o f natur e gav e the m lif e an d freedom , upo n th e terms o f the mos t perfec t equalit y wit h othe r men " an d tha t "privat e an d publi c tyranny an d slaver y are alik e detestable t o mind s consciou s o f th e equa l dignit y of human nature. " At th e sam e time , fre e blacks move d agains t other aspect s o f discrimination . Although they were subject to taxation, free blacks in Massachusetts and elsewhere could not vot e o r hol d office . Consequently , i n Februar y 178 0 a group o f blacks , under the leadership of a prominent loca l businessman, Paul Cuffe, an d his broth er John, took further advantag e of revolutionary philosophy. They suggested to the legislature that "while we are not allowe d the privilege of freemen o f the state, having no vote or influence in the election with those that tax us, yet many of our ow n color, as is well known, have cheerfully entered th e fiel d o f battle i n defence of th e common cause , an d tha t a s w e conceiv e agains t a simila r exertio n o f powe r i n regard to taxation." In other words , they desired to extend to themselves the prin ciple o f n o taxatio n withou t representation . Indeed , a s part o f th e struggle , th e Cuffes refuse d t o pay taxes in 1778 , 1779, and 1780 . As a result, in Decembe r 1780 they were jailed. Three months later they admitted defea t and paid their back taxes, but the y renewed their complaint. Because black s refuse d t o le t th e argumen t die , i t wa s difficul t fo r Ne w Englanders and othe r colonial s to escape the logic of the revolution . Moreover, as the Cuffes noted , blacks wrere among the first to shed their blood i n the common cause . Phillis Wheatle y ha d a goo d chanc e t o vie w th e Bosto n Massacr e o n Marc h 5 , 1770—in which Crispu s Attucks became celebrated as the firs t t o di e for colonia l liberty—for i t took place just down the stree t from th e Wheatley mansion a t King Street and Mackerel Lane , where she still lived. Other blacks fought mor e personal battles. In April 1781, twenty-eight-year-old

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This account of the burial of the victims of the Boston Massacre appeared in the Boston Gazette and Country journal. The coffin on the far right bears the initials of Crispus Attucks, the former slave who became a hero of the revolutionary era for his role in the incident.

Quok Walker left hi s master's service. He did so without permission and was sheltered by a neighbor, who employed him . His maste r discovere d Walker, assaulted him with a whip handle, and charged the neighbor wit h enticin g awa y his prop erty. Fo r hi s part , Walke r brought sui t against hi s maste r fo r assaul t an d bat tery. The case came down to the issu e of whether slaver y wa s legall y defensible , justifying th e us e o f force . Th e master' s lawyer argue d that custo m and usag e of the countr y made slavery legal. Walker's lawyer argued, however, that custom and usage wer e unsustainabl e whe n the y went against reason. The case eventually went t o th e Massachusett s Suprem e Court. In coming to its decision in 1783 , the cour t declare d tha t sinc e th e stat e constitution of 178 0 declared i n its preamble tha t al l men wer e born fre e an d equal, slavery in th e stat e was illegal. At the sam e time, it gav e black s who wer e taxed the righ t to vote. New Hampshire followed Massachusetts' s lea d whe n i t decided tha t it s Bil l o f Right s o f 178 3 forbade slavery , a t leas t fo r thos e bor n after it s adoption . Vermon t wa s mor e forthright an d prohibite d slaver y in it s constitution o f 1777. While the judicial process worked its way i n Massachusetts , Pennsylvani a faced th e proble m head-o n an d becam e the first state to adopt a manumission, o r freedom, law . As the hom e o f Quakers , anti-slavery sentiment ther e was strong; many Germa n immigrants, suc h a s th e Amish an d Mennonites , als o oppose d the institution. Perhaps n o singl e perso n wa s mor e important i n thi s proces s than Anthon y Benezet. Bor n i n Franc e bu t force d t o

Revolutionary Citizens

Quaker leader Anthony Benezet actively supported the anti-slavery cause and sought to educate blacks in Philadelphia. He established integrated schools and published pamphlets attacking slavery and the slave trade.

flee becaus e o f religiou s persecution , h e an d hi s famil y eventuall y settle d i n Pennsylvania. Converting to the Quake r faith , he early became active in the anti slavery cause. He published a number o f pamphlets attacking slavery and th e slave trade, dramatizing the evil s of the trade and removin g all doubts tha t i t had an y humanitarian features . Moreover , he studie d th e histor y o f Afric a t o prov e tha t Africans had cultures and civilizations comparable to those of other people in th e world, an d h e argue d that th e chain s o f bondage alon e were responsible fo r an y failings the y showe d i n America . He undertoo k t o educat e Philadelphi a blacks , establishing integrate d school s fo r tha t purpose . Hi s writing s ha d influenc e far beyond hi s locality . Thomas Clarkson , a leade r i n th e Britis h anti-slaver y campaign, took his stance after readin g Benezet' s A Short Account of that Part of Africa, Inhabited b y th e Negroes (1762) . loh n Wesley , founde r o f th e Methodists , use d Benezet's Some Historical Account o f Guinea (1771) a s th e basi s o f sermon s h e preached in Britain against the slave trade. When Pennsylvania's manumission bill reached the Assembly, Benezet worked with the legislators to ensure passage .

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To Make Our World Anew As th e firs t abolitio n la w passed i n America , Pennsylvania' s 178 0 statut e wa s viewed as the perfect expressio n o f American revolutionary philosophy. I t provid ed for a gradual freeing o f slaves over a period o f years, yet it was not th e most lib eral suc h law to be passed. It merely came in advanc e of the rest , and along wit h Massachusetts and Vermont, Pennsylvania was one of the fe w states to end slavery before Britain's formal recognition o f American independence . But while blacks made use of revolutionary rhetori c to advanc e their freedom, and gav e their blood i n the colonia l cause , they could no t hel p bu t b e reminded , even as they fought, that the y were different. Thus , when blacks joined a crowd of Boston whites in an attack upon British soldiers in 1769 , a Boston newspaper commented, "To behold Britons scourged by Negro drummers wa s a new and very disagreeable spectacle. " This consciousnes s o f differenc e cause d a grou p o f slave s i n th e tow n o f Thompson, Massachusetts, to end their request for freedom in 177 3 with the statement: "We are willing to submit to such regulations and laws, as may be made rel ative to us , until we leave the province , which w e determine t o d o a s soon a s we can, from ou r joynt labours procure money to transport ourselve s to some part of the Coas t o f Africa, wher e w e propose a settlement. " Eve n befor e th e en d o f th e eighteenth century , then, there was the feeling among some blacks that a return t o Africa wa s desirable . Thes e emigrationist s fel t tha t becaus e racia l oppressio n i n America was so great, black people coul d develo p only if they returned to the land of their forefathers. They also thought tha t a return t o Africa woul d hel p them t o free their enslave d brethren i n the New World by illustrating the competitivenes s of tropica l product s grow n wit h fre e labor . Finally , they believed tha t the y coul d take with the m t o Africa th e gift s o f Christianity and civilizatio n an d serv e as the means to uplift wha t common prejudic e held to be a backward continent . These idea s foun d resonanc e amon g th e Christia n evangelist s o f Philli s Wheatley's acquaintance . I n 1773 , one conceive d a pla n fo r educatin g tw o Ne w England blacks, a free ma n name d John Quamino an d a slave, Bristol Yamma, and sending the m t o Afric a a s missionaries. Th e outbrea k o f th e Revolutionar y War doomed th e project , yet not befor e Wheatle y was asked t o joi n th e venture . She responded t o th e reques t wit h a statemen t tha t expresse d th e opinio n o f mos t American blacks, who, born an d bred in the country, fel t the y had a right t o con sider it their own : Why do you hon'd Sir, wish those poor men so much trouble as to carry me [on] so long a voyage? Upon my arrival, how like a Barbarian shou'd I look to the Natives; I can promise that my tongue shall be quiet for a strong reason indeed, being an utter stranger to the Language.... Now to be Serious, This undertaking appears too hazardous and [ I am] no t sufficientl y Eligibl e to go—And leave my British & American friends.

Revolutionary Citizens

Wheatley's British and American friends woul d soon b e at war, but th e warfar e provided othe r opportunitie s fo r blacks to achieve their freedom. Battle Cry of Freedom Eight months befor e the American Declaration o f Independence was proclaimed in Philadelphi a o n Jul y 4, 1776 , a man name d Lymu s declared his ow n indepen dence. He told his master in Charleston, South Carolina, as his master reported in the South Carolina Gazette, that he would "be free, that he w[ould] serve no Man, and that he w[ould] be conquered o r governed by no Man. " In the year following the Declaration, two black men in Massachusetts advanced a different clai m to liberty. They "ship'd on board the Armed Brigantine Freedom," as their friends relate d the story, "to figh t ag[ains] t the Enemies of America." They thereby justifie d a clai m t o personal freedom. A s thei r whit e compatriot s an nounced, the y "were volentieers [sic] i n the busines s & ought t o b e considered i n the same light as any other Sailor s & by no means liable to be sold meerly because they are black." Somewhat earlier, a group of slaves in Boston devised still a differ ent course . They petitioned th e governo r t o propose , s o Abigail Adams informed her husban d John , that "the y woul d figh t fo r him provide d h e would ar m them , and engag e to liberate them i f he conquered." The governor was General Thomas Gage, British commander i n chief in America, and these slaves were clearly willing to figh t o n th e Britis h sid e i f tha t woul d guarante e thei r emancipation . Thes e people exemplif y th e clai m o f on e note d African-America n historian tha t blac k people i n th e revolutio n wer e mor e concerne d abou t a principl e tha n an y on e place or people—tha t principle being the natura l righ t of human being s to their own person. African American s were motivated b y the sam e desire for "life, liberty, and th e pursuit o f happiness" that animated other Americans. They were equally conscious of the natura l rights philosophy o f the Enlightenmen t and o f the meanin g of th e phrases tha t Thoma s Jefferso n addresse d t o Kin g Georg e III . Thu s blac k Ne w Hampshire petitioner s proclaimed : "Freedo m i s an inheren t righ t o f th e huma n Species, not t o be surrendered, but b y Consent, for the sak e of social Life." Abigail Adams expresse d th e sam e sentiment s somewha t differentl y t o he r husband , John. "I wish most sincerely, " she wrote, "there wa s not a slave in the province ; it always appeare d a most iniquitou s schem e to m e t o figh t ourselve s for wha t we are daily robbing and plundering fro m those who have as good a right to freedom as we have." When the fighting broke out, therefore, African Americans were among the firs t to rally to patriot banners. As they fought to free their country, they also fought to free themselves . Thus the slav e of New Hampshire General John Sullivan, told b y his maste r tha t the y wer e goin g t o joi n th e patrio t arm y t o figh t fo r liberty , responded "that it would be a great satisfaction to know that he was indeed goin g

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To Make Our World Anew to fight for his liberty." Sullivan, impressed by the justice of his cause, freed hi m o n the spot . Pete r Salem , of Framingham, Massachusetts, was freed b y his owners so that h e coul d enlist . H e fough t i n th e battle s o f Lexington an d Concor d i n April 1775 and helped to fire the "shot heard round th e world" that heralde d the beginning of America's military struggle. In June he fought at the Battl e of Bunker Hill, where th e colonial s wer e force d t o retrea t afte r inflictin g heav y losse s o n th e British. Salem is credited with killing a British officer wh o led the final assault, and his musket is preserved at the Bunker Hill Monument . Salem Poor , a free black , also fought at Bunker Hill. H e came t o th e attentio n of fourtee n officer s wh o petitione d Congres s t o rewar d hi m fo r his bravery: "We declare that A Negro Man Called Salem Poor ... behaved like an Experienced offi cer, as well as an Excellent Soldier." Although there is no recor d that Congress ever acknowledged him, he remained with the Continental army . New England blacks were well situated t o offe r thei r services , for, despite law s prohibiting th e practice, they had a history of duty in local militias. Ther e simply were no t enoug h whit e me n willin g o r abl e t o fill the ranks . Africa n American s served in twenty-five percent of Connecticut's militia companies and in noticeabl e numbers in other New England colonies. In spite of its relatively small black population, therefore, New England contributed mor e blacks to the Continental arm y than an y other region . Rhode Island offere d a n all-black regiment , reported t o be one of the few American regiments that enliste d for the entire war. Patriot Genera l Philip Schuyler, on a military campaign in upstate New York, however, expressed a general objectio n t o th e presenc e o f blacks . "I s i t consisten t wit h th e Son s o f Liberty," he asked, "to trust their all to be defended by slaves?" Indeed, that was a question th e colonials had to fac e a s soon a s the contendin g parties cam e t o blows . I n a countr y wher e slaver y remaine d a n importan t eco nomic an d socia l institution, fe w whites wanted th e arm y to becom e a haven for runaway slaves. After th e Continenta l arm y was formed in June 1775, command ing genera l Horati o Gate s ordere d tha t recruiter s shoul d no t enlis t "any stroller , negro, o r vagabond, " no r an y deserter fro m th e Britis h army . He di d no t distin guish betwee n slave s an d fre e blacks . I n September , th e Continenta l Congres s rejected a proposal o f Edwar d Rutledg e o f South Carolin a that black s b e totall y excluded, but a council of generals in Cambridge, Massachusetts, adopted just such a policy the following month . They took this position apparentl y i n deferenc e to Georg e Washington, newl y arrived commande r i n chie f o f the Continenta l army . Having scarcel y ever bee n outside th e confine s of slaveholdin g Virgini a and Maryland , h e wa s appalled t o find large numbers of blacks among the troops besieging th e British i n Boston i n 1775. New England generals insisted that they made good soldiers, but Washingto n persuaded the m tha t th e us e of African-American troop s woul d hinde r coopera tion with souther n colonies . Washington , however , di d no t hav e th e sam e emo tional dislik e of blacks that affecte d Thoma s Jefferson . Bot h from inclinatio n an d

Revolutionary Citizens

In response to Lord Dunmore's proclamation, Virginia's General Convention issued this statement threatening death to any slave caught trying to join the British side, while offering pardons to any slave who surrendered to the Continental army.

considerations o f policy , Washingto n wa s convince d t o liste n whe n fre e black s expressed their dissatisfactio n at exclusion. He authorized thei r reenlistmen t an d put the matter before Congress. Congress backed the decision but forbade any new black enlistments. Tha t policy , however, was to change. Among the considerations influencing Washington was the proclamation o f the royal governor of Virginia, Lord Dunmore, offering freedo m to slaves and inden tured servants who joined the British troops. Although it applied only to the slaves of rebellious subjects and only to those able to join and fight, it nevertheless offered a clear choice that many accepted. But neithe r Lor d Dunmore' s proclamatio n no r th e Declaratio n o f Indepen dence caused any immediate chang e in the colonials' determinatio n t o keep slaves out o f th e war . State s fro m Ne w Englan d t o Georgi a forbad e black s t o enlist . Manpower shortages alone caused these prohibitions to be overlooked. Free blacks often too k the place of whites when states drafted soldiers, and recruitin g officers , sometimes paid by the head, were not particular about the inductees' color . When, beginning in 1777, Congress ordered the states to meet quotas to fill patriot ranks , the proces s of black recruitmen t picke d up speed . African American s were com monly enlisted in New England after 1777 , and Rhode Island became the first state

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to authoriz e slave enlistment i n 1778 . Maryland took the sam e step in 1780 , and New York in 1781 . Virginia refused t o follow Maryland's lead in enlisting slaves but did permi t th e servic e o f fre e blacks . Nevertheless , some Virgini a master s sen t slaves to serve in their stead, promising freedom but frequentl y not makin g goo d on those promises after the war. In 1783, when it became aware of the situation, the state government freed thos e people. Only the Lowe r South resiste d th e tren d t o enlis t blac k soldiers. Greatl y out numbered b y their slaves , planters who inhabite d th e coasta l lowlan d region s of South Carolin a and Georgi a (often simpl y referred to a s the lo w country) feare d the consequence s o f permitting slave s to bea r arms . The y were more dependen t than thei r neighbors o n black labor an d proved correspondingl y les s receptive to the logi c of revolutionary reasoning. Yet even there it had effects . No on e bette r exemplifie d thi s fac t tha n Joh n Laurens , a n aid e t o Georg e Washington and son of South Carolina planter Henry Laurens, a former slave trader an d presiden t o f th e Continenta l Congress . Educated i n Geneva , Switzerland, John had become influence d by anti-slavery sentiments. Early in the revolution he proposed recruitin g slav e soldier s i n exchang e fo r thei r freedom . He wrot e hi s father in January 1778 asking that he be given his inheritance in able-bodied slaves, whom he would for m int o a battalion t o be freed a t the war's close. Henry asked Washington's opinion. Joh n replied: "He is convinced that the numerous tribe s of blacks in the southern part of the continent offe r a resource to us which should no t be neglected. " The following year the Continenta l Congres s gav e its assent to th e project an d recommende d th e cours e t o Sout h Carolin a an d Georgia . Bu t th e Lower South would not be moved . The issu e of slave soldiers was controversial because it offere d a threat t o slavery itself . And th e threa t t o slaver y was important becaus e i t involve d right s o f property. Th e righ t t o b e secur e i n possessio n o f thei r propert y wa s one o f th e things th e colonist s accused the Britis h king of taking awa y from the m whe n h e taxed the m withou t thei r consent . Thu s whe n th e Virgini a legislature formally rejected th e us e o f slave s as soldiers i t wa s because, as one ma n reported , i t was "considered unjust , sacrificin g th e propert y o f a par t o f th e communit y t o th e exoneration of the rest." Or, to put i t another way, it was not fai r t o ask some peo ple to give up their propert y in order to save the property of others . The outbrea k o f fightin g provided black s some sa y in th e matter . The y ha d a choice o f sides , and a n estimate d fiv e thousan d ultimatel y stoo d i n Continenta l ranks. But the conflicte d nature o f their respons e wa s illustrated a t th e Battl e of Great Bridge, fought on December 9,1775, and described as the "Lexington of the South." This battle compelled Lord Dunmore to leave the soil of Virginia and operate thereafte r offshore fro m nava l vessels. Almost hal f o f th e Britis h force o f si x hundred consisted of African Americans of Dunmore's "Ethiopian Regiment, " who went into battle wearing sashes emblazoned with the words "Liberty to Slaves."

Revolutionary Citizens On th e othe r side , a black spy for the Virginians tricked Dunmore into attack , and a fre e blac k fro m Portsmouth , Willia m Flora , distinguishe d himsel f i n th e engagement agains t th e British . Flora wa s "the las t sentine l tha t cam e int o th e breast work, " an office r remembered , and "h e di d no t leav e his post unti l h e ha d fired several times. Billy had to cross a plank to get to the breast work, and had fair ly passed ove r it when he was seen to turn back, and deliberatel y take up the plank after him , amids t a showe r o f muske t balls. " At least thirt y of th e black s o n th e British side were captured. Although Dunmore wa s forced away, the specte r of his proclamation hun g over the region, and periodi c raid s conducted b y the Britis h produced numerou s slav e defections. Thomas Jefferso n ha d a reputation a s a kind master, but whe n redcoats visited hi s estat e i n 1781 , thirty o f his slave s left wit h them . Rober t "Councillor " Carter (s o called becaus e o f his position o n th e governor' s counci l fro m 175 8 t o 1772, where h e ha d advisor y and legislativ e functions) , another kindl y patriarch , was unusual in that he had accepte d the Baptist faith an d was united with his servants i n a religious community . H e mad e a specia l plea t o hi s slave s to stay . But when roya l troops arrived a t on e o f his outlying farms, th e lur e of persona l free dom prove d to o great . Jefferso n estimate d tha t abou t twenty-fiv e thousan d Virginia slaves left thei r owners during the war, and man y had to endure considerable danger and hardshi p t o d o so . Yet they were willing to pa y the cost . As a correspondent to a Pennsylvania newspape r suggested , "th e defectio n o f the Negroes , [even] o f the most indulgen t master s . .. shewed what little dependence ough t t o be placed on persons deprive d o f their natural liberty. " Conflict between families and neighbor s was more frequent i n the Lower South than i n th e Chesapeake , an d i t create d a violent atmospher e i n whic h slave s had to trea d lightly . Britis h invasio n provoke d a bitte r struggl e betwee n supporter s and opponent s o f the crown. Indeed, several Georgia and Sout h Carolin a planters moved thei r familie s and slave s to mor e peacefu l Virgini a afte r th e redcoat s cam e at the en d o f the 1770s . As in Virginia, blacks were cautiously welcoming. A slave guide helpe d Britis h force s i n Georgi a t o outflan k an d defea t patrio t force s i n 1779, and when roya l troops landed alon g the Carolin a coast in 178 0 they likewise had t o depen d o n slav e knowledge o f th e terrain . Man y landowners abandone d their farm s an d plantations , leavin g servant s an d whit e wome n an d childre n t o fend fo r themselves . The British recruited blacks as guides or spies, as laborers to perform the heavy and exhausting work of building roads and fortifications, an d som e to serve as soldiers. Perhap s a s man y a s twent y thousan d Africa n American s serve d wit h th e British in one capacity or another, and fiv e thousand t o six thousand lef t with them when the y evacuated Charleston i n 1782 . A large number o f slaves—maybe mos t (like many whites)—took no sid e but pursue d thei r well-being as best they could in a situation o f military uncertainty and socia l upheaval. Some fled t o Charleston

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To Make Our World Anew or Savanna h and trie d to pass as free people . Som e continued t o ru n plantations , with o r withou t a whit e man' s presence , assumin g greate r independenc e i n th e process. These were, after all , their homes, and th e onl y places—outside of one of the contendin g armies—wher e the y ha d an y chanc e t o secur e a livelihood. I n a period o f chronic shortages of food, clothing, and othe r supplies, their ol d homesteads were sometimes th e safes t plac e to be. Of course, no guarante e existed even there, for marauding force s o f one side or the othe r regularl y confiscated whatever they needed and frequentl y destroye d the rest. The remainin g alternativ e fo r black s (a s fo r whites ) wa s t o migrat e t o som e region away from th e fighting. Some did so, retreating into the wilderness to form independent communities of their own. Some formed or became members o f roving bands , occasionall y interracial , that adde d t o th e disorder . The y roame d th e countryside, takin g wha t the y coul d fo r thei r ow n benefit . Som e joine d patrio t fighting unit s such as that o f South Carolina' s "Swamp Fox " Francis Marion, wh o bedeviled th e Britis h with lightnin g raid s an d the n melte d awa y into Carolina' s forests, marshes , o r swamps . No slav e was saf e roamin g about , however; capture could mean being sold, punished, or executed. It took considerable courage, therefore, even to run t o the invader. In view of all the upheaval, some blacks welcomed the return o f landowners and peace. But warfar e weakene d slaver y an d provide d bondsme n wit h a t leas t a fe w options. They were limited because neither Britons nor white Americans were prepared t o allo w open blac k rebellion. Neither Briton s nor whit e Americans coul d envision or accept a black republic. The only practical choices were to seek as much freedom as possible within the framework of revolutionary ideology in America or to trus t th e wor d o f the Britis h when the y promised a n eventua l emancipation , there or elsewhere. Those who stayed on plantations accepted the realities of their condition bu t extende d th e boundarie s of their servitud e considerably , often act ing virtually as free men . Despite the planters' nightmares , war and revolutio n provoke d n o forma l slave insurrection. About one-quarter of South Carolina slave s fled, however, and ther e was even more movement in Georgia. There, in response to British invasion, more than a thir d o f th e slav e populatio n walke d away . No previou s even t i n Nort h American slavery equaled the slav e exodus fro m Georgia , either in it s size or con sequences fo r underminin g th e institution . I n th e Sout h a s a whole, slav e fligh t during th e Revolutio n was of such a n exten t an d characte r tha t i t ca n almos t b e viewed as a kind o f slave revolt. While slaveholdin g colonial s wer e zealou s abou t guardin g thei r claim s t o bondsmen they already possessed, they were less secure about arguing for the right to bu y an d sel l them . The y wer e particularl y squeamis h abou t th e purchas e o f those newl y brought fro m Africa . I f the work s o f Anthony Beneze t di d anything , they dramatize d th e horrifyin g condition s unde r whic h th e oversea s slave trad e

Revolutionary Citizens was conducted. In those circumstances, the human right s of the captive were magnified an d the property rights of the slave catcher or of the prospective buyer were greatly diminished . Virginians had n o difficulty, therefore , in attacking the slave trade. The Virginia constitution o f 177 6 accused the Britis h king of an "inhuman use of his negative" in preventin g th e colon y fro m excludin g slaves, and Thoma s Jefferso n mad e th e same charge in the Declaration of Independence. King George, Jefferson wrote, had "waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and libert y in the person o f a distant people who never offended him , captivating and carrying them int o slavery in another hemisphere , or to incur miserable death in thei r transportatio n thither. " Never mind tha t th e kin g ha d neve r force d an y Virginian to buy slaves, nor that the prohibitive duties or taxes that Virginians and other colonists had placed on slaves before the Revolution (which is what Jefferso n referred to ) ha d bee n assesse d fo r economic an d socia l rather than humanitaria n reasons. The fac t i s that th e Atlantic slave trade was a horror difficul t t o ignor e in a period of heightened humanitarian sensitivity. For a combination o f reasons, then, Americans moved agains t the slav e trade. In New England, where slavery was relatively less important, legislature s began to terminate th e trad e wit h th e firs t stirring s o f revolutionar y ardor . Rhod e Island made th e connectio n plai n wit h a comment i n it s abolition la w that "thos e who are desirou s o f enjoyin g all the advantage s of libert y themselves, should b e willing to extend personal liberty to others." When the Continental Congres s decide d in Octobe r 177 4 to prohibi t the impor t of slaves , however, it did so as part of a nonimportation agreemen t designe d t o bring economi c pressur e agains t Britis h merchants rathe r tha n becaus e th e trad e wa s morall y objectionable . Colonial s intended thes e merchant s t o pu t pressur e o n Parliamen t t o chang e it s policies . When Virginia, North Carolina , and Georgia prohibited th e trade, it had more t o do wit h economi c consideration s an d politica l pressur e agains t th e Britis h government tha n wit h humanity . Nevertheless , the Congres s reaffirme d it s prohibition in 177 6 and no stat e reopened the trade thereafter, excep t those in the Lower South. By their activities, therefore, blacks forced thei r masters to se e some of th e contradictions i n their figh t agains t England an d lai d the groundwor k fo r a new birth o f freedom. Blacks and the British As Americans wrestled with the question of what to do about the slaves, the British, unhampered b y an y inconvenien t declaratio n o f huma n equality , di d likewise . Their West Indian empir e a s well as the souther n portio n o f the Nort h America n colonies, which they still claimed, were based on slav e labor. They had littl e interest in encouragin g a social revolution that , i f successfu l o n th e continent , migh t affect thei r holdings in the Caribbean. Moreover, they shrank from th e prospect of

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To Make Our World Anew being part of a bloody slave insurrection. Finally, they, too, generally accepted principles o f whit e superiorit y tha t prevente d the m fro m considerin g a workabl e alliance with African American s on terms approaching equality. It was clear, however, that black s would hav e to b e taken int o accoun t i n a conflict in which the y were an inevitable part. An initial strategy was to use the black presence as a threat against the colonials . Thus General Gage warned South Carolinians that if they continued their opposi tion to Great Britain "it may happen tha t your Rice and Indig o will be brought t o market by negroes instead of white people." This was not a pleasing prospect fo r either Britons or Americans, and proposal s for emancipating southern slaves were not favorabl y received in Parliament . Lor d Dunmore's proclamatio n an d variou s other proposal s to ar m an d fre e slave s caused public debate i n England , for the y were viewe d a s a shamefu l departur e fro m a traditio n oppose d t o usin g slave s against fre e people . Edmund Burke , a member o f Parliament wh o supporte d th e Americans, even considered such a policy hypocritical. Why, he wondered, shoul d blacks accept "an offe r o f freedom fro m tha t ver y nation whic h has sol d them t o their presen t masters?" Doubts abou t th e slaves ' level of "civilization," an unwill ingness to take the slave s of loyalists, and a fear o f driving Americans to extremes beyond hope of reconciliation, all argued against a slave alliance. In both Virginia and North Carolina, roya l governors who sought to use slaves spurred colonials to rage and brought royal forces to defeat . Unfortunately for the British and their American opponents, African Americans were not prepare d to stan d idl y by while others decided thei r fate . If they were to be pawn s i n a gam e o f chicke n o r chess , they would no t b e passiv e ones . The y forced th e hand s of both Lor d Dunmore an d Georg e Washington, and th e us e of blacks by one sid e reinforced the us e of blacks by the other . But it was the shif t o f warfare t o th e South , particularly the Lowe r South, where blacks frequently outnumbered whites in the general population, that sealed the British decision to utilize blacks, and change d thei r outlook toward the employment of black troops in other regions. When Sir Henry Clinton, who replace d Gage as commander i n chief of British forces i n America, prepared to invad e South Carolin a i n 1779 , he began with th e Philipsburg Proclamation. It was issued from hi s headquarters, Philipsburg Manor on the Hudson River in New York, on June 30. He declared that blacks taken in service with th e patriot s would b e sol d fo r the benefi t of the crown , but tha t thos e who ran awa y to the British would be protected. A polic y provoke d b y militar y consideration s rathe r tha n b y humanitaria n motives, it nevertheless chipped awa y at th e foundation s of slavery. It challenge d blacks to take the British side. It did not formally offer the m freedom but promise d self-determination tha t wa s little shor t o f it . Moreover, thos e wh o signe d o n a s "pioneers," o r laborers , to perfor m th e drudger y o f cleanin g camp , buildin g o r repairing roads or bridges, constructing fortifications, o r simply being on hand t o

Revolutionary Citizens take care of whatever undesirable tasks came up , were promised manumissio n i n return for their devotion t o duty. The same gift wa s held out to those who worked under Britis h directio n o n agricultura l estate s o r publi c works , o r t o th e fe w enrolled a s soldiers. African American s took the bait i n significant numbers. Service with the British was not always to their liking, however. A policy prompted by military necessit y was guided b y military reasoning, and neithe r humanit y nor fai r play stood i n the way of decisions that treated blacks harshly. They received fewer an d inferior rations than white soldiers. They were not a s well clothed. Thei r housing was inadequate and overcrowded. They were often overworked . They were consequently highly susceptible to disease, particularly various smallpox epidemics that afflicted th e low country. Large numbers of them died . Nor were they exempt from sal e for the us e of the arm y when circumstance s suggested that course. Since the Britis h army sought t o maintain socia l order in regions it conquered , it had no philosophical objection to suppressing slave rebellions, particularly those directed agains t loyal subjects. It pledged to retur n the slave s of those white s who had remaine d loya l to th e crow n o r t o replac e them wit h thos e o f patriots . Th e degree to which slave s could view the British army as an army of liberation, therefore, wa s very limited indeed . N o wonde r i t di d no t evok e wholesale desertion s from th e colonials . Nonetheless th e pul l o f freedom wa s great and th e chanc e o f leaving bondage improved a s the British moved towar d defeat. Manpower shortage s and a demonstrated black resistance to tropical disease s prompted Genera l Alexander Leslie to recruit blac k troops seriousl y beginning i n 1779 . The successfu l us e o f blacks i n South Carolin a caugh t th e attentio n o f othe r Britis h officer s an d serve d a s th e precedent fo r the use of black soldiers in the West Indies. Shortly before the British left th e Carolin a coast , Jamaica' s governo r enrolle d a battalio n o f troop s fro m among th e fre e blac k an d colored , o r mixe d race , peopl e o f Charleston . The y formed the Black Carolina Corps, which served in Jamaica and elsewhere, and they took with them American ideas about th e rights of man. By the 1790s , Britain utilized black troops extensivel y to support it s Caribbean empire . When th e Britis h left th e Unite d State s at th e en d o f th e war , the questio n o f what to do about blacks who had sought their protectio n prove d a source of controversy. Planters wanted their human property returned, but the new British commander i n chief , Si r Guy Carleton, fel t tha t th e commitment s mad e i n previou s proclamations of freedom to slaves who joined the m ought to be honored. The ol d slav e dealer Henr y Laurens , despite periodi c expression s of sympath y for th e Africans—an d notwithstandin g hi s son' s championshi p o f slav e battal ions—remained keenly aware of the property interests involved. He inserted a provision i n th e treat y endin g the war , th e Treat y of Pari s o f 1783 , tha t oblige d th e British t o retur n fugitiv e slaves . Sir Guy thought tha t woul d b e dishonorable. H e interpreted the claus e t o mean tha t he should shelter no mor e fugitives and gave orders to turn back any who had newly come in. Only those who had been with the

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To Make Our World Anew army for a year or mor e would receiv e his protection. Bu t those alread y with th e army were, in his opinion, already free and no longer to be considered property. Or if they were, that issu e would hav e to be solve d by some kin d o f money transaction, fo r he was not prepare d t o violat e the wor d o f British officers b y returnin g them. Nor could he believe that had been the intention o f the government. British ministers, he said , could not possibl y have agreed to suc h a "notorious breac h of the publi c faith toward s people o f any complection." If the roya l army's relation ship with blacks had no t alway s been the mos t admirable , at least at the en d on e general took the high ground and saved many blacks from a return to servitude . George Washington stuck with the American position tha t the British ought to return fugitive slave s to their former owners. Yet compared to others who insisted firmly on the return of all slaves, Washington was unusually sensitive in this regard. He seemed resigned to th e inevitable . "[Sjeveral o f my own are with th e Enemy, " he reflected , "bu t I scarc e ever bestowed a thought o n them ; the y have s o man y doors through whic h they can escape from Ne w York, that scarce any thing but a n inclination to return . .. will restore many." He thereby indicated a property awareness strongl y modifie d b y a revolutionary spiri t that was rapidly diminishin g in the wake of American victory. If Thomas Jefferson mos t clearly expressed the ideals of th e revolution , Washington, o f al l the slaveholdin g leader s o f th e revolution , came closest to practicing these ideals insofar a s blacks are concerned. He certainly desired the return of property, but he was prepared to accept a black man's rejection of that status. In contrast to Jefferson, he provided in his will for the freeing of many of his slaves. Boston King exemplifies the reasons many slaves left for the British side and also why many others di d not . H e was born i n Sout h Carolina , and a s a child he performed man y o f th e ordinar y tasks common t o plantatio n life , suc h a s runnin g errands an d mindin g cattle . After a n apprenticeshi p t o a carpenter, he became a skilled laborer . H e als o ha d a n uncommo n experience . At on e poin t h e worke d around racehorses , which permitte d hi m a degre e of travel . The job occasione d some hardship becaus e the head groo m was unkind an d once made him g o without shoe s through th e winter because he happened to lose a boot. His mentor i n carpentry wa s also mea n an d mistreate d hi m unti l hi s owner , Richar d Waring , threatened t o withdraw him fro m service . Although Kin g had a n easygoing master , his experiences wit h othe r white fol k made him wary of slaveholders' kindness and conditione d hi m t o be receptive to British offer s o f freedom. He accompanied his master outsid e of Charleston—or Charles Tow n a s i t wa s the n known—durin g th e redcoats ' occupation . But , he wrote in his memoirs, "having obtained leave one day to see my parents, who lived about twelve miles off, and i t being late before I could go, I was obliged to borro w [a horse]; but a servant of my master's too k th e hors e t o g o a little journey, an d stayed two or three days longer than he ought. This involved me in the greatest perplexity, and I expected the severest punishment, because the gentleman t o who m

Revolutionary Citizens the hors e belonge d wa s a very bad man , an d kne w no t ho w t o sho w mercy . To escape his cruelty I determined t o go to Charles-Town, and thro w myself into th e hand of the English ... altho' I was most grieve d at first, to be obliged to leave my friends, an d remai n amon g strangers." Boston King eventually followed the British to New York City and there married Violet, a fugitive from North Carolina. Recaptured by the Americans, he was treated well but "sorel y distressed at the thought o f being again reduced to slavery, and separated fro m m y wif e an d family. " H e manage d t o escap e an d retur n t o hi s English protectors. Unlik e white Americans, Boston King was not fille d with joy at the en d of the war, "for a report prevailed at New-York that al l the slaves , in num ber two thousand, were to be delivered up to their masters, altho some of them had been thre e o r fou r year s among th e English . This dreadful rumour fille d u s with inexpressible anguis h an d terror , especiall y when w e saw our ol d masters comin g from Virginia, North-Carolina, and other parts, and seizing upon their slaves in the streets of New-York, or eve n dragging them ou t o f their beds . Many of the slave s had very cruel masters, so that th e thoughts o f returning home with them embit tered lif e t o us. " Kin g and othe r slave s were therefor e highly appreciativ e o f th e position taken by British General Sir Guy Carleton. King and his wife received certificates o f freedom and lef t wit h other loyalists for Nova Scotia. Large numbers o f blacks accompanie d Britis h force s when the y departe d th e coastal cities of Savannah, Charleston, Philadelphia, Boston, and New York at various times during the war and especially during the final evacuations. Besides Nova Scotia an d th e Wes t Indies , Londo n wa s als o a destinatio n fo r severa l hundre d North America n blacks. In London , which ha d a significan t blac k populatio n i n the eighteent h century , thes e ne w arrivals attracte d th e attentio n o f anti-slaver y activists an d fuele d a concern abou t th e treatmen t o f blacks in Englan d and th e British Empire. The Somerset case of 1772 had established that English law did no t recognize slavery in the kingdom itself , but i t had no t applie d to the colonies. Blacks o n th e street s o f London , however , coul d no t b e ignored , particularly since s o many were destitute an d reduce d t o begging . For unlik e white loyalists , who wer e frequently compensated fo r their losse s and supporte d unti l the y were reestablished i n Britai n an d elsewhere , Africa n American s wer e give n littl e assis tance. The British government assumed that since they had nothing to begin with, former slave s should b e thankful merely for their freedom . In the absence of governmental concern, a group of humanitarian businessmen formed th e Blac k Poor Committe e i n 178 6 to provide temporary relief. They also persuaded th e Lord s o f the Treasur y to gran t ai d to th e mos t needy, although, a s it turne d out , thi s wa s no t enoug h fo r bar e subsistence . A t thi s poin t Henr y Smeathman, a n amateur botanist who had spent some time on the coast of Africa, offered t o rid the committee and the government of their unwanted charges by settling the m i n Sierr a Leone , on th e Wes t Coas t o f Africa . Abolitionis t Granville Sharp became involved with the schem e and eve n drew up a plan of government.

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In spite of Sharp's involvement, th e initial idea seems to have been to get blacks out of England over all other considerations . The humanitarian an d religiou s reasons usually associated wit h th e settlement o f Sierra Leone were not muc h i n evidenc e when the colony was first proposed . Nevertheless, onc e th e schem e wa s advanced , i t becam e th e focu s o f anti slavery groups as a possible means of attacking the slave system by introducing fre e labor into Africa. Quakers had begun petitioning Parliament against the slave trade and forme d th e majorit y o f the Societ y fo r Abolition o f the Slav e Trade, founde d in 1787 , in which they were allied with other evangelicals. Their activities made th e slave trade a public issue by 1787, at the time the Sierra Leone expedition wa s getting under way. Despite Sharp' s continued activity , the me n aroun d who m th e movemen t fo cused were Thomas Clarkso n an d William Wilberforce . Clarkson' s interest result ed from hi s decision in 178 5 to enter a contest sponsored by Cambridge University. It offered a prize for the best essay on the question , "Is it lawful t o make slave s of others against their will?" As he knew nothing abou t slaver y or the slav e trade, he read, amon g othe r things , Anthony Benezet' s Short Account o f Africa an d se t t o work. He won the prize and a short time later received what he considered to be a divine mission t o devot e his life t o abolition. H e joined wit h Granvill e Sharp an d others i n the Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade. The role of Clarkson was primarily as researcher and writer . He was not a very good speaker , had little sense of humor, was somewhat petulant , and showe d littl e inclination to compromise. Still , he had a n immense capacit y for work. He visited Liverpool, Bristol, and othe r slavin g ports to gather data for use against the trade. He began a collection o f horror instruments , such as thumbscrews, handcuffs, leg shackles, and mout h opener s (which were used to force-feed slave s who sought t o starve themselves to death) to illustrate the cruelty of the trade. He realized his limitations, though, and knew that, lacking oratorical skills, he was unlikely to become a captivating national leader. Someone would have to be found who had a gift fo r public speaking, preferably someone wealth y and wel l connected who m th e slav ing interests could no t bu y or intimidate. Such a man wa s William Wilberforce. Born in Hull, England, Wilberforce was the son of a wealthy merchant. He was physically frail but brillian t and charming . His grandfather bequeathed him a fortune an d he grew up addicte d t o the goo d life . He frequented the best clubs , kept company with prominent people , and took to gambling and heavy drinking. However, he was also an eloquent speake r as well as an amiable companion, an d whe n he tired of dissipation he decided t o enter Parliament. But Parliament bored him , too. He took a tour of Europe with a religious friend wh o converted hi m t o evangelical Christianit y an d gav e his lif e mor e meaning . H e intende d t o resig n fro m Parliament an d fin d mor e usefu l employmen t unti l hi s frien d Prim e Ministe r William Pit t suggeste d that he involve himself in the abolitionist cause . A few parliamentary speeches brought him t o the attention o f the Societ y for the Abolition

Revolutionary Citizens of the Slav e Trade an d h e agreed t o become its spokesman. H e and Clarkso n be came close friends . The tw o wer e dedicate d t o a commo n goa l an d complemente d eac h othe r because each had qualitie s the othe r lacked . Together they mapped ou t a strategy. They decide d t o concentrat e o n th e misfortune s suffere d b y Englis h sailor s engaged in the trade rather than on the Africans they enslaved, because they felt the English public would more likely be moved by the former. They also agreed to limi t their attack to the trade an d not malig n slaver y itself so as to avoid alarmin g Wes t Indian planters . The y assure d planter s tha t thei r slav e propert y woul d b e mor e valuable and insurrection s less likely if the trade were abolished . The firs t o f thes e conclusion s the y derive d fro m th e fairl y obviou s relation ship between suppl y and demand : I f the supply ceased and the demand remaine d constant, the value o f bondsmen alread y on , or capabl e t o be put on , the marke t would rise . The second conclusio n was put forwar d because newl y imported Afri cans were frequently thought t o be responsible for slave rebellions. But Wilberforce and Clarkso n als o felt that they could undermin e th e argument for slavery if a fre e labor colon y i n Africa , raisin g competin g tropica l products , prove d successful . Such a colony would benefi t Englis h industrialists b y furnishing raw materials for English manufacturers an d providin g a market fo r English goods . Moreover, suc h a colony would be only the starting point for opening a much larger African mar ket, one that would absorb much more of Britain's production than its West Indian colonies. An African marke t woul d provid e mor e wor k fo r Englis h workingme n and mor e wealt h fo r the wealthy. In othe r words , the abolitionist s hope d t o con vince the English public an d English business interests tha t they had more to gain than to lose by ending th e slave trade and, ultimately , slavery . A total of 459 people lef t Portsmouth , England, fo r th e Africa n coas t on Feb ruary 23, 1787, to found the colony of Sierra Leone. Most were black, but almos t a quarter were white, most o f them white women married to black men. At least half of th e emigrant s wer e former slave s from Nort h America . Olauda h Equian o ha d been appointe d b y the nav y commissioners a s commissary fo r the voyage. He was responsible fo r th e settlers ' supplies . H e complained , however , tha t preparation s were inadequate. Moreover , he charged the white man who supervised the ventur e with incompetence, dishonesty, and racism. The supervisor misappropriated fund s for hi s own use, Equiano said, and treate d blacks "the sam e as they do in the West Indies." Although Equiano' s charge s had merit , h e wa s recalled, an d whit e me n were left i n control . The voyage, therefore, did not have an auspicious beginning and the settlemen t came clos e to failure. The settlers came a t the wrong time of year for building an d brought th e wrong kind o f seeds for planting. They quickly succumbed to disease. By September almos t hal f the origina l colonists wer e dead an d onl y a supply ship sent by Granville Sharp the followin g year saved the remainder . Abolitionists no w began to take a serious interest i n the Africa n enterprise , for

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Olaudah Equiano was taken from his African home as a child and sold into slavery in the Americas. The extraordinary details of his life, described in his autobiography, captivated readers in England and in America.

it was clear that it s failure would har m thei r cause. Among other things , it woul d support the pro-slavery argument that blacks could not rule themselves and would work only under the threa t o f force; it would als o ruin th e visio n o f a free-labor society in Africa a s a market fo r Britis h manufacture d goods. Thomas Clarkson , Granville Sharp, and William Wilberforce, therefore, were appointed as three of the directors of a new enterprise, the Sierra Leone Company. What gav e th e colon y a new leas e on lif e wa s the arriva l of immigrant s fro m Nova Scotia, Canada. African-American migrants t o that regio n had foun d hars h winters, rock y and infertil e land, starvation, discrimination , and politica l limita tions. Hardship face d both white and black refugees, but the blacks came with less of everythin g needed fo r their surviva l and wer e given less upon thei r arrival . In the meantime, Boston King recalled: "Many of the poor peopl e were compelled t o sell their bes t gown s for five pounds of flour, in order t o support life. When the y

Revolutionary Citizens 12 had parte d with al l their clothes , even to their blankets, several of them fel l dow n dead in the street s through hunger . Some killed an d ea t [sic] thei r dog s and cats ; and poverty and distress prevailed on every side." John Clarkson, brother o f Thomas, accompanied Thomas Peters, who had been a leade r of the Blac k Pioneers , a Britis h militar y uni t forme d in 1776 , back to Canada, and in January 1792 they left Nova Scotia with almost 1,200 passengers for the Provinc e o f Freedom , a s Sierr a Leon e was called . On e o f thes e wa s Henr y Washington, who had ru n awa y from th e American commander-in-chief in 1776 . He prove d t o b e a successfu l farme r i n Sierr a Leon e until h e wa s banished fo r involvement i n a dispute over issues of taxation and representation in the African colony. His quarrel offer s clea r evidence that th e settler s had no t forgotte n their American revolutionary experience. Already the fight against slavery and the slave trade was beginning to have some impact. Britain was now the leading slave-trading nation, with the French not far behind. Prim e Ministe r William Pit t attempte d t o negotiat e a n agreemen t with the French in 178 7 for mutual abolition o f the slave trade, but tha t attempt failed . Among othe r reasons , th e Frenc h were not anxiou s t o hampe r th e prosperit y o f their thriving sugar colony in Saint Domingue, in the Caribbean, which was heavily dependent o n slaves. The British Parliament nevertheless passed a law in 1788 to limit the number of slaves it s own vessel s could carr y relative to thei r size . This la w was designed t o make th e slav e trade somewha t mor e human e b y providin g th e captive s more room an d comfort . I n 178 9 Wilberforce introduced a motio n i n Parliamen t t o abolish th e Britis h trad e an d bega n a serie s o f hearing s int o th e issue . Mean while, Clarkson set off for the continen t t o mak e contact with the Societ y of th e Friends of the Blacks in France, formed in 178 8 for the same purpose. He, like Pitt, hoped t o coordinat e th e abolitionis t activitie s o f th e tw o nation s s o that thei r opponents coul d no t us e a failur e i n on e natio n a s an excus e for failur e i n th e other. Th e outbrea k o f the Frenc h Revolution in 178 9 and th e subsequen t slav e rebellion i n Sain t Domingu e mad e th e slav e trade's abolitio n impossibl e i n th e 1790s. Nevertheless a start had been made and African Americans had had some thing to do with it. The influence of African American s on this worldwide movement t o en d slavery operated a t various levels. The American Revolutionary War provided Africa n Americans a chance to fight fo r their freedom by playing one forc e agains t another. No other group more clearly saw the contradiction between revolutionary ideals and America n practice . Occasionally , the y succeede d i n convincin g thei r whit e compatriots to live up to their stated ideals of the natural equality o f all people, or at least to recognize their inconsistency when they did not. Of course, the war also provided black s an alternativ e course to liberty . Those who lef t th e countr y too k revolutionary notion s with them—to Africa, to the West Indies, and elsewhere.

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To Make Our World Anew The wa r als o cu t of f West Indian planter s from supporter s i n Nort h Americ a and lef t the m t o figh t th e risin g tid e o f abolitionism withi n th e Britis h Empir e unaided. Thi s wa s true no t solel y in politica l term s bu t i n economi c an d socia l terms as well. They lost easy access to American supplies and to the American market fo r thei r molasses . They therefor e becam e mor e dependen t o n th e mothe r country an d more vulnerable t o imperial pressure . African-American immigrant s in Britain forced th e issue of slavery and caused people ther e to take a stand. The y therefore helpe d to breathe new life int o Britis h abolitionism, contributin g t o th e British attack on the slave trade and eventually on slavery itself. In their American homeland, however, the revolution ha d only limited success. Slavery and Freedom in the New Nation Revolution an d war in America, based on principles o f natural right s and human equality, created an environment destructive to slavery. Yet there were definite limits to th e effectivenes s o f these forces. Among the revolutionar y generatio n ther e was no clear line drawn between human rights and property rights; no feeling tha t the one ought to come before the other . Thus Pennsylvania's chief justice, denying a slave woman's clai m to emancipa tion i n 1815 , wrote, "I know that freedo m i s to be favoured, but w e have no righ t to favou r i t a t the expens e of property." Significantly, this cas e came from on e of the nation's most libera l states . The judge's statement accuratel y captures th e spir it o f th e earlie r age . Rather tha n bein g banne d b y th e stat e o n th e ground s o f immorality, slaver y was see n a s something tha t ha d t o b e abolishe d voluntarily , usually with som e form of compensation t o the former slaveowners. Thi s was not a direct compensation fro m th e government. Most people thought tha t woul d be too grea t a public expense. Indeed, some radicals felt that, in a moral sense, if such a payment were to be made it ought to go to the bondsman in return for his unrequited toi l rather tha n t o his master . Instead, the gradual emancipation laws enacted in most northern state s provided for freedom for children of existing adult slaves born after a certain date, but no t to those slaves themselves. In addition, th e children were bound to serve their par ents' master until sometime in their twenties, depending on the state. Slave owners thus continue d t o benefi t fro m slav e labor fo r som e year s afte r thes e act s were passed. Nevertheless , in th e norther n states , where th e institutio n wa s no t eco nomically crucia l nor its abolition regarde d as too socially disruptive, slaver y gradually ended. By 178 4 th e ne w natio n was already well along the wa y toward a division be tween a northern regio n o f fre e state s and a southern on e o f slave states. Yet that vision i s most clea r in hindsight. A person who lived at the time may not have considered tha t resul t a foregon e conclusion . Fo r on e thing , slaver y was stil l fairl y strongly entrenched in New York and New Jersey. Proposals to end the institutio n

Revolutionary Citizens there i n 178 5 and 1786 , respectively, failed. Indeed , slaver y expanded rapidl y in New York during the 1790s , particularly i n New York City. The surrounding rural population, which was largely Dutch, remained strongl y wedded to bound labor . In Virginia, by contrast , ther e wa s widespread anti-slaver y sentiment an d th e legislature passed a law in 178 2 making it easy for individuals to follo w their conscience and fre e their slaves. Moreover, Delaware and Maryland , like New York and New Jersey, also debated endin g slavery, in roughl y the sam e period an d wit h th e same results ; the measure s failed . Bu t unlik e New York an d Ne w Jersey , they followed Virginia's example and made manumission easier than it had been, Delaware in 178 7 and Marylan d in 1790 . North Carolin a ha d som e difficult y makin g up it s mind an d adopte d variou s pieces of contradictory legislation , but i n all these states the fre e black population expanded considerably . Nort h Carolin a Quaker s were particularly active in con veying the enslave d t o freedom . They too k advantag e of ever y legal opportunit y that wa s offered , includin g ensurin g that slave s promise d freedo m i n retur n fo r fighting were not reenslaved. The y also bought bondsmen and let them pay off the debt and liv e as free people i n all but name . Yet there were distinct difference s betwee n the situatio n i n New York and Ne w Jersey and in the states south o f Pennsylvania. African Americans were never more than abou t te n percen t o f th e populatio n o f thes e Middl e Atlanti c states . The y made up almost a third of Virginia and Maryland, and nearly as large a proportion in Delawar e an d Nort h Carolina . Moreover , the y wer e a n importan t economi c asset in the South. This was true equally in terms of their labor on farms and plantations, wher e they were a much highe r percentage of the labo r forc e tha n i n th e North, and i n their value as property. If they were freed, thei r labor could contin ue, of course, on a different basis. They could be paid instead o f forced to work. But such a transformation stil l required a radical social and economi c reorganization. Equally important, i t required a mental restructuring. Complicating th e socia l issue was the questio n o f race. Many white people di d not think that white and black people could live together in peace—or, if they did so, only if one race was subordinate t o the other . A prominent spokesma n fo r this view was Thomas Jefferson . "Nothing i s more certainly written in the book of fat e than tha t these [black ] people ar e to be free," he wrote on on e occasion. "Nor is it less certain tha t the two races, equally free, canno t live in the sam e government." He fel t tha t peacefu l relation s woul d b e prevente d b y prejudice s that whit e people hel d agains t black s an d b y th e memorie s tha t blac k peopl e ha d o f th e past injustice s suffere d fro m whites . No r coul d h e eve r ge t ove r hi s feelin g tha t black people were inferior to white people. Unlike some people, who fel t tha t th e environment of slavery was responsible for whatever shortcomings blacks exhibited, Jefferson struggle d unsuccessfull y against the suspicion tha t Africans were inferior b y nature. Thi s di d no t mean , however , that h e intende d t o exclud e Africa n

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This section from Jefferson's handwritten draft of the Declaration of Independence contains a passage condemning the slave trade. This clause was omitted because of objections from Georgia and South Carolina planters who needed slaves, and from New England shippers who sometimes engaged in slave trading.

Americans from th e inalienabl e rights he declared all men t o have. His charge in the Declaratio n o f Independenc e tha t Kin g Georg e II I ha d "wage d crue l wa r against human nature itself" in his pursuit of the slave trade, and that the king had thereby violated Africans ' "mos t sacre d rights o f lif e an d liberty, " indicates tha t Jefferson regarde d Africans an d African Americans as full member s of the huma n community. Moreover, to underline the point, he would later say that "whatever be their [the blacks'] degre e of talent i t is no measure of their rights. Because Sir Isaac Newton was superior to others in understanding, he was not therefor e lord of the person or property of others." But his reasoning could not withstand his emotion , and hi s was a perspective widely shared in Virginia and elsewher e in the country . When Jefferso n spok e o f abolition , therefore , he als o talke d o f removin g blacks from th e continent . There were elements of this outlook in the Middle Atlantic states, but because the blac k populatio n ther e wa s smaller , oppositio n t o emancipatio n focuse d

Revolutionary Citizens around th e issue s of property and compensatio n rathe r than o n th e socia l consequences o f freeing blacks . Here the relationship between human right s and prop erty rights could be more easil y discussed. The problem surface d everywhere , but it could be more easily separated fro m othe r issue s in the North than in the South . Moreover, in New York and Ne w Jersey, where slavery was generally more impor tant tha n i n Ne w England , the discussio n ha d mor e resonance . I t affecte d mor e people more closely . Everywhere the issu e arose it involved the well-being of people. Part of this equatio n include d mone y an d wealt h and comfort . Another par t included publi c an d privat e safety an d peac e of mind. Th e various factor s ha d t o be weighed practically as well as philosophically. When Ne w York' s manumissio n la w wa s finall y passed , a legislator , blamin g opposition mainl y o n th e Dutch , commente d the y "raved an d swor e .. . that we were robbing them o f their property. We told them they had none, and could hold none in human fles h .. . and we passed the law." Nevertheless, the freein g o f slaves in New York and othe r Middle Atlantic states took a long time t o happen . Fiftee n year s after th e en d o f the Revolutionar y War and fourtee n year s afte r th e fina l act s o f liberatio n i n Ne w England , Ne w Yor k agreed to manumission. New Jersey did not d o so until twenty years after th e war. In th e 1790s , while slavery was dead o r dyin g in Philadelphia , it was still growing in New York City. Slavery's usefulnes s an d profitabilit y in th e 1780 s an d 1790 s cause d man y t o adopt it to their advantage . Bu t also, in view of the undoubte d anti-slaver y senti ment of the time, many Northerners disassociated their institution fro m the horrors that wer e assume d t o characteriz e slavery on Souther n o r Caribbea n plantations . Slaves were "better of f than th e generalit y of the whit e poor," one Ne w Jersey ma n argued, "who ar e obliged ... to work harder than the slaves in general in this state. " In this way slave owners could salv e their conscience s and a t the sam e time attac k slavery in the abstract. They could eve n work toward endin g it locally, though the y did so with no apparent urgency. Several thing s countere d thi s comfortabl e middl e positio n amon g thos e inclined towar d abolitio n i n Ne w York an d mean t tha t the y woul d soo n hav e to choose sides. One was the increasin g numbers of free blacks , whose presence an d activities weakened the institution . The y served the slave s as examples of the pos sible. They were joined in their subversion by slaves themselves, who had a unique history i n this regio n of being able to negotiat e the condition s o f their servitude . Black servitors had long been permitted to search for a new master if , for example, their current situatio n o r location displease d them. A slaveholder's move from cit y to countrysid e might wel l prompt hi s servant to as k for permission t o loo k fo r a new owner, so as to avoid exile to a rural location far from friend s an d family. Many did not sto p at trying to better thei r term s o f servitude, however; in a revolution ary age, bondsmen sough t also to arrange their freedom. Their increased desire for personal liberty marred an y assumption tha t the y were satisfied wit h bondage.

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The immigratio n o f refugee s fro m th e slav e uprising i n Sain t Domingu e wa s another facto r disturbin g the presumptio n o f a benign servitude . White refugee s frequently brough t slave s with the m an d thei r sever e treatment o f them , condi tioned b y the harshe r environmen t o f the Wes t Indies , strikingl y illustrate d th e disadvantages of slave life wherever it existed. It was difficult t o maintain the myth of a mild slavery when some were so obviously, and sometime s publicly, mistreated. Fo r thei r part , Sain t Domingua n slave s contribute d significantl y to slav e unrest, furthe r corrodin g th e feelin g o f ease . Finally there wer e the activitie s of kidnappers who stol e fre e black s and sol d them outsid e the state . They exhibite d the cras s economic natur e o f the institution , the unpleasan t underbell y that was better left unexposed . The New York Manumission Societ y arose as an answer to the problem of slavery i n New York State. Forme d i n Januar y 178 5 in respons e t o "violent attempts lately made to seize and export for sale several free Negroes," the society also aimed to promot e eventua l abolition. It s moral outrag e was strictly limited, however . It did no t engag e in a scathing critique of slavery or slaveholder s a s they existed i n New York, nor di d it exclude slaveholders from membership . John Jay, the society' s first president , owned slaves. He explained hi s apparent inconsistency: "I purchase slaves and manumit them when their faithful service s shall have afforded a reasonable retribution." Whether hi s was an ac t of charity or hypocrisy , the fac t tha t h e and othe r slaveholders joined an anti-slavery society was indicative of the trend of the times. Even though they sometimes seemed to devote more effort t o humanizing slavery than t o getting rid o f it, they nevertheless introduced gradua l emanci pation legislation and othe r measure s to fre e an d protec t blacks. But if even some slaveholders could envisio n and work toward emancipation, one could reasonabl y foresee it s doom. Th e endin g o f slavery in Ne w York was drawn ou t an d compli cated. Its last manumission law, adopted in 1817 , granted freedo m t o slave s born before Jul y 4, 1799, to be effectiv e Jul y 4, 1827 . But most slave s came to a n agreement tha t provided their freedo m considerabl y earlier than tha t date . New Jersey moved more slowly, adopting comparable legislation in 180 4 and 1846 . It still had a few slaves at the time of the Civi l War. If abolitio n cam e slowly in the Middl e Atlantic, it was indefinitely delayed farther south . Th e Uppe r South , th e regio n nort h o f Sout h Carolina , wa s as much affected b y th e ideolog y o f th e Revolutio n a s an y are a o f th e country . Georg e Washington, Thomas Jefferson , an d man y othe r prominen t leader s o f America's struggle agains t Grea t Britain were Virginians. Nearl y all of them expressed reser vations abou t slavery . Many, includin g Washingto n an d Jefferson , expresse d a desire to see it end. Besides, ther e wer e mor e reason s tha n philosoph y t o suppor t tha t position . Evangelical Methodists and Baptists, quite active in the Chesapeake in the 1780s , carried ou t widesprea d religiou s revivals. They added Christia n egalitarianism , o r th e belief tha t al l men ar e equa l in th e sigh t o f God , to th e secula r claims o f equalit y

Revolutionary Citizens advanced in the Revolution . Moreover, they were effective. Virginia's Robert Carter, one o f th e riches t an d mos t successfu l planter s i n th e country , free d fiv e hundre d slaves beginning in 1791 , at least partly from religiou s conviction. "I have for some time past," he wrote in his deed of manumission, "been convinced that to retain them in Slavery is contrary to th e true Principle s o f Religion and Justice , and tha t therefor [e] it was my Duty to manumit them. " Finally, ther e wer e economi c considerations . Man y planter s i n Virginia , Maryland, and Delaware began to shift fro m tobacco to cereal crops, such as wheat, oats, barley, and corn , beginning i n th e mid-eighteent h century . They mad e thi s shift becaus e o f a fal l i n tobacc o price s a t th e sam e tim e tha t th e worldwid e demand fo r food crops increased. They als o moved t o grain s because tobacco so rapidly exhausts the soil . These ne w products di d no t requir e as much slav e labor and many planters felt that they had a surplus of slaves. They were prepared to consider alternative s like the labo r o f fre e blacks . So for man y reason s people i n th e Upper Sout h coul d seriousl y conside r manumission , an d som e move d fro m thought t o action . Ye t Southern revolutionarie s ultimatel y contente d themselve s with makin g manumissio n a matte r o f persona l conscience . Proposal s fo r tota l abolition wer e considered but dismissed . A major objection, as we have seen, had t o d o with race . One Southerner , still sensitive to th e issue of bondage, tried i n 179 7 to pu t th e best fac e o n a n obviou s Revolutionary failure. "On inquiry," he explained, "it would not b e found the faul t of the southern state s that slavery was tolerated, but thei r misfortune; but t o liberate their slave s would be to ac t like madmen; i t would be to injur e al l parts of th e United States. " H e implie d tha t Southerner s wer e self-sacrificin g statesme n fo r their willingness to keep black people in chains and unde r control , an d h e mean t thereby to mak e slaveholding a patriotic duty . But by that tim e th e econom y ha d changed again. Slaveholders in the Upper South could now find a ready market for their slave s in th e expandin g cotto n region s o f th e southwest . Th e momentu m toward th e abolition o f slavery in the Uppe r South began to slip away. The Lowe r South state s o f Sout h Carolin a an d Georgi a wer e largel y exemp t from th e tenderness of conscience that afflicte d th e Upper South. They had a plantation econom y tha t wa s starved fo r boun d blac k labor . While th e los s o f slaves during the war had inconvenienced Virginia planters, it had devastated those in the Lower South , whose prim e concer n wa s how soon th e slav e trade coul d resume . Moreover, slaves were a much highe r percentage of their population; therefor e th e social and economi c effect s o f the abolitio n o f slavery were more significant. The relatively liberal period that flowere d i n the Upper South, therefore, had no coun terpart i n the Lower South. Some emancipations occurred , but these were prompted more b y blood tie s than abstrac t philosophy. Lowe r Sout h planter s were more likely to fre e thei r son s and daughter s by slave mistresses tha n anyon e else , so the free colore d populatio n tha t gre w her e wa s lighter-skinne d tha n tha t i n th e Chesapeake, where manumissions wer e more ofte n motivate d b y conscience.

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To Make Our World Anew Abolitionist pressur e coul d i n som e instance s b e mor e effectivel y brough t t o bear a t the national level , but th e governmen t forme d under th e Articles of Con federation (whic h were finally adopted i n 1781 ) did not have much power. Having rejected a strong centralized government i n Europe, few Americans were disposed to create a new one in their midst. The new states were jealous of their prerogatives and reluctan t t o surrende r an y more tha n necessar y to wha t amounte d t o littl e more tha n a wartime allianc e against England. Consequently, most activitie s tha t affected Africa n American s occurred at the stat e and loca l levels. There was one crucial exception to this rule, and it had to do with territories to the west , wher e American s expecte d thei r growin g populatio n woul d settle . Indeed, a struggle over the statu s of these lands kept the Articles from goin g into effect fo r years. Maryland, a small state, wanted the issue solved in such a way as to guarantee equal access to the West for the citizens of all the states, rather than try ing to sor t ou t conflictin g an d overlappin g claims . Only when Maryland secured agreement that wester n territories would b e considered th e commo n propert y of all the states would it assent to the compact. Congress, under the Articles, therefore had to consider som e plan for orderly settlement . Thomas Jefferso n offere d a solution i n his proposal fo r the Lan d Ordinance o f 1784. Under his propose d law , slavery would hav e been prohibited i n al l western lands afte r 1800 . This would have meant that al l territory west of the Alleghenies, north an d south, would have prohibited slaver y at the beginning of the nineteent h century. But the proposa l woul d hav e allowed a sixteen-year period fo r slavery to become entrenched before the law took effect . Som e historians think that had that happened, the prohibition woul d have been repealed and slavery would have been allowed in all these western territories . In any case, it failed by one vote. The measure that was adopted, the Northwes t Ordinance o f 1787 , forbade slaver y only i n th e are a eas t o f th e Mississipp i an d north o f the Ohio River , which was called the Northwest Territory. The ordinanc e did no t fre e slave s already there, and i t provided tha t an y fugitive slave s who fle d there shoul d b e returne d t o thei r masters . Slavery continued t o exis t i n Indian a until 181 8 and in Illinois until the 1840s . Nonetheless, an important principl e had been established and slavery's spread had been curbed. In making the Constitutio n o f 1789 , however, the Founder s did no t fin d revo lutionary idealism al l that useful . The y had t o reconcil e many differences t o for m a strong nation, an d to com e to a compromise betwee n the conflictin g principles of freedom and property. In effect, thi s meant that blacks had to be compromised . This was not difficul t fo r the framers of the Constitution becaus e at the time of the Constitutional Conventio n i n 178 7 most state s were slave states. Only in Pennsylvania and Ne w England was slavery on the road to extinction . Thi s did not mea n that there could be no sectional division betwee n North and South over this issue, because slavery was not nearl y as important i n northern places where it remained, nor di d Northerners generally associate their practice with the southern one. Most

Revolutionary Citizens Northerners expected its eventual end in their localities. In a real sense, slavery was already the South's "peculiar institution. " The proces s o f compromis e bega n a s earl y a s 1783 , whe n Congres s ha d t o decide on a basis for raising national revenue. The states with the largest slave populations, Virgini a an d Sout h Carolina , wante d lan d value s t o b e th e standard . Other state s wanted t o us e population. Congres s eventually settled o n populatio n but adopte d a formula whereby a slave would count as three-fifths o f a free perso n in the calculation. The measure never became part of the Articles of Confederation because i t wa s no t unanimousl y adopte d b y th e individua l states . Nonetheless , Congress had devise d a workable formul a and i t was revived when delegate s me t at the Constitutiona l Conventio n i n Philadelphia in 1787 . One of the firs t problem s that had t o be overcome at that conventio n involve d representation i n Congress . Edmund Randolph' s Virgini a Pla n propose d alterin g the practic e unde r th e Article s whereby each stat e had on e vote . Randolp h pro posed tha t a state's power in the nationa l legislature be determined b y its population. That proposa l sparke d shar p disagreement among th e delegates, one usually described a s along the line s of small states versus large ones. Yet the divisio n was also between slav e and fre e states , because obviously a state with a large slave population migh t tur n int o a small stat e i f slaves were excluded . Southerner s feare d that in such a national union they would be consistently out voted by the larger fre e population o f the North . Many Northerners felt, however, that to count slaves equally with free people, or to count them at all, was ridiculous. Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, in protesting the three-fifth s compromis e eventuall y adopted (i n which al l slaves were counte d as three-fifth s o f a fre e perso n t o determin e th e numbe r o f representative s eac h state woul d b e allowe d i n th e Hous e o f Representatives) , declared, "black s ar e property, and are used to the southward as horses and cattle to the northward; and why should thei r representatio n b e increased to the southwar d o n accoun t o f the number o f slaves, than horses or oxen to the north?" He did not argu e the morali ty o f keepin g black s a s chattel s i n th e sam e ligh t a s horses o r oxen , no r di d h e dispute th e assumptio n tha t ther e coul d b e propert y i n humankind . Ye t such a criticism was implied, for no one would have suggested the representation of horses an d oxen . Slav e propert y wa s clearl y o f a differen t characte r tha n horse s an d oxen, at least in some respects. From the revolutionar y perspective, that differenc e derived from the fact that they were human beings and as such deserved to be masters of their own destinies, but tha t attitud e was of no us e in an attempt t o build a nation in association wit h those who insisted on the character of slaves as chattels. The revolutionaries had a choice: They could buil d tw o nations, base d on oppos ing principles , o r on e nation , paperin g ove r contradiction s an d inconsistencies . They chose the latter course. Northern delegate s agreed to accept the principle that slaves would be counte d for purposes of representation in Congress, and the South granted that they would

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not b e counte d a s whole people. The sections settle d upon th e precedent-settin g three-fifths compromise . Onc e tha t initia l concessio n wa s made , othe r clause s respecting slave property could follo w more easily . These included a fugitive slav e provision, requirin g runawa y slave s t o b e returne d t o thos e wh o claime d them , and a n agreemen t not t o terminat e th e slav e trade fo r twenty years. Northerners remained sensitiv e to th e issue , however, an d insiste d tha t th e wor d "slave " no t appear in the Constitution. Slave s were instead referre d to as "persons held to service or labor." Northerners even objected to placing the word "legal" before service, fearing tha t woul d sugges t that blac k bondage wa s somehow legitimate , and dis liked "servitude" a s well as "slavery." Thus the y could argu e that the y were being true to revolutionary principles at the same time that they denied them in practice. The fact tha t th e two sections were trying to reconcile opposites wa s no secret . This ca n be clearl y seen i n th e wa y that Southerner s defended, and fel t tha t the y had to defend, the new national compact in their arguments to convince their con stituents to ratif y it . Nor, in this instance, was there any difference betwee n Upper and Lowe r South . "W e have a securit y tha t th e genera l governmen t ca n neve r emancipate" th e slaves , General Charles Cotesworth Pinckne y of Sout h Carolin a argued, "for no suc h authority is granted; and it is admitted, on all hands, that th e general government ha s no power s but wha t ar e expressly granted by the Consti tution." He concluded, "In short, considering all circumstances, we have made th e best terms for the security of this species of property it was in our power to make." Moreover, th e tw o foremos t Virginian s (Georg e Washingto n an d Thoma s Jefferson), both of whom had expressed anti-slavery sentiments, decided that thei r political career s would b e mor e secur e i f they cease d makin g publi c statement s that might negativel y affect thei r standing and influence . Consequently, when tw o British evangelist s visited Washingto n i n 178 5 and aske d hi m t o sig n a petitio n favoring emancipation , h e refused . H e sai d that i t woul d no t b e appropriate . H e indicated, however, that if the Virginia assembly agreed to consider th e petition, he would give his opinion o f it. The assembly refused an d Washington remaine d silent. Jefferson too k n o mor e publi c action s o n emancipation , o r a t leas t n o mor e favorable ones , afte r h e drafte d th e Lan d Ordinanc e o f 1784 . His officia l action s thereafter wer e all supportive o f slavery . He resiste d publicatio n o f hi s Notes o n Virginia (originall y written a s private answers to question s from a French friend ) because in it he had expressed mild anti-slaver y sentiments. His fears appeare d to be justified. A South Carolinian wrote to tell him of "the general alarm" that a particular "passage in your Notes occasioned amongst us. It is not eas y to get rid of old prejudices, and the word 'emancipation' operates like an apparition upo n a South Carolina planter." There was every reason for politicians to b e carefu l whe n i t came to slavery , for there wa s widesprea d Souther n suppor t fo r it . Simultaneously , Southerners wer e equally attached to liberty. But if Northerners had followed the logic of revolutionary

Revolutionary Citizens ideology t o th e conclusio n tha t ther e coul d b e n o righ t o f propert y i n men , Southerners had rejected that deduction . "By Liberty in general," a Charleston min ister declaimed, "I understand [no t just civil liberty but] the Right every man ha s to pursue th e natural, reasonable an d religiou s dictates of his own mind; to enjo y th e fruits o f his own labour," and "to live upon one' s own terms." It meant t o be able to dispose absolutely of one's "property, as may best contribute to the support, ease, and advantage of himself and hi s family," and tha t would include property in slaves. He and othe r Southerner s were quite willing, therefore, to deny Enlightenment princi ples and qualify revolutionary declarations. Consequently, when Charles Coteswort h Pinckney recommende d th e Constitutio n t o hi s constituents , despit e it s failur e t o include a bill of rights, he explained, "such bills generally begin with declaring that all men ar e by nature born free . Now , we should mak e that declaratio n wit h a very bad grac e when a large part o f our propert y consist s in men who are actually born slaves." Alternatively, Southerner s defende d themselves b y disputin g th e assumptio n that blacks were fully men. It was true, as a South Carolinian wrote, that blacks had "human Forms, " but, as another continue d th e argument, they were "beings of an inferior rank , and little exalted above brute creatures." They were thus fit objects as property. It followed that eve n a s free peopl e thei r defec t o f color, with al l that i t entailed, excluded them fro m citizenship . The revolution ha d been "a family quarrel among equals" i n which "the Negroe s had n o concern. " Even in the North , where slavery was abolished, there was opposition t o blacks as citizen s equa l t o al l others . Thi s ca n b e see n mos t clearl y if on e look s a t th e emancipation law s an d controversie s surroundin g them . Th e Pennsylvani a la w (1780), th e firs t t o b e passed , wa s als o th e mos t sever e when compare d t o th e emancipation acts of other Northern states passed between 178 0 and 1804—thi s in a regio n dominate d b y Quaker s an d pretendin g t o grea t liberality . No slav e was immediately freed b y it, and childre n born afte r Marc h 1 , 1780 , had t o serv e until they were twenty-eight years old before thei r freedom was recognized. This represented a tightening of an earlier draft o f the law that free d female s a t eighteen an d males at twenty-one . In Massachusetts , wher e ther e wer e fewe r blacks tha n i n Pennsylvania , th e uneasy feelings directe d toward blacks were somewhat greater . The firs t stat e con stitution, passe d b y th e legislatur e i n 177 8 bu t rejecte d b y th e people , denie d African American s the righ t t o vote ; Pennsylvania' s di d not . Th e constitutio n o f 1780 that Massachusetts finally adopted remove d that prohibition, bu t blacks were strictly limited i n their possibilities o f employment an d single d ou t i n newspape r editorials fo r their suppose d inabilit y to work. Nor coul d the y attend th e school s that their taxes supported . These an d othe r prejudicia l action s o n th e par t o f whit e citizen s i n Massa chusetts, Pennsylvania , and elsewher e forced blac k people eve n more tha n white s

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To Make Our World Anew to reflec t o n th e relationshi p betwee n freedom , revolutionar y principles, slavery , and race. Even many of their supporters did not expec t African Americans to prosper, and their enemies occasionally sought to stand i n their way. Yet bad as the situation was , this antipathy between black and white people was not a s great as it would late r become. Indeed, one studen t o f Northern working class people i n Ne w York found them t o b e refreshingl y fre e o f the racia l stereotypes that common white folks were supposed to have. Although jokes about black people were common, the y suggeste d a sympathy for an d a n identificatio n with blacks. Bot h black s an d working-clas s whites wer e pictured a s underdogs . Even so, there was enough o f an edg e to th e joke s and sufficien t forc e behin d som e of the actions to convince a small group of blacks that they should seek their fortune elsewhere. One o f the firs t blac k organization s t o advanc e this ai m wa s the Fre e Africa n Union Society. Founded in 178 0 in Newport, Rhode Island, it was a benevolent and moral improvement societ y as well as an agency of black emigration. It, like white abolitionists, was concerned with the plight of blacks. Thus it encouraged its members to refrain fro m idlenes s and drunkenness, tried to ensure that they made their marriages legal , an d promote d investmen t i n rea l estate . Th e societ y provide d death benefits for the wives and children of deceased members and furnished loans for thos e in need . I t als o ha d a religious mission an d hel d weekl y services. Most importantly, the society tried to convoke a consensus that a return to Africa was the best course of action. In lanuary 1787, the Free African Unio n Societ y decided that it would establish its own settlement in Africa. About seventy people agreed to participate in the venture. Althoug h man y wer e African-born, they di d no t wis h t o merg e wit h th e indigenous people but rathe r to found a new country o f their own . They wanted to ge t clear title t o lan d somewher e o n th e continen t i n orde r t o avoi d conflicts with local people. To this end, they sought ou t a rather flamboyan t anti-slavery Quaker, William Thornton o f Antigua, who was visiting the Unite d States . A wealthy man, he was also a philanthropist wh o ha d develope d a scheme to fre e hi s ow n slave s and se t them u p o n a self-sustaining plantation i n the West Indies. When islan d authori ties discouraged that plan as a threat to slavery, he envisioned colonizing his blacks somewhere in Africa. Advised that free Christian African Americans also wanted to emigrate, Thornton revise d his plans. H e believed that th e literat e blacks in New England woul d perfectl y complemen t agriculturall y sophisticate d Wes t India n blacks, who togethe r coul d secur e the colony' s survival . One grou p woul d brin g morality and industry and the other technical expertise. In Africa they would grow tropical products, repa y the cos t o f their passage , and sho w slaveholders how th e institution migh t be brought profitably to an end. They would establis h a trade in products grown as free men, the value of which would rapidly surpass that of slavegrown crops.

Revolutionary Citizens Though th e pla n wa s laudable, th e detail s were not. Th e Fre e African Unio n Society soon made it clear to Thornton that its members had no interest in becoming part of any venture in which they would be subservient to whites. They wanted to go someplace where they would be their own rulers. Nor were they willing to let Thornton ac t as their agent . They did feel , though, that i f he was a truly charitable person, he might b e willing to financ e a n advance group of Newport blacks to searc h fo r a suitable location. They also made contac t wit h seventy-fiv e black s in Bosto n wh o ha d recentl y petitione d th e Massachusett s legislatur e t o provid e assistance for their removal to Africa . The petitioner s ther e wer e le d b y Princ e Hall , founde r o f th e firs t African American lodge of Freemasons. The Masons were a fraternal organizatio n of me n who met to exchange news and ideas and occasionally to conduct religious services or discussions. They sought to overcome social and religious divisions among men and t o creat e greate r understandin g base d o n Enlightenmen t principles . Hal l described th e "tru e spiri t o f Masonry " a s "love t o Go d an d universa l lov e t o al l mankind." In 177 5 he and fourteen other blacks joined a lodge attached to a British regiment stationed in Boston. When th e Britis h left, the y permitted th e black s to continue t o mee t a s the Africa n Lodg e No. 1 . Local Masons refuse d t o recognize them, however , and the y applied t o Englan d fo r a charter . Granted i n 1784 , th e charter finally arrive d in 1787 . By that time , however, they were disillusioned—as individuals, i f no t a s Masons—because , a s the y tol d Massachusetts ^ Genera l Court, despite their freedom "we yet find ourselves , in man y respects, in very disagreeable an d disadvantageou s circumstances; most o f which mus t atten d us , so long as we and ou r childre n live in America." Having found kindred spirits in Boston, the Free African Unio n Societ y finally communicated wit h Granville Sharp in London, who was becoming involved with the settlemen t o f Sierr a Leone. But Shar p wa s not enthusiasti c about America n blacks comin g over, especially if they insisted o n actin g independently. H e mad e clear that if they came to Sierra Leone, they would have to act like English subjects and be bound by the common laws of England. The vision came to nought. Massachusetts was unwilling to put up any money to aid black emigration an d Thornton, for all his planning, did no t com e through either . The blacks lacked the financia l wherewithal to do it on their own . Still, New England blacks would no t giv e up . I n 178 9 the Fre e African Unio n Society addressed a n appea l to compatriot s i n nearb y Providence, Rhode Island, proposing a ne w pla n o f emigration . I n thi s documen t the y advance d a n earl y black nationalisti c concep t o f unitin g black s i n Africa , th e Wes t Indies , an d th e United States. Because they were "attended with many disadvantages and evils with respect to living" in the ne w American nation, they sought a nationhood o f their own. The y suggeste d a retur n t o "th e native s i n Afric a fro m who m w e sprang , [they] bein g i n heathenis h darknes s an d sun k dow n i n barbarity"—t o who m African American s would brin g light . The succes s of th e projec t woul d benefi t

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To Make Our World Anew Africans everywhere , for Africa's lac k of civilization, as they saw it from a western point o f view, was a sourc e o f shame . Tha t lac k was used t o justif y enslavemen t and th e slav e trade. I f Afric a wer e redeemed, th e slav e trade woul d cease , Afri cans oversea s would b e abl e t o tak e prid e i n thei r homeland , th e blac k man' s humanity would be vindicated, an d the link between blackness and slavery would be dissolved . The Boston group invited th e Providence blacks to join them i n a united soci ety that woul d mee t ever y three month s "t o conside r wha t ca n be don e fo r ou r good, and fo r the goo d o f all Affricans." "No w i s the time, " th e Providenc e grou p would sa y in advancing yet another emigratio n pla n i n 1794 , "if ever for us to tr y to Distinguish ourselves as the More remote we are situated from th e white peopl e the more we will be respected." It i s interestin g t o compar e th e plan s develope d b y black s (calle d "emigra tionist") and thos e envisioned by whites (referre d to as "colonizationist"). People like Jefferso n wh o wante d black s to depar t wer e primaril y concerne d abou t th e future an d well-being of white people . Jefferson wa s not muc h intereste d i n wha t happened to blacks, and his emancipation plans for Virginia would have compelled them t o leave whether they wanted t o or not . People like Thornton, by contrast, had a religious and moral concern. They were interested i n illustratin g tha t black s coul d progres s i n economi c terms , bot h i n America and Africa , because such advance s would justif y thei r struggle s for black emancipation, validate thei r fait h in the essentia l unity of humankind, and con tribute t o an end to black servitude worldwide. But they also adopted a n attitud e of paternalism: They doubted the ability of blacks and were sure that black people could mak e progress only under whit e direction . Africa n Americans , believing as much i n their capabilit y as their equality , thought the y could an d ha d t o develo p themselves largel y on thei r own . They coul d welcom e white hel p bu t objecte d t o white domination . The y wer e cultura l hybrid s an d appreciate d thei r America n identity. Having adopte d wester n values, they intende d t o westerniz e Africa, bu t they als o wante d t o cultivat e a prid e i n bein g black . Onl y a grea t blac k natio n would prove without doub t tha t blacks were not born to be slaves. But, because of lack of financing from white Americans and those African Americans who did have money, these early emigrationist movements al l failed. Fo r this reason, revolutio n in Haiti, which was developing even as these projects vanished, was an event of crucial significance. Despite th e movements to return to Africa, th e period before the turn o f the nineteenth centur y was one of hopefulness. In half the nation slavery had ended . This occurre d no t becaus e i t wa s unprofitable , o r becaus e ther e ha d bee n n o opposition, o r because the climat e was uncongenial. I t had happene d largel y as a result o f war and revolution . And the revolutio n wa s not jus t political bu t socia l as well, a revolution i n thinking as well as in acting that caused a part of the nation to confront prejudice and injustice and put them partially to rout. It was true that

Revolutionary Citizens slavery had neve r been a s important i n the places where it ended as in those where it remained, that people who opposed i t often had practical reasons as well as philosophical reasons for doing it, that many of those who favored freedo m ofte n had little confidence in the capacity of blacks to handle it. But a start had been made, and African American s moved swiftl y to take advantage of their opportunities . Richard Allen and the Promise of Freedom On April 12,1787, Absalom Jones and Richard Allen, "two men of the African race, " as they described themselves in their Preambl e and Article s of Association, "who, for thei r religious life an d conversatio n have obtained a good repor t amon g men," met togethe r with other s in Philadelphia to for m "some kind of religious society." Their Fre e African Societ y derived fro m " a love to th e peopl e of their complexio n whom the y beheld with sorrow , because of their irreligious and uncivilize d state. " Jones and Allen's Free African Societ y was a mutual aid and moral improvement group tha t als o had a religious bent. It was nonsectarian, in an attemp t t o attrac t African Americans of various Christian denominations, though it was closely associated wit h th e Quakers . Th e society' s rule s specifie d tha t th e cler k o r treasure r should always be a Quaker, and eventually, meetings began with a period o f silence in the Quaker fashion . The organization prohibited drunkennes s among its members and provided deat h benefits . Although it , like Newport's Fre e African Unio n Society , had been formed in th e face o f discrimination , an d it s assessment o f th e conditio n an d immediat e pros pects o f black s i n Americ a wa s largel y the same , it s prescriptio n wa s not . The Philadelphia grou p ha d non e o f th e sens e of missio n o r adventur e evidence d i n Newport. Or, rather, their sens e of mission wa s distinctly different. The y though t the solution to blacks' misfortune was self-improvement (wit h which New England blacks agreed), but otherwis e they would depen d o n divin e deliveranc e achieved through praye r an d fasting . The y rejecte d Newport' s cal l fo r emigration . "Thi s land," Richard Allen would later say about America, "which w e have watered with our tears and ou r blood is now ou r mother country." The differen t reaction s o f two African-American organizations who ha d basi cally the sam e diagnosi s of the pligh t o f black people i n th e Unite d State s is evidence o f the "doubl e consciousness " that th e esteeme d black schola r W. E. B. Du Bois wrote abou t a t the tur n o f the twentiet h century . The African American , he suggested, "ever feels his twoness—an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts , two unreconcile d strivings ; tw o warrin g ideal s i n on e dar k body , whos e dogge d strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder." The people in these organizations memorialized their background by calling themselves African. They acknowledged their America n identit y b y clingin g t o an d seekin g t o sprea d variou s form s o f Christianity. The y adopte d religiou s an d cultura l idea s o f morality , har d work , thrift, and accumulation of wealth, and favore d individual initiative together with group solidarity.

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To Make Our World Anew Within thi s commo n outlook , whethe r on e stresse d th e Africa n sid e o f th e equation an d embrace d black nationalis m an d a return t o Africa, o r seized upo n America and mor e limited form s o f separatism, depended t o a great extent upo n circumstances and personal inclination. In periods and locales where there seemed to be a chance for black progress in America, fewer wer e attracted t o emigration ; when and where the situation appeare d less hopeful, mor e were inclined t o leave. A firm religiou s belie f an d a conviction that, as Philadelphia responded to New port, "the rac e is not t o th e swift , no r th e battl e t o th e strong, " motivated som e blacks to cling to their American identity, no matter what . This attitude can be clearly seen in the lives of Richard Allen and Absalom Jones. Jones stayed in Philadelphia throughout th e British occupation and remained with his master even after th e English left. Allen also failed to run away , to either British or American forces. Both chose to take their chances under existing conditions an d trust th e promise o f America. They had severa l reasons to do so. Born a slav e in Susse x County, Delaware , i n 1747 , Jones was a t a young ag e removed fro m th e fields and mad e a house boy. In tha t situatio n h e wa s able t o obtain som e learning. From money earned around the house, he "soon bought.. . a primer," he related in an autobiographical sketch, "and begged to be taught by any body that I found able and willing to give me the least instruction." When his master left Delawar e for Pennsylvania in 1762 , he sold Absalom's mother an d brother s and sisters, having no need for a large slave family in Philadelphia. But he took th e fifteen-year-old Absalom with him . Whatever distres s the separatio n fro m famil y caused, the mov e nevertheless permitted Absalom to pursu e a n education. Phila delphia wa s th e scen e o f muc h Quake r abolitionis t sentiment , an d peopl e lik e Anthony Benezet had made some provision for black education. Despite having to work in his master's sho p throughout th e day, obliged "to store, pack up and carry out goods, " a clerk taught him to write, and he secured his master's permission to attend schoo l at night. When h e wa s twenty-three , h e marrie d Mary , a neighbor' s slave , an d the y determined to get their freedom. It made sens e to secure Mary's first because that would allow their childre n to be born free, since children legally followed the con dition o f the mother. Absalom drew up a plea for his wife's freedom and carrie d it to prominent Quakers , some of whom lent, and others donated, the required cash. Working a t nigh t fo r wages , h e an d hi s wif e repai d thei r loans . An d whil e h e beseeched his master to permit hi m to purchase himself, the couple save d enough money t o bu y a larg e hous e i n a substantia l neighborhoo d i n Januar y 1779 , a few month s afte r th e Britis h evacuated the city . Absalom owne d property , therefore, while still a slave. Several more years passed before hi s master consente d (i n 1784) t o his self-purchase. Bearing no animosit y an d receiving none i n return, he continued t o wor k i n th e store . Whe n Richar d Alle n arrive d i n Philadelphi a i n 1786, Jone s wa s a prominen t blac k membe r o f th e largel y whit e St . George' s Methodist Church .

Revolutionary Citizens Richard Allen was born a slav e i n Philadelphi a i n 1760 , but hi s maste r main tained a plantation in Delaware where Allen may have been raised. He was sold to a small slaveholder who worked a farm outside of Dover, Delaware, and his owner, a fai r man , permitted hi m t o join th e loca l Methodis t Societ y and atten d classes after he was converted by itinerant preachers in the 1770s . His conversion may have been spurre d b y the sal e of his parents an d younge r brother s an d sister s shortl y before hi s turn t o religion . Hi s conversio n wa s no les s sincere fo r tha t fact , an d when neighbor s criticize d hi s maste r fo r permitting hi s slaves to atten d frequen t religious meetings, Allen and a remaining brother "held a council togethe r ... so that i t shoul d no t b e sai d tha t religio n mad e u s worse servants ; we would wor k night and day to get our crop s forward." This diligenc e enable d Allen' s owne r t o confoun d hi s critics , and , a s Allen reported in his autobiography, he "often boasted of his slaves for their honesty and industry." Perhap s th e exampl e o f hi s slave s a s well as the teaching s o f itineran t Methodists moved him, too, to religion. But Methodism a t this point was opposed to slavery, and a minister told him that his slaves would keep him out of heaven. In 1780, therefore, he encouraged Allen and his brother t o purchase their freedom . Allen then becam e a traveling preacher himself, taking the Methodist gospe l as far afiel d a s New York and Sout h Carolin a an d int o the backcountry. He supported himself by doing odd jobs and he preached to white and black audiences alike. In Radnor, Pennsylvania, twelve miles outside Philadelphia, where he had "walked until my feet became so sore and blistered . .. that I scarcely could bear them to the ground," he was forced to rest. Taken in and cared for by strangers, he repaid them by preaching. The townspeople too k t o hi m an d persuade d hi m t o tarry . "There were but fe w colored peopl e i n the neighborhood, " h e recalled; "most of my congregation wa s white. Som e said , 'this man mus t b e a man o f God ; I never hear d such preaching before.'" From there, in 1786 , Allen received a call from St . George's to preach to the black congregants at 5:00 A.M. in order not to disturb white services. His ministry caught on. He soon ha d a group of blacks meeting separately for prayer meetings, among whom was Absalom Jones. Allen felt cramped within the confines of his relationship with St . George's, however, and propose d foundin g a separate black congregation . Other blacks agreed, but th e white clergy was opposed. Th e minister, accordin g to Allen, "used very insulting language to us to prevent us from goin g on," and tried to bar their meetings altogether. It was at this point that Allen and Jones organized the Free African Societ y as a nonsectarian organization . They conceived a plan to build an independent African-American communit y church that could attract black people without regard to denomination . When th e Africa n Churc h o f Philadelphi a wa s formally propose d i n 1791 , its plan o f churc h governmen t wa s describe d a s "so genera l a s to embrac e all , an d yet s o orthodo x i n cardina l point s a s t o offen d none. " Th e group' s justification for goin g its separate way was that a black church was more likely to attract black

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To Make Our World Anew people tha n a white one . They reasone d tha t "me n ar e more influence d by their moral equal s than by their superior s ... and . .. are more easil y governed by persons chosen b y themselves for that purpose, than by persons who are placed ove r them by accidental circumstances." In this phrase, directed at wealthy white people from whom they hoped to gain financial support, they combined democratic principles with strategi c modesty an d self-effacement . A t the sam e time , the y boldl y declared thei r independenc e o f paternalism an d thei r rejectio n o f discriminatio n within white denominations. Whit e religious leaders, Methodist, Episcopalian, and Quaker, wer e virtuall y unanimou s i n oppositio n t o th e plan , revealin g a clea r unwillingness to relinquis h thei r directio n of black religiou s life . Moreover , the y stood to lose their African-American congregants , who, whatever their humble status, sometimes made significant contributions t o church affairs . Not lon g afte r thi s effor t wa s se t i n motion , a n even t occurre d tha t i s ofte n said to have prompted th e move toward black religious separation. Jones and Allen still worshiped at St. George's Methodist Church . Blacks, like other members, contributed to the church's expansion, but whe n th e addition was completed, blacks were aske d t o retir e t o newl y installed galleries . Even so , when Jone s an d Alle n arrived for services one Sunda y morning an d knel t to pra y above the seat s where they formerl y sat , the y wer e approache d b y a truste e an d aske d t o move . Jones requested him to wait until the prayer ended but the trustee said, "No, you must get up now , or I will call for aid and forc e you away. " Jones again asked for a delay, but the trustee motioned fo r another to come to his aid. Just as the two were about t o act the prayer ended an d the blacks got up an d walked out together . "They were, " said Allen, "no more plagued with u s in the church. " This affair occurre d i n 1792, after plan s fo r th e Africa n churc h wer e already i n motion . Nevertheless , it rein forced th e need for African American s to form their own religious community . Several years passed before the African church came into being. The disapproval of whit e religiou s leader s slowe d donations , thoug h suc h prominen t peopl e a s George Washington, Thomas Jefferson , and Granville Sharp, in England, sent small contributions. Newport' s Free African Unio n Societ y also made a donation. Blacks engaged in various effort s t o rais e money—but they were hindered i n earl y 179 3 by an influx of refugees from Saint Domingue and later in the year by a yellow fever epidemic. The latter furnishe d them an opportunity t o show their public spiri t by volunteering to nurs e th e il l and bur y th e dead , while man y of the white peopl e fled. The receptio n o f Sain t Domingue' s whit e refugees , however , provided evi dence of the black community's relativ e standing among the whites. Philadelphia's white citizens raised twelve thousand dollar s in a few days for displaced slave owners, but the church for former slaves, costing less than a third as much, was delayed for severa l years for lack of money. In Jul y 179 4 the African churc h opene d its doors. Its members had decide d to affiliate wit h th e Episcopa l church, feelin g tha t som e denominationa l connectio n

Revolutionary Citizens

was important fo r the security of the congregation. Only Jones and Allen voted for the Methodists. Calling itself the African Episcopa l Church of St. Thomas, the congregation chose Absalom Jones as minister. The members sought to guarantee thei r local control by providing tha t only African American s could be elected to churc h offices, excep t the minister an d assistant minister, and that the congregation chose all churc h officers , includin g th e ministe r an d hi s assistant . The y woul d permi t themselves th e possibility of choosing a white minister i f they ever so desired, bu t they wanted th e churc h t o remain firml y in black hands. The y would no t surren der the revolutionary principle of self-government. There were several reasons why blacks such as Jones and Allen were attracted to Methodism. A s a new evangelical denomination, it had fe w ties with colonial slavery, and it s founder , Joh n Wesley, adopted a n anti-slaver y stance. Their religious egalitarianism reinforce d revolutionar y principle s o f equality , but, ironically , th e fact that many Methodists wer e loyal to the British during the Revolution set them apart from patriotic groups, which were often pro-slavery. To many African Americans, Methodists represente d a strai n o f Britis h anti-slavery in oppositio n t o a n increasingly pro-slavery American nation . The itinerant natur e of Methodist evangelical s increased thei r appea l to blacks (and poor white people), for they went out onto the roads and highways, into the fields an d byways , to sprea d thei r messag e o f salvation . The y usuall y spoke i n a direct, simple, emotional styl e and appeale d to the heart rather than th e intellect. Their method s ha d much in common wit h a traditional African religiou s outlook. The emotiona l attractio n i s important becaus e i t is perhaps th e on e aspec t of Methodism tha t made i t more appealin g than Quakerism , which share d man y of Methodism's othe r attributes. Although Quakers held slaves, they were also among the earliest to express opposition t o the practice and perhaps the first t o act against it. They dominate d earl y anti-slavery societie s i n Britai n an d Americ a and wer e often loya l supporters o f the English as well as pacifists during the years of revolutionary struggle . Their loyalism , however, seemed to discredi t the m mor e tha n i t did the Methodists—perhaps because the Quakers were a more powerful grou p in colonial America—and i t lessened the effectivenes s o f their anti-slaver y efforts i n the immediat e postrevolutionar y era . By contrast, th e Methodist s were les s rigid about their abolitionst message an d modifie d i t i n orde r t o accommodat e slaveholders in areas where slavery was legal. Despite their willingness to get along with slaveholders, th e Methodists ha d a n emotiona l appea l for blacks that th e Quaker s could no t match . Nevertheless, the African churc h affiliate d wit h the Episcopalians . This proba bly ha d t o d o wit h wha t the y perceive d a s Methodis t shortcomings , fo r th e Methodists, like other white people, often viewe d blacks as childlike creatures who needed fir m regulation . Blacks, they said, could not be trusted on their own. There was also a t leas t occasiona l jealous y at th e competitio n black s offered. Thu s on e

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To Make Our World Anew chronicler relate d tha t Richar d Alle n was encourage d t o ge t of f th e circui t an d remain i n Philadelphi a because a prominen t whit e Methodis t itineran t ministe r compared unfavorably. By contrast, a black Methodist in New York, George White, was forced to preach outside th e cit y for years because o f the refusa l o f white Methodist s i n th e urba n area t o accep t hi m a s a n equal . Thes e prejudicia l attitude s encourage d blac k Methodists in New York City, led by James Varick, to leave the parent organization in 1796 . They founded what late r became th e Africa n Methodis t Episcopa l Zion Church, with Varick as its first bishop. Simila r experiences in Baltimore and othe r cities provoked similar actions. Not merely prejudice but blacks' own religious and social outlook s encourage d blac k separatism . Fo r blacks , slaver y was a si n an d America coul d neve r be a truly Christia n natio n s o long a s it condone d slavery . They could not , a s their fellow white Baptist and Methodis t believers did, relegate it to politics no r conside r i t beyond th e scope of religion. Despite the problems, Allen remained committed t o Methodism. H e refused t o accept leadership o f the African church onc e i t allied with Episcopalians , allowin g the position t o g o to Jones instead. Allen persisted in building his own Methodis t church. Establishe d in th e sam e year, a fe w blocks awa y from th e blac k Episco palians, i t becam e th e foundatio n o f a n independen t blac k denomination , th e African Methodis t Episcopa l church . "Mothe r Bethel, " as Allen' s Bethe l Africa n Methodist congregatio n was called, als o attempted t o safeguar d its rights o f local autonomy. It was a fight over that issue , and ove r ownership o f the congregation' s property, tha t prompte d Africa n American s t o leav e th e white-dominate d Methodist organization and form thei r own denomination i n 1816 . Once the black churches were established, they became the centers of black settlement i n Philadelphia . The surroundin g neighborhood s di d no t becom e blac k ghettos, because blacks were frequently interspersed with working-class whites and were not i n the majority. But community activitie s among blacks were of necessity stronger than amon g their white companions, becaus e they had fe w alternative sources of support. Nor could they move out of the neighborhood as easily. Blacks als o lived i n othe r section s o f th e cit y and thei r number s gav e them a sense of possibilities. Philadelphia at the time had the largest free black populatio n in the United States and developed the most thriving free black community. It had grown t o tw o thousan d b y 1790 . At the sam e date, New York City , with a s many blacks, was largely a slav e city; indee d i t possesse d mor e bondspeopl e tha n an y other American city except Charleston , South Carolina . Boston listed n o slave s by that dat e bu t ha d a smalle r black population . Becaus e of it s siz e and influence , Philadelphia is a good place to view the situation of blacks in the years immediately following the revolution. Th e stages of development there were paralleled i n other Northern cities. It wa s a relativel y successfu l community , despit e a postwa r depressio n tha t

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This watercolor from the early nineteenth century offers a stereotypical view of blacks attending a church service in Philadelphia.

affected larg e segments o f the city. Newly freed blacks flocked to Philadelphia fro m rural Pennsylvania and neighborin g areas of Delaware, Maryland, New Jersey, and even souther n Ne w England . The y sough t gainfu l employmen t an d economi c independence. Men were drawn t o seafaring , servin g on merchant ship s or working around th e docks . B y the beginnin g o f the nineteent h century , about twent y percent of Philadelphia's merchant seamen were black. Women, who outnumbere d men, reversing a disproportion i n favor of men durin g slavery, worked primarily as domestics. Althoug h most black s worked a s common laborer s o f one sor t o r an other, some set up smal l business enterprises or engaged in professional activities. The 179 5 city directory listed black grocers, fruiterers, shopkeepers , and milkmen , among others. There were also a few artisans practicing shipbuilding, metalworking, leather working, and othe r crafts . The blac k situatio n wa s no t idyllic , however, fo r man y worke d a s servant s i n white households , muc h a s they ha d i n slavery . This meant , a s in slavery , a frac tured famil y life , because few white owners o r employer s were prepared t o keep a whole black family together unde r on e roof. They might be spread throughou t th e city, or even outside it. Many black youths were indentured—bound by contract to serve other s fo r a specifie d numbe r o f years. Thi s wa s a practice commo n wit h white childre n a s well, but whit e female s normall y serve d unti l ag e eighteen an d

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To Make Our World Anew white male s unti l twenty-one , wherea s blacks usuall y serve d unti l twenty-eight . These wer e their mos t productiv e year s i n a lifespan that di d no t usuall y exten d much past forty . One o f the firs t task s o f free d blacks , therefore , was to clai m a n independen t residence. In view of their economi c circumstances , this was not alway s easy, an d the mov e ou t o f white household s an d int o stabl e two-paren t famil y grouping s proceeded by stages. Along the way , blacks sometime s forme d extended families , locating severa l generation s unde r on e roof , o r mad e othe r creativ e househol d arrangements in order to remove themselves sooner fro m th e constraints o f life in white homes. In Boston, where slavery ended soonest, a majority of blacks lived in two-parent households as early as 1790, and the percentage increased in the nine teenth century . This was also true in New York City at the sam e date, but it s proportion decrease d in the followin g decades a s a result o f the expansio n o f slavery in the city in the 1790s . In Philadelphia, where the emancipation process was slower tha n i n Boston , close to hal f o f blacks live d in two-paren t household s i n 179 0 and th e proces s o f independen t famil y formatio n speede d u p thereafter . Black s moved rapidly after slaver y to secure a degree of social and cultura l independenc e based on strong families and their own religious outlook . Perhaps Philadelphia black s develope d confidenc e i n America, despite discrim ination, because of their large and growin g community an d because of significant support fro m whites . Thei r mos t dedicate d supporter , Anthony Benezet , die d i n 1784. But his place was taken somewhat by the physician Benjamin Rush, who gave active backin g t o th e Africa n churc h projec t an d t o othe r issue s o f concer n t o blacks. I n addition , th e Pennsylvani a Societ y fo r th e Abolitio n o f Slaver y wa s revived i n 1784 . It foun d renewe d work i n preventin g th e sal e o r kidnappin g o f bondspeople t o the South, in monitoring othe r evasion s of the manumission law , and in aiding blacks to get employment. The aged Benjamin Frankli n lent his prestige by becoming president of the society. The smaller black population i n New England, not quit e submerged in a sea of whites, apparently lacked similar support an d showe d sign s of having greater disappointment i n their white neighbors. Certainly the nature of repressive laws there suggests tha t conclusion . Th e experienc e o f Philli s Wheatle y als o support s it . Despite her celebrity status, she was never able to raise a sufficient numbe r o f subscriptions i n Bosto n t o permi t publicatio n o f a second volum e o f her work . She was reduced, instead, to labor outside her home, doing the kind of difficult domes tic work in freedom that she was spared i n slavery. The domestic chores of housecleaning, washing, sewing, and cooking, the common lot of black women o f the era, were strenuous tasks in the eighteenth centu ry, and overtaxin g to someon e o f Wheatley's delicate physique. Sh e was probably also undernourished , fo r her marriag e t o fre e blac k Joh n Peter s i n 177 8 was no t entirely successful. H e was apparently overproud an d unabl e t o provide fo r her as well as she could have wished. She was reported a t one stag e to be living in abject

Revolutionary Citizens poverty. Non e o f her thre e childre n survived . Sh e was only thirty-on e years ol d when sh e died at the en d of 1784. While Norther n black s move d towar d greate r self-definition, southern black s did the same. They operated unde r greater restraints than simpl e racism, however, for mos t were still enslaved. Although the religious revivals of the Great Awakening left th e mas s o f slave s unaffected , the y appeale d t o black s nevertheless . Africa n Americans responded particularl y to the doctrine resolve d by a Baptist committe e in 178 9 that slaver y was "a violent deprivatio n o f the right s of nature, and incon sistent with a republican government." By the 1770s , a number o f blacks had bee n converted b y Baptis t o r Methodis t preacher s an d fel t th e cal l to g o out o n thei r own. If they were slaves, they sometimes lef t withou t permission , a s runaway ads in newspapers testify . Suc h men wer e involved i n the firs t blac k Baptist churc h i n America developed independentl y o f a white one, i n Silve r Bluff , Sout h Carolina , between 177 3 and 1775 . From thi s region , includin g nearb y Savannah , Georgia, came a band o f black Baptist s who wen t o n t o foun d separat e black churches i n various parts of the world. George Liele has been describe d a s the Souther n (an d Baptist ) counterpart o f Richard Allen and a s the energ y behind th e earl y black churches i n Georgi a an d South Carolina . Bor n in Virginia, he accompanied hi s master t o Savannah , Georgia. His master wa s a loyalist wh o free d Liel e before his death in British service i n 1778. Liele, meanwhile, preached to slaves on plantations along the Savannah River and moved into the city of Savannah after his master's demise. There he continued to preach to slaves and he brought th e future preache r Andrew Bryan to the faith. Liele left wit h the British , however, unsure o f his fre e statu s without thei r protec tion, and introduced th e Baptist church to Jamaica. Still a slave, Andrew Bryan refused t o depart wit h the other s wh o cas t their lo t with the English; he ministered to a small congregation in Savannah instead. In the period of unrest a t the en d o f the war, however, they were persecuted by anxious whites and Bryan had to suffer fo r his faith. He and his brother "were twice imprisoned, and about fift y were severely whipped, particularly Andrew, who was cut, and bled abundantly" a fellow minister revealed i n a letter. In 178 8 Bryan was formally licensed t o preach, eventuall y gained his freedom, an d by the tur n o f the centur y was able to report that the First African Baptis t Church of Savannah met "with th e approbation and encouragement o f many of the white people." The response to his message was so great that two other black Baptist churches soon formed in the city. In 1793 , meanwhile, the Silve r Bluff church , having outgrown it s location, move d twelve mile s awa y to Augusta , Georgia, to for m th e Firs t African Baptis t Churc h under on e of the original founders, Jesse Galpin. Slaves who preached, an d th e bound congregation s to whom the y ministered , had t o operat e within limitation s se t by their masters . Like the Methodists , man y early Baptis t congregation s wer e integrated , eve n thoug h black s wer e normall y restricted t o a section o f their ow n i n th e bac k o r balcony . I n rura l areas , slaves

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often accompanied their masters to church. Blacks could preach to whites, and vice versa, but blacks usually preached to their own. Though many black churches came into being as a result of independent black activity, others were offshoots o f white congregations. Unlike in the North, the move had to be one with which white people agreed, for the activitie s of enslaved blacks were strictly controlled. Frequently the move to separate came from white people, once the black membership became too large. Blacks might continue to operate on their own, much as they had before, under eithe r a black or whit e minister , thoug h mos t preferre d a person o f thei r own color , for th e messag e in it s subtleties and th e preachin g style would differ . They would remain under the watchful ey e of whites in any case. Baptist principles o f congregational independence mad e this arrangement eas ier. Unlike the Methodists , Baptist churches were less subject to th e contro l o f a national church organization. They seemed more willing to accept black preachers and allowed more individual freedom. Although they possessed the same beliefs in the equality of all persons as the Methodists did, their lack of structure before the nineteenth centur y permitted individuals to accommodat e a pro-slavery message earlier than th e Methodists, withou t i t having the same import. While Methodist convocations adopted anti-slaver y policies several times in the 1780s , they had t o back off because of popular opposition . Baptis t declarations o f that kind had no t the sam e organizationa l suppor t becaus e th e congregation s wer e not s o tightly bound togethe r o r used to taking orders from a national authority. There was no organizational decision on the matter. This permitted individual congregations to adjust t o local sentiment withou t compromising a national decision o r obligatin g other localities. In any case, blacks were early attracted to the denomination, which seemed to have the greatest appeal. Things changed in the nineteenth century, when the Baptists, too, desired greater conformity among their members, and, under pressure from secular authorities, withdrew the freedo m grante d Souther n black Baptists. In the meantime , black s often ha d significant leewa y in choosing their ministers, church officers, an d eve n in sendin g representatives to regiona l Baptis t associations. Th e transition ca n be seen, particularly in the hardenin g o f racial lines, in two decision s of the Baptis t Association of Portsmouth, Virginia. I n 179 4 the associatio n answered th e ques tion "Is it agreeable to the Word of God to send a free black man a delegate to th e Ass'n?" in the affirmative : "W e can see nothing wrong in this. A church may send any on e i t chooses. " In 1828 , i t decide d tha t "whereas th e constitutio n o f inde pendent an d colore d churches , i n thi s state , an d thei r representatio n i n thi s body, involves a point of great delicacy," black churches could only be represented by whites. Southern (an d Northern ) blac k Methodists had t o figh t t o obtai n th e sor t o f independence enjoyed by Southern black Baptists. The Methodists' personal slights pushed them toward it, however, and blacks in Baltimore, under Danie l Coker, in

Revolutionary Citizens Wilmington, Delaware , under Peter Spencer, and in other locations departed congregations dominate d b y whit e Methodist s an d eventuall y joined wit h Richar d Allen t o for m th e Africa n Methodis t denominatio n o r mad e othe r provisions . A harbinger o f mor e repressiv e time s ca n b e foun d i n th e specia l editio n o f th e Church's Discipline for Southern states in 180 4 and 180 8 (containing religious doctrines an d beliefs) , whic h omitte d an y referenc e t o resolution s o n slavery . Even Methodist Bishop Francis Asbury, an early leader of the church who abhorred slavery, eventually gave way before pro-slaver y forces an d wrot e in his journal that i t was more important t o save the African's sou l than to fre e hi s body. But not man y African American s were prepared to accept that priority. Increasingly, in the nineteenth century, they decided to worship apart from thei r white brethren. That wa s true, o f course , whe n the y engage d in Christia n worshi p a t all . For important a s Christianit y wa s i n fosterin g a wil l towar d independenc e amon g blacks, in providing a gauge and a focus for greater self-assertion and self-reliance , in providing solac e during times of deprivation, the likelihood i s that most blacks were barely touched b y it. One historia n argues , in fact , tha t th e slaves ' religious practices wer e overwhelmingl y mor e Africa n tha n Christian . I f slav e preacher s could no t relat e to those i n a plantation communit y wh o kne w little o r nothin g about Christianity, he suggests, they could not minister to most of their people. He and othe r historian s pus h thi s argumen t int o th e nineteent h century . But it has particular relevanc e for the eighteent h century , and especiall y in th e postrevolutionary period , fo r th e numbe r o f African s importe d int o Sout h Carolin a an d Georgia exceede d 100,00 0 before th e oversea s slav e trad e finall y ende d i n 1808. These import s brough t renewe d contac t wit h Africa . Bu t coasta l Sout h Carolin a and Georgi a had maintaine d a greater African presenc e than th e Chesapeak e had anyway, and African-American Christianity , there and elsewhere, was greatly influenced by African belief s and attitudes. Most prominent i s the "ring shout," a counterclockwise circula r danc e motion accompanie d b y singin g and han d clapping , which is a basic feature of low-country Christianity in South Carolina and Georgia and i s argued by several scholars to b e essentiall y African. Yet Christianity devel oped an increasing appea l to African Americans in the period just before and afte r the Revolution and it s influence was to grow. Paul Cuffee and the Failure of Freedom Despite the religiou s and, in the Upper South , secular feeling o f generosity on th e part of white s tha t mad e lif e mor e tolerabl e for Souther n black s in the decad e after th e America n Revolution , planter s renewe d thei r commitmen t t o blac k bondage. I n mos t cases , indeed, i t scarcel y slackened. Although th e Lowe r South was not a s affected b y the abolitionis t tren d o f the time s a s regions farther north , it wa s not completel y exemp t either . Th e militar y proposal s o f Joh n Laurens , to arm slave s and fre e the m a t th e war' s conclusion , were just on e example . A few

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slaveowners were even moved to man umission. Sout h Carolinia n Joh n Peronneau free d hi s slav e Rome o i n 1781 "in consequenc e o f m y aversio n to an d abhorrenc e o f Slaver y whic h natural Religio n an d commo n sens e do equally condemn. " But mos t Souther n white s di d no t go tha t far . A Georgia plante r readil y admitted tha t racia l slavery was "sub versive of every idea of moral as well as political justice." He was not prepare d to concede tha t emancipatio n wa s the answer, however ; rather , h e believe d that America n slave s wer e bette r of f than Europea n peasants. On e historian o f Sout h Carolin a argues , i n fact , that low-countr y planter s fel t a nee d to justif y slaver y eve n befor e th e Revolution, an d tha t thi s nee d devel oped out of an increased recognition of their slaves ' humanity. Thi s realizatio n This 1812 engraving shows Captain Paul Cuffe, a New arose partl y fro m th e slaves ' devel England merchant-sailor who developed trading interests opment o f a Creole , or American , culin Africa and transported black colonists there in 1815. ture in the second half of the eighteent h century. "Creole" originally referred t o Europeans born i n the New World but no w extends t o othe r people s an d thing s brough t t o lif e i n th e Americas , includin g culture—for example, language, religion, and new tastes in food. Despite the contin ued importance o f the slave trade to low-country planters, by 176 0 less than hal f of South Carolina's slave population was African-born. Creole slaves were closer to their masters in culture and, unlike Africans, were better able to impress upon European centered white people that they were human beings. In both regions of the South , a relatively stable, family-based Creole slave society had develope d by 1770 . In bot h regions , the slav e population ha d begu n t o reproduce itsel f naturally , a clea r advantage fo r planter s wh o maintaine d famil y units on their estates. Natural reproduction wa s greater and more important i n the larger an d olde r slav e society in th e Chesapeake , but it s value was also acknowl edged farther south. War disrupted this not quit e idyllic setting. Slaves were moved and familie s an d communitie s tor n asunder . This process continue d i n the war' s aftermath an d was accelerated by economic change . Cotton was the crop that dominated th e plantation econom y of the nineteenth-

Revolutionary Citizens century South—the South o f myth an d legend. Eli Whitney's improved cotto n gin of 1793 , which mor e easil y separated the seed s from th e strand s of cotton, an d is often blamed for perpetuating slavery in a region that expected rapidly to eradicate it, has been unfairl y charged . The regions into whic h cotto n expande d s o quickly had been preparing fo r years, and frontie r planter s needed onl y the righ t circumstances to seize their expected promise . But Eli Whitney did mak e that expansio n more certain . Slave s wh o coul d clea n on e poun d o f cotto n i n a da y withou t Whitney's invention coul d prepare fifty pounds wit h it. The economic possibilities were obvious; production tha t had formerly been confined to home use could now be grown for commercial export . In th e Lowe r South , slave s produced cotto n independentl y durin g th e unres t and disorde r o f revolutio n an d planter s mad e concession s t o ensur e tha t the y remained o n th e plantation . Bot h neede d a domesti c sourc e o f cloth , becaus e imports o f al l kinds wer e cu t of f by Britis h military activity . There was likewise more productio n o f foo d crop s fo r loca l consumptio n tha n befor e th e war . Fo r planters, the production o f cotton and the wearing of local homespun woven fro m it became a patriotic duty , symbolic o f their ability to do without Britis h finery. But slaves who did not leav e the plantation ha d a personal interest in this cultivation, too, fo r their well-being, perhaps even more than their masters', depende d upon it . Many simply produced foo d an d clot h fo r their ow n use . Planters were happy to leave them t o their ow n devices, so long as they remained o n the land. If slaves coul d extrac t greate r leewa y fro m thei r owner s t o gro w somethin g the y needed anyway , so much th e better. But, as one historian keenly advises, there was a depressin g irony i n this situatio n o f wartime independence . Th e crop that pro vided slave s a temporar y liberatio n fro m th e master' s ster n gaz e durin g th e Revolution forme d the links of a chain that more tightly bound thei r children and grandchildren. Low-country planter s continue d t o gro w rice , bot h durin g an d afte r th e Revolution, but th e industry was undergoing a transition to a new method o f cultivation usin g the tidal flow from rivers . This process required an initial output o f tremendous labo r t o construc t embankments , di g ditches, an d buil d "trunks " or sluices to control the flow of water onto the rice fields. It saved labor in cultivation, particularly in terms of weeding, but require d considerable maintenance . Indigo, whic h ha d supplemente d ric e cultivatio n i n th e colonia l period , wa s replaced afte r th e Revolutio n by cotton. A s with indigo , slave s attended t o cotto n during the periods when the rice fields needed les s attention. A long-staple variety, called se a islan d cotton , suitabl e t o warm , mois t conditions , gre w alon g th e Georgia-South Carolina seacoast and on islands off the coast. Short-staple varieties spread inland into the piedmont an d backcountry of South Carolina and Georgia, across th e dark , fertil e soil s of Florida , Mississippi, Alabama, and Louisiana , and up ove r th e Appalachian s an d Alleghenie s int o Kentuck y and Tennessee . They

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penetrated the Virginia frontier an d various locations in the Chesapeake. It was the spread of these short-staple varieties that Whitney's gin aided, for the seed separated more easily from long-stapl e cotton. The spread of cotton affecte d African-American communitie s all along the eastern seaboard. The greater freedom that war had brought t o slaves in most region s continued for some time thereafter, though more in some places than others. In the Chesapeake Bay area, slaves experienced more mobility, greater access to freedom, and more opportunity for employment and self-improvement once freedom came. Some planters, particularly in Maryland, freed thei r slaves and set them u p as tenants. Othe r recentl y free d black s bega n a slo w process o f settin g themselve s u p independently. However, as the Chesapeake area's major crop, tobacco, decreased in price, many slaveholders decided t o sel l their slave s to buyers in the boomin g market s o f th e southwest, or else move there themselves with their slaves. Between 1790 and 1810 , one hundre d thousan d slave s wer e move d fro m th e Chesapeak e Ba y area int o newly opening cotton land s i n th e West and Southwest . Communitie s wer e rup tured an d familie s dissolve d a s slaves accompanied masters toward a white man' s opportunity. I n their new locales, they had to begin the painful process of reconstructing famil y an d communit y i n a situation no t a s advantageous a s the one s they had left. In the new regions there were more farms than plantations, few slaves on each unit, long distances between individual landholdings, hard labor in clearing fres h land , an d littl e chance of finding a mate. The erosio n o f slavery continued in Maryland but, because of cotton, many blacks born there would not stay to see it. They went west to make their masters' fortune. The frontier clamor for cotton slave s was also met by recourse to the slave trade. At least one hundred thousand slaves were imported from Africa between 1783 and 1807, an d directe d t o developin g cotto n regions . Thi s trad e entere d throug h Savannah i n th e 1790s , since Sout h Carolin a ha d suppresse d th e commerce . I n view o f th e loomin g constitutiona l prohibitio n o f th e trade , whic h woul d tak e effect i n 1808 , however, South Carolina belatedly responded t o inland settler s and reopened it s ports i n 1803 . Slavers then shifte d t o Charlesto n an d lande d almos t ten thousand African s a year until the final termination o f the trade. Nearly hal f o f thes e slave s cam e fro m th e Congo-Angol a regio n o f Centra l Africa, reinforcin g a strain o f African cultur e that ha d predominate d i n th e first decades of the eighteenth century. People from this region had led the largest slave revolt i n colonia l Britis h Nort h America an d ha d a reputation fo r possessing a n aptitude fo r mechanical skills . Another quarte r lef t th e Senegambi a area o f West Africa, fortifyin g a cultura l traditio n tha t ha d bee n influentia l throughout th e period. Peopl e from thi s regio n contribute d t o th e developmen t o f Sout h Caro lina's rice industry. These new imports were going mostly to different region s than their countr y people who preceded them, so the cultural effect ma y not have been

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as profound a s it could have been. Indeed, these Africans were moving where the y most likel y encountered Creol e slave s fro m th e Chesapeake . Culturally different , the two groups would have had to forge a common identit y as they formed a new community. Some blacks, who had developed maroon, or runaway, communities during the war refused t o give up thei r freedo m afte r it , and the y continued t o enjo y greater liberty than a slave society could possibly permit. Thus the Charleston Morning Post reported in October 178 6 that a group of around one hundred Africa n Americans had establishe d a n independen t settlemen t o n a n islan d i n th e Savanna h River , about eighteen miles from th e coast. From there they conducted periodic foragin g expeditions against neighboring plantations to supplement the supplies they grew. Aside from the threat to landowners i n the vicinity, their message of self-assertio n was not on e that planter s desire d to se e spread. Militia force s attacke d th e settle ment, forced the blacks to retreat, and destroyed their homes, fields, and supplies. Most Africa n Americans , enslaved an d free , foun d othe r way s t o asser t thei r autonomy. Thi s i s easies t see n i n ho w the y name d themselves . Northern black s who wo n thei r freedo m frequentl y too k a ne w name . Th e name s thei r owner s chose from Gree k or Roman history or mythology, such as Caesar, Cato, Diana, or Daphne, o r fro m Europea n place s suc h a s Londo n o r Hanover , wer e graduall y replaced b y Englis h o r biblica l name s suc h a s James, John , Elizabeth , o r Sarah . Parents with thes e olde r name s di d not pas s them alon g to their children . Com monly, they rejecte d thei r previou s name s themselves , choosing ne w ones soo n after emancipation . Th e use even of African name s diminished, indicating blacks ' increasing American identification. They also took surnames, seldom memorializin g past masters. Neither Richard Allen nor Absalo m Jones took th e name s of their forme r owners . Those wh o re mained i n bondage in Souther n state s claimed the righ t to nam e thei r offspring . They ofte n calle d thei r childre n afte r relatives , particularl y thei r fathers , fro m whom son s an d daughter s migh t b e separated . Accordingly, Thomas Jefferson' s slave woman Molly , wife o f Phil l Waggoner, named thei r firs t tw o childre n Phil l and Phyllis. If their master s insiste d on calling them one thing, they might still be known as something else in the quarters, among the common fol k with whom they lived and worked. There was more than one way to insist upon their humanity . While blacks struggle d t o define themselves, th e nation also groped towar d a n identity. Free blacks in Southern slav e society, even more than thos e i n free-labo r Northern ones , faced a n uncertain situatio n i n a nation i n flux . Racia l lines were drawn, but no t a s inflexibly a s they would become . Fo r instance, the situatio n o f free colore d people in Charleston , often o f mixed bloo d an d tie d b y interest an d inclination t o th e plante r class , was no t th e sam e a s tha t o f fre e black s i n th e Chesapeake area, who were offered littl e protection b y prominent white s and thu s fended for themselves. The status of free blacks and coloreds, or mixed-race people,

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in New Orleans, when i t became par t of the Unite d State s in 1803 , was differen t still. I n 179 0 Charleston' s colore d elit e forme d th e Brow n Fellowship Society , a mutual benefit organization similar to those formed by Northern blacks. However, it exclude d peopl e with darke r skins . New Orleans ha d simila r associations . Th e various regions of the nation and the variants of black culture would move toward greater uniformity in the nineteenth century. But it would be a mistake to read the present back into the past and to assume that race relations in the eighteenth century were always worse than i n the twentieth. Th e careers of two men, both bor n free, one (Benjami n Banneker ) in a slave society, the othe r (Pau l Cuffe) in one of the earlies t fre e societie s tha t ha d onc e tolerate d slavery , demonstrat e th e un formed an d still flexible nature of the national atmosphere . Born in 1731 , Benjamin Banneker was the grandso n o f European an d Africa n immigrants, a n Englishwoma n name d Moll y Wels h an d th e Africa n ma n sh e bought, freed , an d married , called Bannaka. Interracial marriage s were illegal in the Maryland o f Molly Welsh's day , and sh e faced th e endurin g threa t o f punish ment for her transgression. Yet in her life among her husband's people in the coun tryside outside Baltimore she apparently was not bothered . Benjamin, whos e mothe r wa s Molly's daughte r an d whos e fathe r wa s als o a freed slave , grew up i n a peacefu l setting . H e attende d a one-room schoolhous e with severa l white and one or two colored youngsters , taugh t by a Quaker school master. The school was open onl y in the winter, and the rest of the year he had t o help his family with the farmwork—raising tobacco and corn, caring for a few cattle and chickens, working i n his mother's vegetable garde n o r his father's orchard , hunting an d fishin g i n nearb y woods an d streams , and performin g other chore s that any farmboy who lived in a wilderness environment migh t have to do. He was more lucky than most , for his parents owned the land they worked an d his name was on the deed. He would inherit it. Despite the necessity for physical labor, at an early age he developed an interest in mathematics and, in view of the limitations of his schooling, was largely self-taught. He first came to local fame when in 1753 , at twenty-two years of age, he built a clock. Modeled afte r a watch he ha d borrowed , i t was painstakingly constructe d nearly all of wood, and illustrated an unusual mechanical genius. It operated unti l his death more than fifty years later. Late in life he added to his interest in horology, th e science an d art o f measuring tim e an d makin g timepieces , an interes t i n astronomy . H e borrowe d book s and instruments fro m a neighbor and mastered a new science. He went on to publish severa l popula r almanac s an d wa s appointed b y Secretar y of Stat e Thoma s Jefferson t o help survey the federal territory for the new national capita l at Washington, D.C. He worked with Andrew Ellicott, the chief surveyor, from Februar y to April 1791 . He had never before been away from hi s birthplace. Excited about th e project though he was, he was then an old man of sixty years and unaccustomed t o

The title page from Banneker's Almanac—on which his name was misspelled—from 1 795. He sent a manuscript copy of his first almanac to Thomas Jefferson in 1 791 in an attempt to discredit ideas about black inferiority.

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the rugged discomfort of wilderness surveying. He was not unhapp y to return t o his farm when Ellicott secure d other aid . Born free , a n owne r o f land , wit h a rudimentar y educatio n an d gifte d wit h uncommon mathematica l an d mechanica l skill , Banneker experience d relativel y little discriminatio n a s far a s we know. Nor wa s he muc h touche d b y the Revo lutionary struggle . The region in which he lived largely escaped military conflict . His was not th e typica l eighteenth-century Maryland blac k experience any more than Philli s Wheatle y represente d th e typica l Ne w England slave . This doe s no t mean that he had no knowledge of America's racial divide, for he surely knew that the attention he received derived partly from his color and the assumptions people made about it. Moreover, when white engineers in the District of Columbia "overlooked" his color, as an early commentator describe d the scene, and invited him to eat with them, "his characteristic modesty" prompted hi m to decline the offer . H e dined in the same tent but a t a separate table. This surely tells much about developing racial customs. Banneker, like Wheatley, was caught up in the abolitionis t crusad e through th e continuing controversy over blacks' intellectual capacities. Accordingly, the Georgetown Weekly Ledger described him soon after his arrival in the Federal District as "an Ethiopian, whose abilities, as a surveyor, and an astronomer, clearly prove that Mr. Jefferson's concludin g that race of men were void of mental endowments, was without foundation." If Wheatley was the rage of the pre-Revolutionary anti-slavery set, Banneker became almos t a s important fo r the post-Revolutionar y generation . I n some ways he was more important, for his achievements were scientific rather than literary. Of the latter there were several cases, but example s of the former were rare indeed. If blacks were to gain full rights of citizenship, it was clearly important tha t they exhibit a broad intellectua l competence . With th e comin g o f freedom to th e North and the continuing struggle against the Atlantic traffic in slaves, postwar abolitionists sought as much evidence of black talent as they could muster . Blacks als o demonstrate d organizationa l ability , o r capabilitie s i n financia l management, but thes e were seldom brought forward for discussion i n consider ing thei r intellect . Consequently , th e busines s succes s o f Pau l Cuffe— a Ne w England shipping entrepreneur—was not something that abolitionists immediately valued i n championin g blacks ' menta l equality . Indeed , i f tha t wer e hi s onl y claim to fame , importan t thoug h i t was, he might b e passed over quickly. Yet his career is a measure of what skill mixed with luck could bring about for a black man in early America and i s an answer to American racism of that era. It is also a cautionary tal e of how and why a black man o f the time could becom e disillusione d with America's promise. When Cuff e cam e to the attention of the Delaware Society for the Abolition o f Slavery a s a resul t o f busines s connections , th e societ y published a shor t biog raphical tract . The purpose o f this pamphlet, which was published in 1807 , was to prove that:

Revolutionary Citizens 15 with suitabl e culture an d a fai r openin g fo r th e exertio n o f talents , th e NEGRO possesses a portion of intellect and energ y by which he is enabled to form great designs, to adopt means to the end in the prosecution of them, to comba t danger, to surmoun t difficulties ; an d thu s t o evinc e that, with equal advantage s o f educatio n and circumstances , th e Negro-rac e might fairly be compared with their white brethren on any part of the globe. The society wante d Cuff e t o work with Quaker-dominate d internationa l antislavery interests in securin g black settlement s in Africa an d i t was important fo r them to show that black people were capable of enterprise. People concerned in the Sierra Leone venture took especial note. Cuffe's father , Kofi, lived in the Asante kingdom among Akan-speaking peoples on the western coas t of Africa. H e came to America as part of the slav e traffic i n 1728 when h e wa s eleven o r twelv e years old. T o his goo d fortune , he wa s pur chased b y a Quaker family , on e tha t evidentl y had anti-slaver y leanings, and hi s owner, Joh n Slocum , free d hi m i n 1740 . I n 174 6 h e marrie d Rut h Moses , a Wampanoag, an d eventuall y bough t a far m o n th e Massachusett s coas t nea r Martha's Vineyard. Pau l was born in 1759 , the sevent h chil d an d youngest so n of ten children. As a farm boy, he, like Banneker, was brought up to hard work and his education was limited. He was largely self-taught but extremely shrewd. His natural charm and native intelligence made up for what he lacked in formal education. Cuffe wa s thirteen year s old when his father died , and h e assumed par t o f th e responsibility o f supporting hi s mother an d younge r sisters . H e di d no t se e his future i n farming, however, and like many New Englanders turned t o the sea . His skill as a seaman together with his daring as an entrepreneur led eventually to his acquisition of a respectable fleet of ships. Some of these he built himself in his own shipyard. H e achieve d wealth an d popularit y and wa s the mos t successfu l black businessman in America at the turn of the nineteenth century. Unlike Banneker, who spent most o f his life near his birthplace and was consequently somewha t shielde d fro m racia l discrimination , Cuff e travele d widely , which brought hi m fac e to fac e with it. This was particularly the case since he frequently travele d t o plantatio n regions . Many slav e societies regarded fre e black s with suspicio n an d unease , non e mor e s o tha n th e Unite d States . Th e divid e between slav e and fre e states , however, did no t necessaril y mark a division i n th e treatment of free blacks, and Cuff e occasionally experienced racial slights in restaurants or on public transportation in the North as well as the South. Both Maryland and Massachusett s ha d law s against interracial marriages in the latte r hal f o f th e 1780s (thoug h Pennsylvani a di d not) . Bot h Marylan d an d Massachusett s ha d repressive legislation aimed a t unfamiliar free black s in the 1790s , though neither state strongly enforced it. Repressive laws, whether enforced or not, and racial discrimination, whethe r constan t o r not , create d a n environmen t tha t reminde d Cuffe o f his racial status.

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Because of his mothe r an d hi s wife, Cuff e remaine d awar e of both his Africa n and Native American heritages. In his protests against discriminatory taxation laws applied agains t hi m an d his family in the 1770 s and 1780s , therefore, he was prepared to us e whatever facet o f his background seeme d the mos t favorable . In on e petition h e sai d that "w e being chiefly o f the Africa n extraction " wer e subject t o taxation withou t representation . I n another h e sai d tha t h e an d his brother wer e "Indian me n and by law not subjec t o f taxation." Increasingly, however, he identi fied himsel f wit h Africans, and a s the nineteenth century dawne d an d racia l atti tudes hardened, his own attitudes hardened as well. An acquaintance described Cuffe i n 180 6 as "averse to all mixtures," despit e hi s own marriag e across racia l an d ethni c lines . Whe n hi s wealt h an d accomplish ments brought white friends to his home, he served them at separate tables. He, like Banneker, "reluctantly partook of vituals wit h person s of other colors. " The fac t that thi s attitud e develope d a s a resul t o f unequa l treatment i s indicated b y hi s observation t o the acquaintance that "he would willingly consent t o be skinned if his black could be replaced by white." He was increasingly drawn to the conclusio n that black people might be better of f in Africa, an d h e became a leading figure i n nineteenth-century emigrationis t projects. Althoug h h e carrie d a group o f blac k people ther e i n 1815 , he neve r actuall y committed t o movin g t o Afric a himself . Certainly his wife had no interest in going, and perhaps his children did not either . Besides, whethe r the y wen t ther e o r not , man y blac k American s b y tha t tim e looked with interest at the prospect of black nation-building much closer to home. Haiti and the Image of Freedom Prince Hall, the founde r of African-American freemasonry , addressed hi s Africa n Lodge i n Cambridge , Massachusetts , in Jun e 179 7 concerning racia l harassmen t directed at black Americans in public places in Boston. Ten years had passed since the arriva l o f th e charte r fro m Englan d grantin g the m forma l recognitio n a s a lodge, and various proposals for blacks to leave America to escape discriminatio n had failed . But the negative attitudes that had prevented black Masons from gain ing a local charter, and caused some blacks to want to leave their homeland for an uncertain future overseas , were alive and well. Indeed, in many areas of the United State s they were stronger. The revolution ary current favorable to black freedom in the South had reverse d itself and aboli tion had no t ye t succeeded in New York and New Jersey. Hall advised his brethren to be mindful of "these numerous sons and daughters of distress" yet enslaved an d who, of all the downtrodde n people s on the earth , deserved their particula r con sideration. H e also charged them to have patience an d forbearanc e in fac e o f th e "daily insults we meet with in the street s of Boston," especially on "public day s of recreation." He went on to describ e vividly how envious white working me n an d women, som e no t lon g ou t o f servitud e themselve s (fo r some ha d com e inden tured) an d doubtles s encourage d b y alcoholic beverage s imbibed t o enlive n th e

Revolutionary Citizens

holiday, "shamefull y abused " black s wh o venture d upo n th e park s o r publi c squares. "[A]t such times," he lamented,"... we may truly be said to carry our lives in our hand s Helples s women have [had ] their clothes torn fro m thei r backs." Nevertheless, Hall had hope s for change. He cast his eyes with expectatio n t o th e Caribbean where, a few years earlier, in response to revolution in France, enslaved men an d wome n i n th e Frenc h Empire had stake d thei r ow n clai m t o freedom . "[S]ix years ago, in the French West Indies," Hall related, "Nothing but th e snap of the whip was heard, from morning to evening.... But, blessed be God, the scene is changed. They now confess that God hath no respec t of persons. " At the time that Hal l spoke, slavery had been abolished in the Frenc h colonies in th e Caribbean , th e mos t importan t o f whic h wer e Sain t Domingue , Guadaloupe, and Martinique . Moreover, unde r the Frenc h revolutionar y sloga n of "Liberty, Equality , and Fraternity, " revolutionary patriot s wer e attempting t o construct interracial societies consistent with their beliefs. In Saint Domingue this process went farther and lasted longer than anyplac e else. In 179 7 the black liber ator Toussaint L'Ouverture was well on the way to establishing his leadership over the colony . H e ha d alread y made clea r hi s dispositio n t o buil d a societ y where people o f al l color s coul d liv e i n peac e an d prosperity . Althoug h hi s vision o f interracial cooperation wa s ultimately to fad e ami d bloody strife, he led the only successful slav e revolution in the histor y of the world . And the banne r o f black freedom h e raised was to stand a s a beacon to black men and women throughou t the Americas. Its example would spur unrest and insurrectio n from Brazi l to th e United States. Its triumph would provide lingering inspiration . Never before , no t eve n i n th e ancien t world , had slave s eve r overthrown an d restructured a n entir e slave society. The Unite d State s was the firs t natio n i n th e Americas to achiev e it s independence, but Hait i was the second . And though th e United States was the first to declare that all men were created equal, Haiti was the first to make that declaration a fact. The Haitian Revolutio n was the third in a series of democratic revolutions that changed the way people in the Western world viewed government, society, politics, and individua l freedom . The er a i s often calle d th e Ag e of Revolution. Each was more radica l and far-reaching than the previous one, and each expanded the limits of ideas expressed in the Enlightenment. The American Revolutio n wa s the first of the three. It was conceived a s a political rathe r tha n a social revolutio n (tha t is , it sough t t o chang e the governmen t rather than th e everyda y lives of the people) , although it laid the basis of a social revolution. Moreover , it had som e immediat e socia l consequences , including th e Northern abolition o f slavery. The French Revolution was the secon d uprisin g in the Western world. It was a social as well as a political revolution, for it accomplished not just the displacement but th e overturnin g an d destructio n o f the Frenc h monarch y an d muc h o f th e nobility an d a reordering of French government and society . The most radica l of

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To Make Our World Anew its participants sough t th e absolut e rui n o f the forme r rulin g classes . The shoc k waves of revolution in France extended to the colony on Saint Domingue. There it established principles of individual liberty beyond the dreams even of most of the revolutionary generation i n North America, and of many in France itself . The struggl e i n Sain t Domingu e wa s mor e blood y tha n eve n th e Frenc h Revolution, because added to the conflicting outlooks an d tangle of local interests was the complicating factor of race. Saint Domingue society was divided into three classes, consisting of whites, free peopl e of color, and slaves . As in North America , and partl y unde r America n Revolutionar y influence , white colonist s wante d les s restrictive trade regulations. They particularly wanted greate r leeway to exchang e their goods with New Englanders, on whom the y depended fo r many of their supplies. The y als o wante d greate r sa y in ho w the y wer e governed . Revolutio n i n France provided a n opportunity t o press these aims, but i t also posed a threat. As much a s they wanted greate r freedom fo r themselves , they desire d n o chang e i n island social structure , and in this regard, the most radical principle s of the revo lution stood agains t them. The first articl e of the French Declaration of the Rights of Man proclaims tha t "men ar e born an d remai n fre e an d equa l in their rights. " This is a dangerous principle in a society based o n th e labor o f slaves. Moreover, Saint Domingue' s fre e peopl e o f colo r wer e subject to sever e social an d politica l discrimination an d they wanted greater freedom o f their own. They saw no prob lem with maintaining slavery so long as all free people , regardless of color, participated in the government. The free peopl e of color were supported in France by the Society of the Friend s of the Blacks. Too many people in France and the West Indies had too great a stake in slavery and the slave trade for the Friends of the Blacks to stand much chanc e of succeeding immediatel y in abolishing thes e evils. They contented themselves wit h championing the claims to equality of colonial free peopl e o f color. Both they and their opponent s sa w this as the first step toward a more radica l social reconstruc tion o f the colonies . White s i n Sain t Domingu e therefor e rejecte d th e Nationa l Assembly's recommendation tha t a limited number of free coloreds be granted citizenship rights . Consequently , in 179 0 the fre e colore d peopl e revolted . Th e fre e colored revolt was ruthlessly put down, but th e whites also divided amon g them selves, some favoring a greater degree of local self-rule and separation from France than others . Besides , in the colony , as in France , a few people stil l preferred royal authority to government refor m of any kind. These disputes als o led to violence . The divisions amon g the fre e classe s over the meaning of the revolutio n provide d an opening for the slaves . The slave s needed n o forma l declarations , eithe r fro m Europ e or America, to justify thei r claim to liberty. They greatly outnumbered th e white people—indeed, all classes of free people—i n Saint Domingue. The vast majority of Saint Dominguan slave s were African-born, had experience d freedo m befor e thei r captivity , and kne w tha t thei r subjugatio n reste d o n n o firme r basi s tha n superio r arms .

Revolutionary Citizens

Encouraged by the rumor tha t the king and National Assembly had decreed three days a week for them to work for themselves an d the abolition of whippings, they rose up on August 22,1791. They would not finall y lay down their arms until they proclaimed Hait i an independent nation on January 1,1804. The man who soon came to dominate the revolution was Toussaint L'Ouverture. Born in 1744 , he was forty-seven at the start of the rebellion. Of mild disposition , he had been fortunate in his master and had not suffere d th e severe mistreatment of som e slaves. Indeed, by the tim e o f the outbreak , he was free i n al l but name ; aside from the duties of coachman, he lived pretty much on his own, with his wife and thre e boys . H e wa s an d remaine d a devou t Catholic . H e wa s als o literate , enjoyed reading , and in letters of state composed later made frequent reference t o ancient history and philosophy. His fortunate experience was unusual for a region where the fac e of slavery was particularly harsh, and provided him with a distinctive outlook toward interracial cooperation that set him apart from most people on the island. As a military leader, he was beloved of his men, a strict disciplinarian but willin g to shar e their hard ships and to lead by example. Extremely brave in battle, he was wounded seventee n times. He was once struck in the mouth b y a spent cannon ball but onl y suffere d the loss o f some teeth. He had a talent for organization an d a genius fo r warfare. By 179 5 he wa s the colony' s leadin g general and b y 1798 , with th e expulsio n o f interfering British forces , its effective leader . He defeated French, Spanish, British , and opposing local forces in their turn. He had two abiding aims: to maintain black freedom an d t o rebuil d th e island' s economy . Th e firs t h e coul d d o b y forc e o f arms; the second with white expertise and cooperation and the controlled labo r of free black peasants. The Unite d State s an d Grea t Britai n viewed event s i n Sain t Domingu e wit h alarm. Both had slave regions to preserve from the contagion of liberty. The British attempt at conquest as part of its war against France came to naught and when they evacuated, they cam e t o a trade arrangemen t with Toussain t unde r whic h the y agreed to supply him in return for his promise not to spread revolution to their territories. The United States was also party to the agreement. President John Adams and th e Federalis t part y he represente d had alway s been pro-Britis h i n th e wars between Britain and Franc e that brok e out i n the wake of the French Revolution. In addition, there had always been strong commercial relations between the French West Indies and New England that continued during the slave rebellion. In the last two years before 180 0 the Unite d State s an d Franc e had engage d i n an unofficial naval wa r tha t prompte d a momentar y interruptio n o f commerc e wit h Frenc h colonies; but tha t conflic t was soon settled and, in any case, the United State s was unwilling to allow the British to monopolize Saint Domingue's trade. The electio n o f Presiden t Thoma s Jefferso n i n 180 0 change d th e situation . Jefferson wa s a slaveholder and highly sensitive to the consequences of slave rebelliousness. Moreover, the Democratic-Republican party he led had taken the French

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This picture of "Free Natives of Dominica" offers a glimpse of how some of the wealthy free people of color in St. Domingue may have looked before the Haitian Revolution.

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side o f the Europea n conflict . Napoleon Bonaparte , who ha d com e t o powe r i n France, and woul d soo n destro y th e Firs t French Republic , wanted t o en d blac k rule in Saint Domingue. Having temporarily made peace with England in 1801 , he had little difficult y convincin g tha t nation an d the United States that th e eradication o f black government wa s in their bes t interests . Jefferson wa s not convince d that Napoleo n woul d succee d i n hi s mission, however , and delaye d withdrawing American material support fro m Toussaint. His decision was further slowed by the news or rumor tha t Louisiana, recently a colony of Spain, had been transferred to France. Jefferson , lik e man y Americans, looked forwar d t o America n expansio n into th e Louisian a Territor y an d wa s convince d tha t n o natio n wh o hel d tha t region could long be friends with the United States. He would hedge his bets until he was sure of French intentions. Not until after Franc e agreed to sell Louisiana to the United States in 180 3 did Jefferson ceas e to trade with Saint Domingue. Part of the reason for Napoleon's decisio n to sell had to do with the outbreak of war with Britain again and his failure, as Jefferson suspected , to succeed in his conquest of Saint Domingue. Napoleon wanted to rebuild the French Empire, which, under hi s plan , include d restorin g slavery . Sain t Domingue , onc e th e jewe l of French Caribbea n possessions , woul d b e restore d t o it s origina l splendor , an d French Louisian a would replac e the Unite d State s as a supplier o f foodstuff s no t grown o n th e island . Bu t he calculate d withou t takin g int o accoun t th e blacks ' attachment to their hard-won freedom. Although he was virtually an independent ruler , Toussaint posed as a defender of the French Republic. The National Convention's law of February 1794 that abolished slaver y also mad e th e forme r slave s French citizens . Toussain t was always careful i n hi s dealing s with Franc e t o operat e a s i f unde r th e authorit y o f th e Republic. H e ha d eve n resiste d Britis h an d America n pressur e t o declar e Sain t Domingue independen t i n 1798—9 9 whe n bot h nations , on e officially, th e othe r unofficially, were at war with France. Conditions changed when France made peace with these English-speaking nations. Under Napoleon's leadership, France now fel t strong enough to reassert its control. Napoleon sen t his brother-in-law Charle s Leclerc with sixteen thousand troop s in 1802 to "rid us of these gilded Africans," as he ordered, referring to Toussaint and his blac k generals . Onc e h e reasserte d Frenc h authority , Napoleo n planne d t o remove and banish al l black or mulatto officer s ove r the ran k of captain i n orde r to put his colonial plan into operation more safely. He thought the colony, deprived of leadership, would keep quiet. Hoping to prevent fanatica l resistanc e at the out set, however, he resorted to deceit and denied an y intention o f bringing back slavery. Toussain t wa s not convinced , an d h e an d hi s mos t truste d general s Henr i Christophe an d Jea n Jacques Dessalines resisted. So long a s he pose d a s a champio n o f th e Frenc h promise o f liberty , Leclerc had some success. Christophe and Dessalines defected to the French and Toussaint

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To Make Our World Anew agreed t o la y down hi s arms . Bu t not al l rebels surrendere d an d th e colon y was still unpacified . In April 1802 Napoleon reopene d the slave trade and nullified th e decree abol ishing slavery . I n Jun e h e ordere d Lecler c t o restor e slaver y a t hi s discretion . Guadaloupe's governo r acte d befor e Leclerc , and th e arriva l of news that slaver y had been restored in Guadaloupe and Leclerc's tentative moves in that direction i n Saint Domingu e arouse d th e suspicion s o f more blacks abou t thei r future , an d more left t o join rebel bands. At the same time, Dessalines, in particular, began t o play both end s against the middle and lent the rebels secret support. Th e betrayal of Toussaint, whom the French lured to a June meeting on the promise of protection an d then arrested and sent to France, caused outrage. He was to die in priso n the next year (Apri l 7,1803) of suffering fro m frigi d temperatures , bad treatment , and littl e food. Finally, the increasin g brutality o f the Frenc h spurred resistance . Leclerc decided, in fact , tha t Frenc h contro l of the islan d would neve r be secur e until he had destroyed all black men an d women over twelve years of age. But Leclerc , like many o f his men , died o f yellow feve r an d wa s succeeded i n November b y Coun t Rochambeau . H e wa s no t th e bes t choice . Fo r a s Leclerc warned Napoleon, "Rochambeau [is ] a brave soldier and a good fighter , [bu t he ] has not a n ounc e o f tact o r policy . Furthermore, h e has no mora l characte r an d is easil y led. " I t wa s Rochambea u wh o stoo d wit h Washingto n a t th e Battl e o f Yorktown t o receiv e th e Britis h surrender . The hero o f whit e revolutionarie s i n America, however , wa s th e scourg e o f blac k revolutionarie s i n Haiti , an d i f Dessalines eventually chose to ensur e Haiti's futur e b y exterminating the whites , Rochambeau led the way when he tried to ensure France's future there by exterminating the blacks. By August 1802 the blac k generals who ha d gon e over to th e Frenc h began t o desert. In November they held a conference, supported independence , an d recog nized Dessaline s a s leader o f the resistance . According to legend , Dessalines too k the Frenc h flag , rippe d ou t th e whit e band, an d lef t a flag o f blue and re d a s the national banner. In 1804, after mor e months of struggle, the French evacuated and the Republi c of Haiti, a name derived from a Native American word for a moun tainous place, was proclaimed. From Venezuela to Virginia slaves were encouraged ane w to reclai m their nat ural rights. The Spanish governor of Cuba informed his superiors i n 1794 , at th e height o f Jacobin radicalism , that "the rumo r i s too widesprea d tha t th e Frenc h desire that ther e be n o slaves " and wer e determined t o fre e them . I n 179 5 slaves mounted uprising s unde r Frenc h revolutionar y influence , reminiscen t o f Sain t Domingue, in Dutch Curacao; Coro, Venezuela; and Pointe Coupee, Louisiana. In th e Unite d State s plot s an d rebellion s o r rumor s o f plot s an d rebellion s occurred along the eastern seaboard during the 1790 s and later. Whites in Charleston, Sout h Carolina , blame d a serie s o f fire s i n th e cit y o n a grou p o f "Frenc h Negroes" who "intended t o make a St. Domingo busines s o f it." The most seriou s

Revolutionary Citizens

An 1805 account of the Haitian Revolution included this gruesome illustration with the caption: "Revenge taken by the black army for the cruelties practised on them by the French."

threat occurred i n Richmond, Virgininia, where, in 1800 , the slave Gabriel planned a large-scale uprising. Bor n o n a plantation outsid e th e cit y in 1776 , Gabriel was raised as a blacksmith an d taught to read. He grew up in a period o f revolutionary ferment an d could not avoi d being influenced by talk about th e rights of man. As a skilled worker h e was often hire d ou t an d spen t muc h tim e among working-clas s people wher e black s an d white s mixe d freely . He , lik e others , learne d abou t th e events i n Sain t Domingu e an d tha t wa s clearl y on e sourc e o f stimulation . H e planned no t a war against the whites but a war against the merchants. He expected

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To Make Our World Anew working-class whites as well as slaves to join his rebellion and warned his followers to spar e al l "Quakers, th e Methodists , an d Frenchmen " becaus e o f "thei r bein g friendly to liberty." He planned to take Richmond and set up a new social and political order , thoug h precisel y what kin d h e di d no t say . However, he clearl y envi sioned personal freedom an d racial and social equality. Gabriel's conspirac y was widespread, including peopl e i n te n counties , a few whites among them. He estimated "his associate s to the numbe r o f five-six hun dred." While not al l of these were people he could coun t on , at least 15 0 gathered for word of the outbreak. Torrential rains prevented the plan from going into effec t on the night it was scheduled an d the plot was discovered before i t could be reorganized. Gabriel and score s of slaves were hanged and other s were sold ou t o f the state. But the governo r of Virginia, James Monroe, an d th e vic e president o f th e United States, Thomas Jefferson , could take little comfort in hanging revolutionaries, even black ones. "The other state s and the world at large will forever condem n us," Jefferson wrot e Monroe, "if we indulge a principle of revenge, or g o one ste p beyond absolut e necessity. They cannot los e sight o f the right s of the two parties , and the objec t of the unsuccessfu l one. " Free blacks as well as slaves were attracted by French principles and the Haitia n example of equality. Free African American s lived in a country that boasted o f its freedoms but increasingly denied them to former slaves. By the date of Haiti's independence in 1804 , slavery was finally on the road to extinction i n all the Norther n states. At the sam e time, probably a larger number o f slaves had been free d i n th e South by a master's personal act of conscience than by Northern legislative acts of emancipation. But also by that date racial lines had hardened . In Virginia, for example, the legislature had onc e supported educatio n fo r fre e blacks; in 180 6 it reverse d that decisio n an d als o denie d the m th e righ t t o carr y firearms. Maryland' s constitutio n o f 177 6 ha d mad e th e possessio n o f propert y rather than white skin the requirement for voting. In 1783 the state decided that no blacks freed afte r that date could vote, hold office , o r testify against white people in a cour t o f law, nor coul d an y of their descendants . In 181 0 it limited th e vot e t o white men . I n Philadelphi a i t ha d bee n customar y fo r man y years for black an d white people to gather before Independence Hall on the Fourth of July to celebrate the birth o f a new nation dedicated to freedom an d opportunity. I n 180 5 the white people drove the black people away. Thereafter blacks approached the festival onl y at the risk of their lives. Throughout the nation similar events heralded a new birth of intolerance. American democracy, they said, would be limited t o white people . In these circumstances Haiti stood ou t a s a beacon o f liberty to oppressed peopl e of color al l over the Ne w World.

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Let My People Go 1804-1860 Deborah Cray White

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n August 30 in the year 1800, a chilling fear spread among the white people of Henrico County , Virginia. Within a few days the fea r ha d grippe d the mind s o f mos t whit e Virginians. Within weeks , slaveholders a s far west an d sout h a s what wa s then th e Mississipp i Territor y were cautioning eac h other to beware of suspicious behavior on the part of blacks. On their tongues was the name Gabriel Prosser; in their minds were thoughts of what might have happened if Prosser had succeede d in leading Virginia slaves in revolt against slavery. Prosser, hi s wife , Nanny , and hi s tw o brothers , Marti n an d Solomon , wer e a slaveholder's nightmare . Bor n int o slavery , they declare d themselve s fit fo r free dom. They decided no t onl y that they would be fre e bu t tha t al l slaves should b e free. Together they plotted t o lead the slaves of the Richmond area in revolt against the city. Their plan was to capture the arsenal and, once supplied with weapons, to take ove r Richmon d an d the n othe r citie s in th e state . Virginia, it wa s planned , would become a free state , a black state, a homeland for those unfit fo r slavery. But Prosser never got a chance to put hi s plan int o action . On the night of the scheduled attack on Richmond, a terrible storm washed out the bridges and roads to the city. Prosser had to postpone hi s rebellion, and the delay gave someone time to betray him an d expos e the plan. All who conspired i n the revolt were captured and put to death. Gabriel was among the last to be captured, tried, and hanged. He was, however, one of the first people in the nineteenth century to struggle in the nam e o f freedom . An d thi s i s reall y th e them e o f thi s perio d o f African American history: the figh t agains t slavery , the struggl e to b e fre e America n citizens, and resistance, despite incredible odds, to maintain human dignity in the fac e of overwhelming inhumanity. The chance that th e African American s would succeed was small. The odds against it being a bloodless struggle were overwhelming. And thos e odd s increase d whe n cotto n becam e thi s country' s principa l expor t crop, afte r El i Whitney's cotto n gi n mad e th e productio n o f heart y short-stapl e cotton profitable. 169

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By making cotton a profitable crop for Southern farmers, the cotton gin increased the demand for slaves and changed the course of history for black Americans.

Short-staple cotton wa s in demand throughou t th e world, especially in England, where textile manufacturers never seemed to get enough. It was not long before cot ton becam e th e principa l cas h cro p o f the Sout h an d o f the nation . I n 179 0 th e South produced onl y 3,135 bales of cotton. By 1800 this figure had grown to 73,145 bales; by 1820 output amounted to 334,378 bales , accounting fo r more than half of the nation's agricultura l exports. On the eve of the Civil War, production peake d at

Let M y People C o 17 4.8 million bales . If ever circumstances conspired against a people, it was the com ing together of the cotton gin, short-staple cotton, fertile lands, and world demand. Once this happened, slave s who migh t have been set free b y debt an d conscience ridden Chesapeake planters were instead sold to the planters of the cotton-growing states of the Lower South. Cotton sealed the fat e of slaves and slavery. It seeme d a s though Gabrie l Prosser knew this. Lik e s o many other blacks , he probably saw slaveholders close down their Virginia tobacco farms and plantation s and head with their slaves south and west toward the fertile black soil of the soon to-be cotto n belt . Lik e others, he n o doub t wince d a t th e sigh t o f chained slaves heading out of the declining economies of Virginia, Maryland, and South Carolina to th e boomin g area s of Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas . In 1800 these areas were not eve n states. Texas, in fact , was still part of Mexico. These places wer e not uninhabited , bu t wer e home t o five Native American tribes , th e Creeks, Choctaws, Seminoles, Chickasaws, and Cherokees. No matter, though. The certain wealth that cotton brought ensured that these areas would soon be flooded with white settlers who would see to it that the land became theirs. They would turn the territories into states and in the process transform the very nature of slavery. Essential to the transformation was the domestic slave trade. Before 180 0 a slave stood som e chance of obtaining hi s or her freedom, either through self-purchase, meritorious service, or simply through th e good will of a master or mistress; afte r 1800 th e increase d profitabilit y o f slaver y made manumissio n fo r a n individua l slave less likely. Once cotton gav e slavery a new lease on life, slaves who were of no use in the Upper South were not se t free, but sol d to the Lower South. This mean t that a good many of the slaves born in Virginia, Maryland, or South Carolina were likely to die in Mississippi, Alabama, or Louisiana. The domestic trade established the mean s of getting them there. At the sam e time that slave s lived in fear o f having their families torn apart and being "sold down the river," domestic slave traders calculated just ho w muc h able-bodie d fiel d hands , especiall y thos e betwee n th e ages of fifteen and twenty-five , sold for in the new markets. The sal e and transportatio n o f black people within th e Unite d State s thus be came big business. What had onc e taken place mostly on the African continent — the theft o f people, the rendin g of families—now took place with vulgar regularity before the eyes and ears of American whites and blacks. From Virginia alone, an estimated thre e hundred thousan d slave s were transported sout h for sale between 1830 and 1860 . As the slav e pens sprun g up , s o too di d th e sight s an d sound s of human misery . Within vie w of th e nation' s capito l wer e slav e pens that , a s kid napped slave Solomon Northup described them, were constructed so that "the outside world coul d neve r see the huma n cattl e that wer e herded there." Within th e walls of the pens, in open-air dir t yards, and on the auction blocks, slave husbands and wives were separated from each other, parents were parted from their children, and infants were torn from their mothers' breasts. Free blacks, too, feared the trade, for lik e Northup they could be, and were, stolen by unscrupulous traders anxious

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To Make Our World Anew to make money by any means. Blacks, who once had hoped that the constitution al provision for the ending of the slave trade in 1808 would put slavery on the road to extinction, now knew that slavery was not abou t to die. Free black men an d women, like Philadelphia sailmake r James Forten or aboli tionist Mari a Stewart, were always an anomaly in a society where dark skin colo r was a badg e o f bondage , bu t the y becam e eve n mor e insecur e wit h th e trans formation o f slavery. First and foremost , the newl y revitalized institutio n o f slavery decrease d their numbers . Thi s mean t tha t th e fre e blac k population woul d always remain small, with limited ability to affect th e course of slavery. Free blacks always had to protect themselves against kidnappers. Those who made up the small communities o f souther n fre e black s ha d t o kee p their fre e paper s close o r els e be mistaken for slaves. In both the North and South free blacks found it beneficial to hav e white friend s wh o coul d testif y o n thei r behal f shoul d the y be mistake n as slaves. The long and th e shor t o f it was that th e transformatio n of slavery put free blacks at risk. What it did to those in bondage was much worse. Their loss was very personal, because throughout the Uppe r Sout h thei r families wer e torn apart . Whites wh o migrated to the Lower South went in family groups. Those who did not were usually singl e men wh o chos e t o see k their fortun e in th e ne w area . Slaves had n o choice. They were taken o r sol d agains t their will, forced t o leav e family, friends , and al l that was familiar. Lost to each other forever, family members separated by hundreds of miles suffered tremendou s grief . By the tim e cotto n productio n bega n to soa r i n th e state s o f the Lowe r South, Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina, and South Carolina were considered "old" states. The land had long been cleared of brush and trees, farms and plantations had already been built, an d field s ha d bee n readie d fo r crops . Road s made transportatio n an d communication easy , and cities made commercial and cultural exchange possible. The Lower South was not s o "civilized." All the work that had been don e in the Upper Sout h had t o be repeated here. It was the ne w frontier, and a s on al l fron tiers the work was more backbreaking. To Adeline Cunningham, an ex-slave from Texas, everything was hard. As she put it: "Dey was rough people and dey treat ev'ry body rough." Evidence of rough treatment coul d be found in the slaves' birth and death rates . Compare d wit h Africa n American s i n othe r region s i n th e Unite d States, blacks in the Lower South did not liv e as long nor hav e as many children . And yet, for all of the terrible changes that took place in the first few decades of the nineteenth century, the overall condition of the average slave actually improved. This is one of the great paradoxes of the history of bondage in America. As slavery became more entrenched, as more families were separated and freedom became less attainable, it actuall y got better i n term s of physical treatment. I n th e nineteent h century there were far less brandings that marked slaves as personal property. Limb amputations fo r thef t an d runnin g awa y were curtailed an d disablin g whipping s

Let M y People C o 17 and murder occurred less frequently. Work was still backbreaking and endless, punishment was still certain, but more attention was paid to diet, slaves were given more personal time, and marital life was encouraged. The reason s for these seemingl y contrary occurrence s are easy to understand . They were the consequenc e o f the closin g of the internationa l slave trade a t th e very time tha t cotto n mad e slaver y profitable. Once i t was no longe r possibl e to bring slaves from Africa , slaveholder s were forced t o treat the slave s they had bet ter. They needed slave s for work, and s o they needed t o keep the slave s they ha d healthy and productive—and they needed thos e slaves to reproduce . This need resulted i n better material conditions fo r African American s held i n bondage. Eve n give n th e sever e condition s o n th e frontier , i n compariso n wit h Africans hel d i n slaver y i n Brazil , Cuba, and Puert o Rico , American slave s live d longer. Of critical importance was the high birthrate in the United States. The better living conditions tha t cause d the highe r fertility rate s develope d ou t o f white greed an d intens e disregar d fo r African-American humanity—negativ e qualities , but one s that helpe d th e African-American community grow . Only here was the ratio of slave men t o women relativel y equal, and onl y here did familie s develop . Only here did this result in the creatio n o f what has been termed "the slav e community." The live s of black Americans, however, compared t o tha t o f othe r Americans, was hard , intolerable , an d unprotected . Everythin g abou t slaver y went agains t every principle upon which the nation was founded. In slavery there was no liberty, no equality, no democracy. It therefore needed justification. A reason had t o be found t o explai n wh y slavery existed i n the natio n tha t wa s the mos t fre e i n th e world. A reason wa s needed t o excus e the Sout h an d eas e th e conscienc e o f th e individual slaveholder . In the pro-slaver y argument wa s every excuse upon whic h th e Sout h built its institution. A t its center was denial of the worth of the Africa n American . Blacks, the argument went, were not prepared for freedom. They were childlike, in need of direction. They were lazy people who would not work unless forced to . They were cursed by God, and slaver y was God's punishment. The y were, some insisted , so unlike whites that they were a different species . In short, the pro-slavery argument turned slaver y into something that at its worst was a necessary evil, and at its best a positive good. Slavery was good for the South, good for black people, and good for the nation , or s o the argumen t went . William Harper , chancello r o f the Universit y of Sout h Carolina, declared that blacks "are undergoing the very best educatio n which it is possible to give. They are in the course of being taught habits of regular and patient industry, and this is the first lesson that is required." Like Harper, pro-slavery writers generally overlooked o r denied th e brutality of slavery. Most insiste d tha t cruelt y occurred onl y i n th e rares t of instances . Most

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Two engravings from the B/fa/e Defence of Slavery (1853). Many Southern slave owners believed that blacks benefited from slavery.

also believe d tha t thei r slave s live d bette r tha n th e averag e industria l worker , including those in the Northern United States. Factory owners, it was argued, cared nothing fo r thei r laborers . I n contras t t o Norther n an d Europea n "wag e slaves " who were worked unti l they were of no use to the company, after whic h they were fired to fend fo r themselves, Southern slave s received free food, clothing, housing, and medica l car e fo r life . A typica l opinio n o n thi s matte r wa s expresse d b y

Let M y People G o 17 Virginia Baptist minister Thorton Springfellow . Like most slaveholders, he believed that the slaves' "condition .. . is now better than that of any equal number o f laborers on earth, and is daily improving. " Obviously, Gabriel Prosser and hi s followers though t differently . T o them slavery was not a kind and caring institution but a malicious one that robbed them of their freedom . Thei r feeling s wer e share d b y bot h fre e an d enslave d Africa n Americans, al l o f who m struggle d i n on e wa y o r anothe r agains t slavery , all of whom a t one time or another raise d the plaintive cry: "Let my people go."

What Slavery Was In the South , before the Civi l War, the year began the same way as it ended—with work in cotton. During January and February slaves finished ginnin g and pressing cotton, and hauled it in wagons to the point o f shipment. In March and April they were ready to start planting again. It took at least three slaves to plant a row of cotton. One slave drove a mule and plowed through th e dirt to break the land into a row. A young slav e came behind dropping the see d int o the ground, followed b y another slave with anothe r mule-draw n plow, covering up the seed. Between April and August, the cotton was plowed and hoed by slaves, first to make sure that there was only one stalk of cotton t o what was called a hill, then to keep the land fre e of weeds and grass . In lat e August , slave s bega n the cotton-pickin g season . Unmercifully long, it lasted through Januar y of the next year. Slaves who cultivate d rice , tobacco , hemp, or suga r had a similar year-roun d routine, and like those who worked in cotton, their work did not en d with the sale of the crop . There wer e hogs to kill, and the n th e mea t ha d t o be cut an d salted . New land was cleared. Ditches were dug, cleaned, and repaired . Fences were built and unde r constan t repair , wood was cut and hauled , and vegetable gardens were cultivated. On top of all this was the cultivation of corn, a crop that needed exten sive hoeing, plowing, and harvesting just like the cash crop . The slaves' day did no t en d when fieldwor k wa s done. At night me n cu t woo d while wome n prepare d meals , spu n thread , wov e cloth , an d mad e clothes . O n Saturday afternoons men ofte n trappe d whil e women washe d clothes , made can dles and soap, and helped the men tend the garden plots where they grew the few vegetables they ate. Slaves whose chores were in the master's hous e worked as much a s field hands. Besides takin g car e o f thei r ow n families , an d doin g thei r cooking , cleaning , sewing, and washing, they did all of the domestic tasks , day and night, for the slave master's family . For th e slav e thi s adde d u p t o endles s work . Bu t that i s what slaver y was , a system o f force d labo r i n whic h th e Africa n America n worke d withou t pa y fo r someone else' s profit. Everything else derived fro m slaver y was secondary to thi s central point. Fo r instance, this system of forced labo r provided slaveholder s with the wealth and prestige that they needed to dominate souther n politic s and socia l

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relations. Further , slaver y organize d th e race s no t onl y t o separat e black s an d whites, but to give all whites status simply because they were white, and to deny status to all blacks simply because they were black. An example of how inhumane on e group of people could be to another, slavery was also one of the main causes of the Civil War, the bloodiest conflict ever fought on American soil . As a system of labor that exploited black work, slavery usually benefited a white man, but sometime s th e slav e master was a white woman , a Native American, or rarely, a black man or woman. Ultimately, the nation prospered from this exploitation, because as the Sout h gre w rich of f the cultivatio n o f cash crops, so did th e country as a whole. The losers were the African Americans whose lives were organized around endless work; the rewards always went to someone else. Wherever one went in the South between 180 0 and 186 0 one could expect to see slaves doing some kind of work. They worked as lumberjacks and turpentine pro ducers in the forests of the Carolinas and Georgia. In Virginia and Kentucky, slaves worked in the gold, coal, and salt mines. On the Mississippi River steamboats, the y worked as deckhands and boiler stokers. In Georgia and Louisiana, they worked as textile laborers. Slave labor was so profitable that i n 184 7 the owner s o f the Tred egar Iron Works in Richmond, Virginia, shifted fro m usin g white laborers to slave labor. In addition to servin g as factory laborers , slaves also made u p a significant portion o f th e South' s skille d artisans—carpenters , coopers , blacksmiths, silver smiths, and the like. However, mos t o f th e fou r millio n Africa n American s who wer e enslave d i n 1860 worked in the fields of the farm s and plantations of the South. They worked on a n averag e day fourteen hour s i n th e summe r an d te n hour s i n th e winter . During harvest time slaves often worked eighteen-hour days in sun that was piercing, heat that was sweltering. Needless to say, their work was backbreaking. Th e average slave worked in cot ton production , an d durin g harvest season was expected to pick about 13 0 to 150 pounds o f cotton pe r day . Work in sugar and ric e was equally hard, if not harder . Both crops demanded constan t cultivatio n an d the digging of drainage ditches i n snake-infested fields. At harvest tim e o n th e suga r plantations, slave s had t o cut , strip, and carr y cane to the sugar house for boiling. This was extremely strenuou s work. Rice cultivation wa s even more miserable. Since rice is grown under water , slaves spent long hours standing in water up to their knees. With so much wealth riding on it, slave work was hardly done haphazardly. On the contrary , i t was carefull y organize d so that slave s worked eithe r i n gang s o r according to tasks. Slave work gangs usually did as much work as the fastest worker could do. The task system provided greater flexibility, and although assignments were as taxing as those don e by gangs, when a slave or a group o f slaves finished the assigne d task , the y coul d qui t wor k fo r th e day . Unlike th e gan g system , i n which me n an d wome n usuall y worked i n separat e groups, task s were often as signed to a family.

Let M y People G o 17

A white woman whips a slave, probably a house servant. For slaves, violent attacks could come from any direction, and at any time.

Slaves wh o worke d i n th e hous e ha d a totall y differen t regimen , on e tha t was physically easier but mentall y taxing. Women predominated i n the house, and like mal e slav e artisans, they di d wor k tha t allowe d fo r mor e creativit y and self direction tha n th e wor k don e b y fiel d hands . Workin g indoors , the y cooked , cleaned, did laundry, sewed, and care d for infants. Although they could coun t o n better food and clothing than their counterparts in the field, they were under closer supervision, were on cal l both day and night , and wer e more ofte n involve d in personality conflicts with the white family. As put b y one house servant, "We were constantly exposed to the whims and passions of every member of the family." This meant everythin g fro m assignmen t t o pett y job s t o insults , spontaneous angr y whippings, and sexua l assaults.

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Although house servants were under the closest surveillance, compared to slaves in other parts of the Americas all slaves in the United State s were relatively closely supervised. Unlike in Caribbea n slav e societies or i n Lati n America, slaves, slaveholders, and overseer s in th e Unite d State s lived i n ver y close proximity t o eac h other. In Jamaica, for instance, one-third of all slaves lived on estates with two hun dred slave s o r more , an d three-quarter s o f al l slaves lived o n holding s o f a t leas t fifty. Suc h large numbers o f bondsme n mad e clos e supervisio n o f slav e life an d work impossible. In th e Unite d States , by contrast, suc h larg e plantations wer e rare. Only one quarter o f al l slaves lived o n plantation s wit h mor e tha n fift y slaves . Since mos t lived on holdings of ten to forty-nin e slaves , and abou t one-quarte r live d on very small holdings of one to nine slaves, slave work and lif e was constantly monitore d and supervised so that masters could reap every bit of profit to which they thought they were entitled. Of course, slave masters like to think that slaves were happiest when they were at work. Some even made this claim as part of the pro-slavery argument . Bu t most slaveholders understoo d tha t i t was the threa t o f physical punishmen t tha t kep t slaves hard a t their jobs. In fact , the submissio n o f most slave s was never perfect, and the y coul d seldo m d o a s much wor k a s fas t a s the owner s demanded . Thi s is on e reaso n wh y slaves were whipped: t o ge t them t o wor k harder , faster . Thi s was certainly the case on Edwin Eppes's Louisiana plantation, where the end of the cotton-picking day brough t fea r instea d of relief . At sundow n the cotto n was weighed, and no matter how much cotto n they had picked, the slaves carried thei r cotton t o the gi n house in fear . As told by kidnapped slav e Solomon Northup , "If it fall s shor t i n weight—if h e has not performe d the ful l tas k appointed him , h e knows that he must suffer. And if he has exceeded it by ten or twenty pounds, in all probability his master wil l measure th e next day' s task accordingly. S o whether he has too littl e or too much , his approach to th e gin-hous e i s always with fea r an d trembling.... After weighing , follow the whippings. " On antebellum Southern plantations whipping and work went hand in hand. For instance, on on e Alabama estate, women wh o had just given birth t o infant s and were still confined to the slave cabins had to spin thread. According to an ex-slave named Cato, "If they did not spi n seven or eight cuts a day they got a whipping." Overseers' and drivers ' report s tel l the sam e gruesom e story. These black an d white men who worked for slaveholders had the prime responsibility for the pro duction o f the crop. White overseer s attended t o the overall day-to-day and sea son-to-season strateg y of plantatio n work , an d blac k driver s wer e on-the-spo t disciplinarians who made sure the work got done. Charged wit h managing slave s to ensure that the plantation turne d a profit, and faced with the loss of their position i f i t di d not , bot h oversee r an d drive r use d an y means necessar y to mak e slaves work as hard a s possible. This was especially true on plantations wher e th e owners were absent. Without th e supervision o f slaveholders, who were obvious -

Let M y People C o 17 ly mor e intereste d tha n thei r manager s i n protectin g thei r investmen t i n th e slaves, overseers and driver s could and ofte n di d use as much forc e a s they wanted. Thi s disturbe d thos e wh o wer e vigorous supporter s o f slavery . Pro-slavery Southerner Danie l R . Hundley admire d an d defende d th e South' s institutions . Nevertheless, he admitted tha t "the overseer s on man y southern plantation s are cruel and unmercifull y severe." Even those overseer s and driver s not considere d especiall y brutal reveale d th e inherent violence of the system . For instance, in one of his weekly reports Robert Allston's overseer casually noted tha t h e had "flogged fo r hoeing corn ba d Fann y twelve lashes, Sylvia twelve, Monday twelve, Phoebee twelve, Susanna twelve, Salina twelve, Celia twelve, Iris twelve." George Skipwith, a black driver for John Hartwell Cocke, a Virginia planter, was equally liberal with the whip. In 184 7 he reported t o his master that severa l slaves who worked unde r hi m "at a reasonable days work" should have plowed seven acres apiece but had only done one and a half. Therefore, without a thought of the unreasonableness of his demands, and without sympathy for thos e of hi s ow n race , Skipwith reported , "I gav e then te n lic k a peace upo n their skins [and ] I gave Julyann eight or ten licks for misplacing her hoe. " That Skipwith was black and tha t h e wielded the whi p as readily as any white man shoul d com e a s no surprise . I t wa s to th e slaveholders ' advantag e t o allo w blacks a measure of supervision ove r some of the day-to-day work. Not only could overseers not be everywhere at once, but their tenure on a particular plantation was often short-term . I n contrast, a s a slave, and a valued on e at that, the driver's service was perpetual, and because it was, he provided continuit y that mad e fo r th e smooth runnin g of the plantation. Since drivers lived with the slaves, their supervisory role extended into the after-work hours , which were spent away from white overseers. In fact , i t was this familiarit y with th e slave s that mad e th e driver s so necessary. Although it was illegal, some masters never even hired white overseers, but relied on the driver, a man who usually knew as much, if not more , about th e daily management o f a plantation. Like overseers , drivers cam e with al l kinds o f temperaments an d skills . Some were particularly cruel and mean. They raped women and used their power to prey on their fellow bondsmen. Such was the driver remembered by Jane Johnson, a former South Carolina slave. According to her, the driver was "de meanest man, white or black." Other drivers , though, use d skillfu l method s o f leadership t o ge t thei r way. They used th e whi p onl y when necessary . They mediate d dispute s betwee n slaves and acte d as their representativ e t o th e master . They earned th e respec t of their fellow slaves and therefore their compliance. Such was the driver remembered by West Turner o f Virginia. This driver whippe d hard only when th e master was looking. At other times "he never would beat dem slaves," but tie them up and pretend to beat them. However they accomplished thei r jobs, drivers were part and parcel of the system tha t no t onl y go t maximum wor k ou t o f the slav e but als o ensure d "perfec t

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submission." Indeed, slaveholders could command a slave's labor only if they could minimize the slave's resistance to their authority. Resistance, no matter how slight, was rightfully perceive d a s a reflection of independence. Sinc e independence wa s clearly incompatible with slavery, all behavior on the part of the slave that suggested even a hint o f self-determination ha d t o be squelched . Dependenc e had t o b e instilled. Slave s who showed too muc h self-directio n were deemed rebelliou s an d judged dangerous . Punishment , therefore , serve d th e purpos e o f makin g slave s work, but it also functioned to awe the slave with a sense of the master's power. And power is what the master used to make the slave stand i n fear . The slaveholder and hi s family demonstrated thei r powe r i n a variety of ways. To begin with, they always made the slav e show deference, not just to them but t o all white people. Slaves had to bow in the presence of whites, they had to give way to whites walking in their path, and they were subject to whippings given by white children. When the y approache d th e oversee r o r th e maste r the y ha d t o sho w humility. On Charles Ball's plantation th e slaves, according to one of Ball's former slaves, "were alway s obliged t o approac h th e doo r o f th e mansion , i n th e mos t humble and supplicating manner, with our hat s in our hands, an d the most sub dued and beseeching language in our mouths. " Hand i n hand with humilit y went cheerfulness . Slaveholders feare d th e rebel liousness of slaves who showed dissatisfaction, and therefore did not tolerate sullen or sorrowfu l moods . Forme r slav e Henr y Watso n note d tha t "th e slaveholde r watches every move of the slave , and i f he is downcast o r sad,—in fact, if they are in any mood but laughin g and singing, and manifesting symptoms of perfect con tent at heart,—they are said to have the devil in them." The power to make slaves work and to show deference and false happiness was granted to slaveholder s by state and cit y legislatures through statute s calle d slave codes. Historians debate the protections afforded black s by slave laws, but it is clear that throughout the South the legal system was designed to protect the interests of white slave owners. Slavery differed a s one went from one regio n o f the Sout h t o another, from one crop to another, even from one master to another. What gave the system its uniformity, however, was the consistency of social thought o n the mat ter of slaveholder power. Manifested throughout th e Sout h i n the slav e codes, th e white South's thinking abou t slaver y left th e enslave d no legal means to challeng e actions committed agains t them i n violation o f the law. The Louisiana slave code was typical of other stat e and city codes. The very first provision stated that the slave "owes to his master, and to his family, a respect without bounds, an d an absolute obedience." Th e code defined slave s as property that could be "seized and sol d as real estate." Most o f the provisions state d wha t slaves were prohibited fro m doing . Fo r instance, slave s could no t trave l without a pass, nor assembl e in groups. They were prohibited fro m buying and selling any kind of goods and they could not carr y arms, nor rid e horse s without the permissio n of their master . Besides dictating the behavior o f blacks, the codes also restricted th e

Let My People Co

actions o f whites. Whites coul d no t sel l to , o r bu y anythin g from , slaves. Whites could no t teac h slave s to rea d o r write , an d a slaveholder coul d no t fre e a slave without posting a thousand dolla r bond guaranteein g tha t th e freed slave would leave the state . The code also made death th e penalt y a slave suffered i f he o r she willfully harme d th e master , mistress, their children , or the overseer . If a slave set fire to the crop or any part of the owner's property, if a slave raped any white female or assaulted an y white person i n an attempt t o escap e from slavery, the cod e also made death the punishment . Whether or not the slave codes were enforced, the stories told by ex-slaves reveal this system of forced labor to be just as cruel and inhumane as the statutes suggest it was . Even th e "kindest " masters kep t thei r slave s illiterate, brok e u p familie s through sale, gave them too much work, and fed their slaves a diet that lacked fresh meat, dairy products, an d vegetables . Throughout th e Sout h slav e children wer e denied proper physical care and emotional support , and adult slaves were stripped naked an d whippe d i n fron t o f famil y an d friend s fo r th e slightes t infractions. Sadly, too, the presenc e of thousands o f mulatt o childre n gav e undeniable testi mony to the frequency of the sexual abuse of black women. And yet , African American s survived thi s barbarit y bette r tha n an y enslave d black people in the Western Hemisphere. Survival was a tribute to the North American slave' s ability to adap t and resist , and t o creat e communities tha t nourishe d the strength it took to resist some of the most inhuman e aspect s of the system . Slave Communities In the slav e quarters, far removed fro m th e eye s and ear s of the slav e master an d his family, slav e parents told thei r childre n th e now-classi c stor y o f Br'er Rabbit , the Wolf, and Ta r Baby. The story begins when the strong and powerfu l Wolf creates a sticky doll, or Tar Baby, to trap Rabbit, who is inquisitive and sly. While walking through the woods one day, Rabbit comes upon Ta r Baby sitting by the side of the road , where it has been placed by Wolf. Being a friendly sort, Rabbit greets it with a "Hello, howdy do." When Tar Baby does not reply , the angry Rabbit hits the baby doll. First one hand gets stuck, then the other. Losing his temper even further, Rabbit kicks Tar Baby and butts it with his head, only to get his entire body stuck to Tar Baby. When Wolf arrives to collect Rabbit , he decides to kill him b y burning him i n the brush. Instead of cringing in fear, Rabbit's clever response is to pretend that he wants to fee l th e warmt h o f fire on hi s coat. Wolf falls fo r Rabbit's deception an d decides that the thorny briar patch might be a more suitable punishment. Rabbit , however, knows that if he gets thrown in the briar patch he can work his way loose from Tar Baby and escape. He therefore pretends to cringe at Wolf's threat: "Mercy, mercy, whatever you do , please don't throw m e i n th e bria r patch. " Wolf fall s fo r Rabbit's feigne d terro r an d throw s hi m i n th e bria r patch , whereupo n Rabbi t makes a quick escape.

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In the assortment of tales told by adult slaves to the young was another about a very talkativ e slave . I n thi s tale , th e slav e come s acros s a fro g wh o ca n speak . Amazed at such a wonder, the slav e runs an d tell s his master of this miracle. The master does not believe the slave and threatens t o punish hi m i f he is lying. When the fro g refuse s t o tal k for the master , the slav e is beaten severely. Only when th e master leave s doe s th e fro g speak , saying , "A tol' yu h 'd e otha h day , yu h tal k too much. " These are only two of the hundreds o f tales that were told in the slave quarters, but i f we use these tales to represent plantation life , they tell us a great deal about the relationship between slave s and masters. One thing the y tell us is that master s did not alway s have their way . Wolf had Rabbit in his control, at his mercy, but h e was still unable to conquer him. Slaves learned from this. They learned that quick wittedness was an essentia l survival trait, an d tha t deceptio n coul d giv e the weak some contro l ove r th e strong , allowin g the powerles s t o surviv e with a minima l amount of physical or emotional assault. The story also laid bare the concepts that might di d not alway s make for right, and that ras h behavior, like that indulged in by Rabbit , seldom yielde d rewards . Thes e wer e importan t lesson s fo r th e slav e child. They were lessons about life—not a life that was distant and abstract, but on e the slav e had to live every day. The same was true of the second story . Though simple r tha n the first, it taught young blacks important lesson s about survival . First, it showed the slave's world to be unpredictable. Wher e els e but i n a world filled with uncertaint y would a fro g speak, an d spea k t o a powerless slave , a t that? I n th e slave' s rea l world, masters , angry at Go d know s what , migh t las h ou t a t a slave at an y moment. A mistres s might all of a sudden find faul t with her housemaid an d strik e out with a fist or a foot. A year or two of bad harvests might lead to a slaveholder's financial ruin, forcing him to sell some of his slaves. This might separate parent from child , husband from wife , brother fro m sister. What th e slav e learned fro m th e stor y o f th e talkin g fro g wa s that th e bes t defense against unpredictability wa s silence, the key to secrecy. Silence kept masters ignorant o f everything that went on behind thei r backs: the food slaves stole, th e religious services held in secret, the escapes made by the boldest o f slaves, the anger and hatre d tha t black s felt towar d whites . Silenc e protected th e slav e quarters. I t kept the slave family and the slave' s religious life removed fro m whit e invasion. I n other words , th e stor y taugh t th e slav e chil d ho w t o protec t African-American plantation communities . If master s coul d hav e survive d withou t th e slav e community the y n o doub t would have . Work , no t community , wa s wha t the y wante d mos t fro m slaves . Relationships that gave the slave points of reference outside of their influence were not as important as those that put the slave under their control. They did not wan t bonded me n an d wome n t o hav e too man y role s that wer e independent o f that assigned t o them . Therefore , to th e master , the fac t tha t African American s were

Let M y People C o 18 parents, preachers, or anything other than laborers was immaterial. They demanded, and usually got, obedient workers. And yet, because master s and slave s were locked in a cycle of mutual depen dency that bot h understood , thei r demand s aide d the developmen t o f the slave community. Slaves knew that the laws of slavery gave the master the power of life and death ; and tha t thes e laws in turn mad e them dependen t o n thei r master' s good will. But they also knew that as long as slave owners relied on them for their wealth there were limits to the slaveholder's power. Masters understood thi s too . They had th e powe r o f life an d deat h over th e slave , but dea d slave s coul d no t cultivate crops, and injure d or rebellious slaves could not work. In the end bot h master an d slav e settled on an arrangement tha t took into account this mutual dependence. Thoug h comple x i n it s workings, the relationshi p tha t develope d was really quite simple. In general, as long as slaves did their work with diligence , deference, an d obedience , masters allowed them som e discretion over how they spent thei r non-wor k time . The slav e family wa s a t th e cente r o f lif e o n th e plantation , bu t wa s viewed in differen t way s by th e maste r an d hi s enslave d workers. For th e master , slave families provided a means of organizing the plantation. Rather than the barrackstyle living that one found in the Caribbean and Latin America, slaves in the American South live d in quarters with their families . Thes e living arrangements mad e for les s rebelliousness among the slaves , a fact o f which masters took advantage. Although slav e owners used the slav e family t o maintai n contro l ove r bonde d men and women, their most obvious use for the family was to reproduce the slave population. Thi s was especially so afte r th e foreig n slav e trade became illega l in 1807. After that the only legal way for a master to increase his holdings in slaves was to purchase them fro m anothe r slaveholde r or a slave trader, or to encourag e his own slaves to have children. The latter means was preferred because it was cheaper, easier, and the most natural—natura l because slaves had their ow n reasons for wanting t o hav e children, an d easie r because i t usuall y did no t requir e forcefu l intervention b y the master . Families therefore were in the master's best interest and fertility statistics prove it. In each year between 180 0 and th e Civi l War more tha n one-fift h o f the blac k women between th e age s of fiftee n an d forty-fou r year s of ag e bore a child. O n average female slaves had their first child at age nineteen, two years before the average Southern white woman had hers . Slave women continue d havin g children a t two-and-a-half-year interval s unti l they reached the ag e of thirty-nine or forty. It bears repeatin g that thi s leve l of fertilit y i s what mad e Nort h America n slavery unique in the Western Hemisphere. In most other places slave owners relied heavily on purchasing new slaves from Africa . To say that slave owners depended on natural increase is not to say that they did not try hard to manipulate family formation. In addition to the verbal prodding to encourage young women to reproduce, slave owners used more subtle techniques

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Children were given chores at an early age. Here, women and children work and play in front of their cabins during a break.

as part o f the management of their plantations. Fo r example, most, though b y no means all, pregnant and nursing women did less work and received more food than non-pregnant women . France s Kemble reported tha t o n he r husband' s Georgi a and South Carolina rice plantations, when children were born "certain additions of clothing an d a n additiona l weekly ration wer e bestowed upo n th e family. " If in ducements such as these were not sufficien t t o secure the cooperatio n o f the slave of childbearing age, the master alway s had recours e to punishment. Accordin g t o ex-slave Berry Clay, "a barren women was separated from he r husband an d usual ly sold." And it was not uncommo n fo r slaveholders to demand thei r mone y back for femal e slave s they had purchased who later proved incapable o f giving birth. Because mos t slave s themselves wanted a famil y life , the y activel y sought ou t their ow n mates and did what they could t o make the family a stable unit. It was hard, of course. The slave master's power was disruptive. Bu t it was the family that softened th e impac t o f that power. The famil y was the buffe r tha t stoo d betwee n the master an d the individual slave . Only in the eyes of the law and the master were slave marriages not binding. For

Let M y People G o 18 slaves who ha d chose n thei r ow n spouses , marriage vows were sacred. It di d no t matter that the ceremony was often a simple ritual, sometimes accompanied by the act of jumping over a broom to symbolize the beginning of domestic living together. For slaves, it was attended wit h reverence. And for good reason. The family gave the slave a point of reference that did no t begin and end with the master. It gave bonded men and women the role of parent. It gav e thei r childre n th e siblin g role , which evolve d int o th e role s o f aun t an d uncle. With th e family , slave s became provider s an d protector s fo r their spouse s and thei r children . I f parents wer e lucky enough t o surviv e into ol d ag e without being separated, and usuall y it was a mother survivin g with a daughter, then th e mother could count on her daughter's care. Clearly, family life happened within the constraints of slavery, but th e littl e roo m lef t b y the master' s dependenc e o n th e slave allowed it to happen nevertheless. Courtship patterns show how the slave community and the family absorbed s o much o f th e pai n an d desperatio n o f slavery . Fo r instance , durin g th e wee k th e clothes o f field workers were tattered an d dirty , but o n Sunday s slaves wore thei r best clothing. This made a real difference i n their otherwise dreary lives, especially the live s of slave women. O n Sunday s they wore dresses that ha d bee n packe d all week in sweet-smelling flowers an d herbs, dresses perfumed to attract the opposit e sex. Ex-slave Gus Feaster had pleasant remembrances of the women who "took their hair dow n oute n the strings, " wh o charme d th e me n "wi d honeysuckl e an d ros e petals hi d i n der e bosoms," an d wh o "dried chennyberrie s and painte d de m an d wo'em on a string around dere necks." If courtship allowe d for feminine expression , it also gave men the opportunity to demonstrate masculinity in a domain not con trolled b y the master . When thes e courtship ritual s resulted in marriage, the slave could count on an even greater variety of roles, not t o mention a new kind of companionship. From each other, slave husbands and wives could count on compassion. In what was, by necessity, an egalitarian marital relationship, both parent s provided what extras they could fo r each other, their children, and othe r relatives . As parents, slaves also educated their children. Part of that educatio n included teaching the children how to become good parents and providers when they grew older. Fathers took pride in teaching their sons how to trap wild turkeys and rabbits, how to ru n dow n an d catc h raccoons , ho w t o buil d canoe s ou t o f grea t oa k logs . Mothers taught their daughters how to quilt and sew, and hunt and fish, too. Bot h parents told their kids the animal stories that taught so many lessons about how to live in a cruel and uncertain world. And usually, at their own peril, both parents did what they could to sho w their children how to protect their own . A case in poin t involved the mother o f Fannie Moore. With pride , Moore recalled that i n the fac e of hatred fro m "d e old overseer," her mothe r stoo d u p fo r her childre n and would not let them be beaten. For that "she get more whippin . .. dan anythin' else." Lest we err on the side of idealism, it should be remembered tha t for all the goo d the famil y could do for the slave it could also be a source of heartbreak and di d in

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When the owner of these slaves moved to Europe, he auctioned off his slaves individually. Slave families lived with the constant fear that they could be torn apart or sold away from one another at any moment.

Let M y People G o 18 fact lessen resistance to the master. Few men who had romantic relationships with women escape d without wounde d pride, enduring anger, and a diminished sens e of manhood. Louis Hughes stood stark still, blood boiling, as his master choked his wife fo r talking back to the mistress . His wife wa s subsequently tied t o a joist in a barn an d beate n whil e h e stoo d powerles s t o d o anythin g fo r her . Th e famil y was also the scene of domestic violence. When Ellen Botts's mother showe d u p i n the kitchen o f a sugar plantation with a lump o n her head i t was because he r hot tempered husband ha d put i t there. And for all that parents could do for their offspring, they could not shield them from the painful realities of perpetual servitude, from the whip, or from th e knowledge that whateve r instructions they gave them, masters and mistresses had the ultimate authority. And yet in the slave's view, the family, with all that could go wrong with it, was the most important unit on the plantation. So much so that when family member s were separated by sale or death, unrelated members of the slav e community fille d in as kin. If a child was left motherless or fatherless an aunt or uncle or close friend "adopted" the child an d became its mother o r father. Older communit y member s became grandparent s to childre n wh o ha d none . When me n fro m Uppe r Sout h slave state s lik e Virginia an d Nort h Carolin a wer e sol d t o th e ne w Lower Sout h states o f Mississippi, Alabama, and Arkansa s they created brothers an d sister s of slaves who, like themselves, had been separated from thei r real family. Always there was thi s familia l bonding, alway s the searc h fo r a n identit y tha t mad e th e slav e more than a beast of burden. The slave's sacred world, reflected i n song, music, religion, and fol k beliefs, was another space African Americans created apart from th e realm of the slave master. Like the family, the sacred world put distanc e between th e master an d the slave. It prevented legal slavery from taking over the soul. Even more than the family, which could afte r all be split apart and affected i n other ways by whites, the sacred world , the world that grew from th e spirit, inhabited a n untouchable sphere . But as they did with the slave's family, slaveholders trie d t o control it and use it to thei r advantage . They especially tried t o us e religion a s a means of social con trol. "You will find," wrote Thomas Affleck i n his instructions t o overseers, "that an hour devote d ever y Sabbath mornin g to [slaves' ] mora l an d religiou s instructio n would prov e a great aid to you in bringing about a better stat e of things amongs t the Negroes. " From the slaveholder' s point o f view a better stat e o f things mean t more obedience, less stealing, more hard work. Slave testimony reveals that white preachers alway s stresse d thes e points. Hanna h Scot t resente d it : "Al l he sa y is 'bedience to de white folks, and we hears 'nough o f dat without him tellin' us." The religion the masters ordered for the slave was not only meant to directly control th e slave; it was also an attemp t t o mak e slavery safer an d legitimate . It was no mer e coincidence tha t master s bega n hirin g preacher s i n grea t number s aroun d 1830 , the sam e time tha t th e pro-slaver y argumen t wa s pushed wit h greate r intensity . Both eased the sometimes troubled min d of the slave master. Religious instruction

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A plantation owner and his family attend church services with their slaves. Slaveholders tried to use religion as a tool to more fully dominate the lives of their slaves.

gave slaveholders the mean s of imparting their own code of morality, while it also gave them a way to prove to themselves that they were really trying to uplift thos e they had declared barbaric heathens. The thought that religion could make slavery safer by making slaves less rebellious was an additional source of psychic comfort. For master s who feare d tha t slav e ownershi p damme d thei r ow n souls , the reli gious instructio n the y gav e thei r slave s was the mean s b y which the y hope d t o redeem themselves. Masters made similar use of other aspects of the slave's sacred world. Slave song, for instance, was taken by them and their families as evidence of the slaves' happiness. On some plantations the slave's music even became the centerpiece o f entertainment, with blacks asked to perform their spirituals and play their instrument s before invited white guests. These performances lent the appearance o f master and slave locked in harmonious bliss, each content with their status and rank, each satisfied with their particular "place. " Appearances, though , wer e deceiving, especially to th e master . Slav e religion , and the song that was an integral part of it, reflected a world the master could no t see. They were the outward manifestation of a worldview possessed by black people. Together with folk beliefs and slave tales, religion and music demonstrated no t that slaves were content, nor tha t slavery was safe. The sacred world o f black people demonstrated the indomitable strength of the spirit .

Let M y People G o 18 Christianity i s a prime example . I t wa s given t o slave s one way , but digeste d another. African American s took a t face value the ide a that all men wer e equal i n the sight o f God. Because they did, they could no t take seriously the white preach er's text "slave s obe y you r masters. " If God wa s the all-powerfu l Maste r wit h n o one, not eve n the slave master, abov e Him, an d if all men and women wer e God's children, without regar d to ran k an d statio n i n life , the n al l God's childre n wer e equal, white and black alike. All, including the slave owner, had to answer to a higher authority. Slaves believed that th e slaveholder, not th e slave , was the sinner , and the Bible gave them the evidence that they were right. Hadn't Go d sent Moses to deliver the Israelites ou t o f bondage? Had h e no t punishe d th e Egyptian s for enslavin g hi s chosen people? Had he not sen t his son, lesus, to redeem the world, an d was not Jesus, like the slave , a humble sufferer , a servant? By identifying wit h the Israelite s and with Jesus , the slav e turned the maste r int o the sinne r an d gav e himself th e inner strengt h that flowe d fro m th e belief in his own salvation in the next world . In his everyday world, this inner strength gav e the slave enough psychi c freedom to resist becoming completely subservient to white people. The deliverance slaves prayed for was not just for the next world. They wanted to be free in this world, and many of the sacred songs contained elements of protest and message s of liberation. Fo r example, when Frederic k Douglass, and man y of his fello w slaves , sang "O Canaan , swee t Canaan , / I a m boun d fo r th e lan d o f Canaan," they were singing not onl y about someda y goin g to heaven , but abou t reaching the North. The North wa s also the implied destinatio n i n the song "Run to Jesus, shun th e danger, /1 don't expec t to stay much longe r here." In the sam e vein, when slaves sang "Steal Away to Jesus," they were just as likely to be announc ing a secret worship service as they were to be talking about salvation. The service, under th e directio n o f preachers Africa n Americans themselve s chose , gav e slaves a sense of independence, a kind o f freedom, and th e courag e to resist and escap e slavery altogether. Folk beliefs, anothe r crucia l part o f the slaves ' sacred world, also instilled thi s sense of freedom an d resistance. Although most whites, and some slaves, generally found belief s i n fortune tellers, witches, magic signs, and conjurer s to be a t odd s with Christianity, for most slaves there was no gap between the two. The same slave who believed fervently in Jesus Christ could also believe that the dead returned t o the livin g in spiritua l visitations, that childre n bor n wit h teet h o r a s twins cam e under a n ominous sign, that conjuring cause d insanity an d other illness . In slav e folk religio n sign s were important. A screech owl' s cr y wa s a sig n o f death tha t could be countered b y turning shoe s upside dow n a t a door, or turning one's pocket s insid e out ; a black cat crossing one's pat h was bad luc k unless on e spit o n the spot where the paths met . Many slaves believed tha t a cross-eyed per son could bring on a spell unless one crossed one's fingers an d spat on them .

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Dreams were also taken seriously. A former Sout h Carolina slave reported tha t he dreame d h e sa w his thre e uncle s skinnin g a co w an d cuttin g i t ope n whil e women and children sat around crying. When he told his mother about the dream she told him that fresh meat in a dream was a sign of death. "Sure enough that very evening Uncl e Pete r Pric e died." According t o th e forme r slave , his dreams cam e true so often tha t th e olde r people o n hi s plantation use d his dreams as a way of predicting the future . And i n a way predicting was what folk belief s wer e all about. Slaves lived in a world over which they had little control. For them, life held so many uncertainties , so little that was predictable. Folk beliefs provided a way of imposing order on a n unstable environment. Lik e Christianity, slave folk belief s coul d not b e controlle d by whites and therefore became another source of strength. Although al l slaves could mak e us e o f thi s power , conjurer s were the peopl e believed t o hav e a specia l gif t fo r readin g sign s an d dreams , at effectin g chang e through the use of spells, herb mixtures, and charms. African i n origin, conjuring survived whit e attempt s to eliminat e it. Most slave s feared conjurer s a s much as they feare d th e maste r becaus e they believed that thes e me n an d wome n coul d bring about all manner of bad or good luck. They could make mean master s kind and kind masters mean, prevent or cause whippings, separations, illness, or death, ensure love and happiness or friction and hate. They were especially known for the evil they could do. Rather than submit to the cures of white medical doctors brought in by masters, African American s usually preferred t o trea t thei r ow n illnesse s and mak e their own medicines. They had good reason. Because early nineteenth-century medicine was hardly an exact science, the medical practitioners' treatment was likely to be as successful a s that applie d b y black root an d her b doctors . Slave s looked t o thei r own when they were sick or in need o f spiritual guidance. Because they did, the y strengthened their own community and gave men and women a chance to gain status in their own group. Without their community to confirm an d reinforce their families, religion, and folk beliefs , the individua l slave s would hav e had onl y the master' s definitio n o f their existence . As it was, slave children di d lear n a t a n earl y age that the y were among th e world' s wea k and powerless . But through th e slav e tales they learned how to survive and circumvent the powerful. They belonged to a community that, though powerless , put psychologica l spac e betwee n themselve s an d th e white s around them. Fit for Freedom Sometime around 1833 , Frederick Douglass looked out across the Chesapeake Bay with his mind bent on freedom . He asked himself , "O why was I born a man, of whom t o make a brute!" The more he thought, the more he knew he wanted his freedom:

Let My People Co

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The Fugitive's Song was composed in 1845 as a tribute to Frederick Douglass, who had escaped from slavery in 1833 to become a revered abolitionist, newspaper editor, and lecturer.

Why am I a slave? I will run away . I will not stan d it. Get caught or get clear. I'll try it 1 have only one life to lose. I had as well be killed running as die standing.... It cannot be that I shall live and die a slave.

For all the million s o f slaves who a t one time o r anothe r ha d thes e thoughts , only about a thousand a year actually acted o n them. Thi s i s because escape was incredibly difficult. Slaves like Douglass, who were in the Upper South, close to fre e states, stoo d th e bes t chanc e o f success . Those clos e t o souther n citie s als o ha d

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a good chance, for if they escaped to a n urban area they could become lost i n its hustle and bustle , as well as in its free blac k community. Slaves who accompanie d their master s and mistresse s on northern trip s were also likely runaways, but lik e any slave they had to have the will to run. This will had to be more powerful than the fear of a brutal whipping o r sale away from famil y and loved ones, more pow erful eve n than the fea r of death. Douglass found he had the needed will when one day he refused to be whipped. His master had hired hi m out for a year to a man named Edwar d Covey, who was widely known for his ability to break the spirit of unruly slaves. Covey had almos t succeeded in working and beating Douglass into the most abjec t obedience when Douglass b y chance visited a conjurer , who gav e him a roo t repute d t o preven t whippings. As he was told t o do , Douglass kept the roo t i n his right pocket. The next time Covey tried to beat him he seized Covey around the throat, flung him to the ground, declared that he would no longer be treated as a brute, and fought off the other slaves Covey got to assist him. The fight continued fo r two hours, but i n the end Douglass won out ove r Covey, and he was never again whipped by him o r any other white man . The victory Douglas s won over Cove y was small compare d t o the on e he had won over his own fear. As he put it, "I felt as I never felt before.... My long crushe d spirit rose , cowardice departed, bol d defianc e too k it s place; an d I now resolve d that, however long I might remain a slave in form, the day had passed forever when I coul d b e a slav e in fact. " Fou r years later, Douglass escaped fro m slaver y an d found hi s way to New York. But the records of slavery show that few fled slavery as Douglass did. Fewer still participated i n large-scale rebellions aimed a t overthrowing the institution. Ther e were, however, many slaves who took a stand against their servitude, who somehow managed t o be slaves in form but no t i n fact . Thes e wer e men an d wome n wh o resisted th e worst aspect s o f slavery. Some, like Douglass, refuse d to be whipped; some ran awa y for short periods of time. Some feigned ignorance o f how to do a particular chor e and others feigned illnes s rather than wor k to the limits that th e master wanted. Still others used individual acts of violence to counter the author ity of the master. Unlike running away, this kind o f resistance only separated the slav e from th e worst aspects of slavery. Its end was not liberty , just release from som e of slavery's misery. However, like the slav e family, slave Christianity, and fol k religion , it nevertheless helpe d Africa n American s surviv e thi s mos t inhuma n institution . Re sistance of all types proved that black people were fit for freedom. Whatever other circumstance cam e together in the life of a slave to make him or her commi t a n ac t of individual resistance , on e thin g i s for sure: The slav e who resisted di d no t stan d i n perpetua l abjec t fea r o f their master , no r di d th e slav e completely lose those qualities that made him or her a whole human being. Slaves

Let M y People C o 19 who stole extra food, for example, cared enough about their own well-being to def y the slaveholders' rationing system. Slaves who risked their lives in their struggle not to be whipped were making a personal statement about their self-esteem and individual honor. Women who kicked and clawed their sexua l abusers made eloquent statements abou t thei r persona l dignity . Thes e individua l act s of resistance wer e attempts to retain or take back some control over lives that were by law assigned to someone else. Nowhere is this more apparent than the attempts by some slaves to get enough to eat. The usual fare o n most farm s and plantations fro m Virginia to Mississippi was salt pork and cornmeal. Whe n they could, slaves supplemented thi s with vegetables grown i n thei r ow n gardens , and mea t an d fis h the y caught . Most slave s needed mor e and mos t stol e what they needed. Many did no t vie w stealing from the master as something sinful. Whether they stole clothing, money, crops, or food , slaves often justified their actions with the argument that not only had they worked for th e goods , bu t the y were simpl y movin g the m fro m on e part o f the master' s property to another . This thinking wa s especially obvious durin g the Civi l War. Those who fle d t o Union troops taking their master's goods with them fel t that the promised time of retribution had arrived . Souther n mistres s Adel e Pettigru Allsto n probably mad e an accurate assessmen t o f the slave's attitude when she complained: "Th e conduc t of the negroes in robbing our house, store room, meat house, etc., and refusing t o restore anything shows you they think it right to stea l from us , to spoi l us , as the Israelites did the Egyptians." Many slaves did no t wai t unti l the Civi l War to ac t this way . Besides stealing , they burned gin houses, barns, corncribs, an d smokehouses. Som e slaves used poison or outrigh t physical forc e t o kill their masters. Capture always meant certain death, but they did it nonetheless. To guard against violence, especially that which could lead to large-scale rebellions, slaveholders created the slave patrols. These were groups of white males, usually o f th e lowe r classes , calle d togethe r t o loo k fo r runaways , to preven t slave gatherings, and generall y ensure the safet y o f the whit e community. Since slaves were not allowed to travel the countryside without a pass from their master, a principal task o f the patrols wa s to enforc e th e pas s system. This the y ofte n di d wit h excessive brutality, administering beating s o n th e authorit y give n them b y slaveholders who used the patrol system as a way of binding all whites together against all blacks. Despite the patrol system slaves resisted. They used passes written by the few in their own group who could rea d and write. They sheltered runaway s in their cabins, and they laid traps that tripped u p patrollers' horses . Some slaves just stood and fought. Some found the courage to escape, and many more found the will to try. Georgia slave John Brown ran awa y several times before

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he finally succeeded. One time he got as far as Tennessee; another time, thinking he was going north, he traveled almost al l of the wa y on foo t t o New Orleans. Each time h e was captured h e was whipped, chained , an d ha d bell s attache d t o him . Over and over again he escaped until he finally reached Indiana. Aunt Cheyney of the Kilpatrick cotton plantation i n Mississippi was not s o fortunate, however. She was one of her master's mistresses and had recently given birth to the fourth of her master's children when she ran away. Kilpatrick set his dogs on her trail. When the y caught u p wit h he r h e ordere d the m t o attack . Accordin g t o he r frien d Mar y Reynolds, "The dog s tore her naked an d e t the breasts plumb of f her body. " This served as a punishment fo r Cheyney, but i t was also Kilpatrick's way of warning all slaves, especially women, agains t runnin g away. However muc h Africa n American s were haunte d b y thes e kind s o f horrors , there were still those wh o would no t b e stopped . Th e storie s o f escape reveal as much relentless perseveranc e a s they do ingenuity. Henry "Box" Brown, for exam ple, was carried for twenty-seven hours from Richmon d to Philadelphia b y Adams Express in a box three feet lon g and tw o fee t deep . He literally mailed himsel f t o freedom. The light-skinned Elle n Craft escape d by pretending to be a sickly white man travelin g in the company of his slave. The slave in attendance wa s in fact he r darker-skinned husban d William . Together the tw o traveled by stagecoach, boat , and trai n fro m Georgi a to Philadelphia . They stopped a t some of the bes t hotel s along th e way , and Elle n eve n converse d wit h slaveholder s abou t th e troubl e o f runaway slaves. The person who seemed to give the South the most runawa y trouble, though , was Harriet Tubman. She was born a slave some time around 182 1 on Maryland' s Eastern Shor e and live d i n slavery for twenty-eight years . Like most slaves in this Upper Sout h region, Tubman lived in drea d o f being sold t o th e Dee p South. I n 1849, when she learned that she was indeed going to be sold, she joined the thou sands of others who took to the woods and stole themselves. What made her unique is that she returned, not once but many times, to rescu e others, includin g he r sister , her sister' s tw o children , an d he r parents . Give n th e identification o f African American s with th e Israelite s it should com e as no sur prise that Tubman was called "Moses." And given the way African Americans used their religion to speak about freedom , it is also not surprisin g that when Tubma n said, "Tell my brothers to be always watching unto prayer, an d when the good ship Zion comes along, to be ready t o step o n board" this was her signa l to leave, not fo r heaven, but fo r freedom. It is said tha t sh e returned ninetee n time s an d rescue d more than thre e hundred slaves . She was so good a t what she did tha t Marylan d planters offered a forty-thousand-dollar bounty for her capture . Slaveholders wante d t o catc h Tubma n abou t a s much a s they wanted t o pu t an end to the Underground Railroad . This network o f hiding place s run by opponents of slavery provided th e slaves fortunate enough to us e it with food, shelter,

Let M y People C o 19 money, clothing, and disguises. A black man, William Still , an officer o f the Phila delphia Vigilanc e Committee , wa s th e movin g forc e behin d th e Undergroun d Railroad. He wrote of Harriet Tubman that sh e was "a woman o f no pretensions, " and "in point of courage, shrewdness, and disinterested exertions to rescue her fel lowman, she was without equal. " In general women had a harder time escaping than men because they were more reluctant t o leave without their children. At the same time, it was the fea r of losing them that often provided the incentive to flee. Escaping alone was difficult enough ; escaping with children was close to impossible. There is no question that male runaways regretted leaving their wives and children behind, but women, it seems, suffered a special agony when faced with suc h a decision. Truancy seems to have been the way many slave women reconcile d their desir e to fle e wit h thei r nee d t o stay . Men too practice d truancy , bu t wome n mad e th e most likely truants because they nursed and were directly responsible fo r their chil dren. Former slave Benjamin Johnson remembered that sometime s when wome n would not take a whipping they "would ru n awa y an' hide in de woods. Sometimes dey would come back afte r a short sta y an' den dey would have to put d e hound s on dere trail to bring dem back home." Women's short-ter m flight was by no means a reflection of their lesser courag e or greate r accommodatio n t o slavery . Truants face d punishmen t whe n the y re turned, punishment man y braved over and over again. Moreover, truancy involved as much dange r a s running away . As Johnson's commen t indicates , dog s hunte d them down, and the woods and swamps they hid in held all kinds of dangers. Rather tha n reflectin g a lesser danger , o r leve l of courage , what truanc y mir rored wa s the differen t slav e experiences o f men an d women, an d therefore thei r different way s of resisting. Fo r example, th e divisio n o f labor o n mos t farms an d plantations conferre d greater mobility o n males than o n femal e slaves . Few of th e chores performed by female slave s took them of f the plantation . Usuall y masters chose their mal e slaves to assist in the transportation o f crops to market, and th e transport of supplies and other materials to the plantation. More male than femal e slaves were artisan s an d craftsmen , an d this made i t more difficul t to hire out a female slav e than a male slave. Fewer female slaves therefore had a chance t o vary their work experience. As a consequence, more men than wome n were able to test their survival skills under differen t circumstances . Another facto r affectin g slav e mobility was the "abroad marriage," a union be tween slaves who resided at different locations. When "abroad" spouses visited each other, usually once a week, it was most often the husband who traveled to the wife. All in all, it was female bondage, more than male bondage, that meant bein g tied to the immediate environment of the plantation o r farm. For these reasons, female slaves much more than male slaves just "stayed put. " By and large, though, women did resist in subtle ways. For instance, they "played

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To Make Our World Anew the fool" more than men. I n other words , i n order to avoid doin g som e onerou s chore, they would smile humbly and pretend to misunderstand instructions given by the master, mistress, or overseer. The use of poison also suited women because they officiated a s cooks and nurses on the plantation. As early as 1755 a Charleston slave woman was burned at the stake for poisoning he r master, and in 176 9 a special issue of the South Carolina Gazette carried the story of a slave woman who had poisoned her master's infant child. Since the slave's objective was not to get caught we will never really know just how many whites were ushered by slave women t o an early grave. We also will never kno w how many instances o f illness wer e actually ruse s t o escape backbreaking labor . Women had a n advantage ove r men i n this realm be cause childbearin g wa s a primar y expectatio n tha t slav e owner s ha d o f slav e women. In an age where women's diseases were still shrouded i n mystery, getting the maximum amount of work from wome n of childbearing age while remaining confident tha t n o damag e was done t o thei r reproductiv e organ s was a guessing game that few white slave owners wanted t o play or could affor d t o lose. In deference to their "mysterious" conditions, women, especially those of childbearing age, were seldom designated as able-bodied workers. Unlike healthy young and middleaged me n wh o wer e considered ful l hands , women, depending o n thei r stag e of pregnancy and their frequency of nursing, were labeled three-quarte r hands , hal f hands, or quarter hands. Men could and did feign illness. But since women did, in fact, have more sickness because of menstruation an d childbirth , they were more likely to get away with it. Whether the y also got away with birth contro l an d abortio n i s something we will never know. Few nineteenth-century women , white or black, were ignorant o f the way s and mean s o f avoiding pregnancy . Th e decline i n th e birthrat e amon g white Americans from 7.0 4 in 180 0 to 3.56 by the ev e of the twentiet h centur y is evidence of the use of birth control, including abortion. For white women, particularly those of the urban middle classes, a small family had its benefits, not the least of which was the lower ris k of dying in childbirth and th e abilit y to spend mor e time with an individual child . The slave woman, however, had no suc h benefit. In fact , though she, like other nineteenth-century women, approached pregnancy with fear and never had enough time to spen d with an y of her children , she risked sale if she remained childless . The risk notwithstanding , som e wome n jus t refuse d to have children. How they managed t o stay childless, what method s o f birth control they used, and th e frequency of abortion , remaine d secret s that wer e virtually exclusive to th e femal e world of the slave quarters. Though fe w slave women divulge d thes e secrets , slaveholders were convince d that black women knew how to avoid pregnancy and also how to bring o n a miscarriage. A Tennessee physician, Dr. John H. Morgan, wrote that slave women used the herbs of tansy and rue, the roots and seeds of the cotton plant, cedar berries, and

Let M y People G o 19 camphor t o bring about miscarriage, and Dr. E. M. Pendleton claimed that planters regularly complained of whole families of women who fail to have any children . More serious were the infrequent cases of infanticide. Women who chose to kill children they had risked their life having were clearly desperate. Yet they struck ou t at th e syste m wher e the y kne w i t woul d hurt , wher e the y kne w the y ha d rea l impact—in the increas e of the slave population. Tha t they hurt themselves mor e than the y hur t th e maste r ca n be assumed , fo r the y were either prosecute d an d hanged, or they suffered emotiona l distres s forever . If African Americans could have overthrown th e system that force d suc h tragic decisions, the y woul d have . Bu t black peopl e face d hopeles s odds . Unlik e othe r slaves i n othe r nation s i n th e Americas , black peopl e i n th e Unite d State s were overwhelmingly outnumbere d b y whites and grouped in small numbers o n plan tations that were miles apart. Whites had the guns, the ammunition, the horses, the dogs, and th e law . They ha d th e resource s to crus h an y revolt b y slaves, and th e slaves knew it. Resistance, therefore, was individual because it had to be; whites put down th e fe w large-scale rebellions an d planne d revolt s wit h a viciousness tha t served notice that revol t was futile. In spit e of the odd s and th e repression , rebellions did occur , and conspiracie s abounded. Amon g the firs t wa s the largest—a n uprisin g in 181 1 of close to fou r hundred slave s in St. Charles and St. John the Baptist parishes in Louisiana. Led by a slave named Charles Deslondes, the slaves sent whites fleeing their plantations for safety in New Orleans. Further east, in 181 7 and 181 8 blacks joined the Seminole Indians in their fight to keep their Florida homelands. To defend themselves, units of blacks and Indians raided plantations in Georgia, killing whites and carrying off slaves. Again in 183 5 blacks joined the Seminoles in their unsuccessful fight against the militia s of Florida, Georgia, and Tennessee . Seminole lands had continue d t o be haven s fo r runawa y slaves , and b y th e 1830 s Presiden t Andrew Jackso n wa s determined to eliminate these independent communitie s and seize all Indian lands for whit e slaveholders . B y that time , though , i t wa s har d t o cal l Seminol e lan d Indian territor y becaus e blacks an d Indian s ha d intermarrie d t o th e exten t tha t they were indistinguishable. Indeed, so many hundreds of blacks fought on the side of th e Seminole s tha t Unite d State s Genera l Thomas Jesu p declared : "This, you may be assured, is a negro, not a n Indian war." General Jesup understood wha t al l slaveholders knew—that resistanc e had al ways gone hand in hand with slavery. The century had begun with Gabriel Prosser's attempt to seize Richmond, and the year he died, 1800, was the year that Denmark Vesey bought hi s freedom from hi s master an d bega n his lif e a s a free man . That same year Nat Turner was born. Both men were to become the slaveholder's worst nightmare. Vesey wa s a fre e African-America n carpente r wh o worke d har d enoug h t o become no t jus t self-supportin g bu t relativel y wealth y b y th e standard s o f th e day. He was a proud, literate, free black man who hated slavery and hated to see his

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people bowing and scraping to whites. At age fifty-three he gathered around hi m trusted blac k men , bot h fre e an d slave , an d planne d t o captur e th e cit y o f Charleston. His followers were church leaders and craftsmen. One of them, Gullah Jack, wa s a conjurer . Fo r month s the y planne d thei r attac k o n th e arsena l a t Charleston an d on plantations surrounding the city. During this time they recruited slaves and free men who had the steady nerves to carry out the plan. Then, on a fateful da y in 1822 , they were betrayed. Betrayal meant capture, and capture meant death. Peter Poyas, one of Vesey's lieutenants, went to the galleys with the words of the spirituals on his lips. "Fear not," he told the blacks of Charleston, "the Lord God that delivered Daniel is able to deliver us. " Nat Turner believed himself to be the deliverer. He carried himself in the man ner of a messiah. Proud and self-confident, literate and articulate, he saw visions of God's deliveranc e of black people from bondage . H e fel t himsel f to be the Mose s who would lead his people out of bondage. Acting on that feeling, Turner led about seventy slaves in an assault o n the whites of Southampton, Virginia. In one of the most clear-cu t case s of slav e rebellio n tha t occurre d i n thi s country , Nat Turne r went from on e plantation t o the next killing whites. Hi s instructions t o his fello w insurrectionists were followed to the letter. They spared no one. Age and sex made no difference . In the end Nat Turner was caught. By the time his murder count reached around sixty, bands of white men caught up with his men and put down the revolt. Turne r took to the woods and managed to evade capture until most o f his men had been put t o death. As had happene d i n the Prosse r an d Vesey conspiracies, th e fea r o f insurrection sprea d across the Sout h with alarmin g speed , an d white s lashed ou t mercilessly a t blacks , especiall y thos e i n th e vicinit y o f th e rebellion . Anyon e suspected o f aidin g Turner was put t o death . All acts of disrespec t wer e taken as a direct challenge to white authority, and slaves who did not act in the most hum ble manner wer e punished severely , even killed. Black s were not allowe d t o hol d religious services or gather in groups at all. All blacks, slave and free , were watched by patrols wh o ha d thei r number s increase d an d firearm s ready . Th e messag e was clear. America was home t o th e fre e an d th e brave , bu t onl y fo r thos e wh o were white. Somewhere though, deep down, slaveholders understood tha t as long as slavery existed s o too would resistance . This is one of the reasons why nineteenth-centur y slaveholders tried t o improve th e material condition s o f the slaves . They thought that more food, better living quarters, an d fewer whippings woul d make slaves less rebellious and more content an d willing to bear all of slavery's burdens . African American s di d bear slavery' s burdens , bu t no t without resistance. The continuing struggl e against slavery created the psychic space black people neede d to survive , an d i t prove d t o contemporar y an d futur e generation s tha t thoug h enslaved, African Americans were fit for freedom.

Let M y People G o 19

A Different Kind of Freedom On April 8, 1816, April Ellison, a mulatto exper t cotto n gi n maker, stood wit h his white master, William Ellison, before a magistrate and fiv e freeholders of the Fairfield District o f South Carolina . I t was a solemn occasion . N o doubt every word , every movement became indelibly etched in April's mind, because it was the day of his manumission, th e day that he bought himsel f ou t of slavery. At that time, April was twenty-six years old. By the time he was thirty he had legally changed his name to William, had bought hi s wife, Matilda, an d his daughter, Eliza Ann, out o f slavery, and had free d them . H e had move d ou t o f the distric t o f his slave youth an d established himself as a free perso n of color in Stateburg, in the Sumpte r District. And h e had bough t tw o adult mal e slave s to hel p him i n his business. Two years later, in 1822 , he bought an acre of land, and two years after thi s he petitioned an d received permission fro m th e white members of Holy Cros s Episcopal Church t o worship with them o n the mai n floo r o f the vestry, away from th e slave s and fre e blacks who were confined t o the balcony . Elizabeth Hobbs , a n attractiv e mulatto , wa s born int o slaver y in 1818 , a year after Frederic k Douglass' s birth. She was born in Virginia, but in her teenage years she was sold furthe r sout h t o a North Carolin a maste r b y whom sh e had a son . Repurchased b y a membe r o f th e famil y tha t ha d sol d he r t o begi n with , sh e was taken t o St . Louis, Missouri, where she met an d marrie d a black man name d James Keckley. Though Keckle y told her that he was free, he was in fact a slave, and their lif e togethe r wa s a short one . Fa r more long-ter m i n it s consequences were Elizabeth Keckley's abilities as a seamstress, skills perfected at her mother's instruc tion when she was just a child. As a dressmaker in St. Louis, she was so good, an d so popular, that her customers offere d t o lend her the money to buy herself and her son out o f slavery. In 1855 , when sh e was thirty-seven year s old, Keckle y and he r son became free person s of color. After sh e learned to read and write and pai d off her loan, sh e returned east , first to Baltimor e then to Washington, D.C . In Washington, he r client s wer e among th e city' s elite , the mos t notabl e bein g Presiden t Lincoln's wife , Mary Todd, to whom sh e became a companion and friend. While Keckley was keeping the company of the First Lady, Sojourner Truth was aiding and nursin g refugee slave s fleeing the carnage of the Civil War. At the war' s beginning she was sixty-one years old and had in her lifetime been a housekeeper, a preacher, an abolitionist, an d a public speaker for women's rights. A dark-skinned woman, she had been born Isabella Bomefree about 1799 , and was freed i n 1827 by New York State law. Unlike Keckley or Ellison, Truth never learned to read or write, nor di d th e Sout h eve r hol d her a s a slave. Nonetheless sh e was eloquent in he r attacks against slavery, and more than anyone else of her time, she was steadfast i n her public defens e of black women . The lives of William Ellison , Elizabeth Keckley, and Sojourne r Truth tell us a lot

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A certificate signed by an Illinois county clerk was granted to a free black woman to certify her claim to freedom. Free blacks always had to keep such documents close by to avoid being sold into slavery by unscrupulous slave traders.

about th e lives of all blacks who were free during th e tim e o f slavery. More tha n anything else, their lives, and thos e of all free African Americans, reveal that black freedom an d white freedom were always very different. The reason for the different realitie s of black and white freedom was white prejudice. It was strong in the South, where ninety percent o f all blacks were slaves and a dark skin was a presumption o f bondage. It was equally strong in the North an d West where there was an abiding sentiment agains t both blacks and slavery . What

Let My People Co 201 Fanny Kemble, a well-traveled whit e woman, sai d of free blacks i n the North held true al l ove r th e country . "The y ar e no t slave s indeed , bu t the y ar e pariahs , debarred from ever y fellowship save with their own despised race— All hands are extended to thrust them out , all fingers poin t a t their dusk y skin, al l tongues ... have learned to turn the very name of their race into an insult and a reproach." That som e Africa n American s had a heritag e o f freedo m tha t predate d th e American Revolutio n was of far less significance t o whites than th e fac t tha t the y were black. As the nineteent h centur y progressed and th e countr y move d close r and closer to the Civil War, a dark skin carried the presumption of slavery in both the North and the South. More and more , free black s had to prove that they were not slaves. This was a burden that no white person carried, because white skin color carried with i t the presumption of freedom. After th e American Revolution, the fre e blac k population numbere d 59,00 0 in 1790 an d gre w t o 488,00 0 b y th e ev e o f th e Civi l War . Thes e number s wer e increased by blacks born o f fre e mothers , includin g thos e o f white wome n wit h black partners, and free mulatto immigrants from th e West Indies, especially those who fled Haiti after th e 179 0 slave revolt led by Toussaint L'Ouverture. Every year natural increase added to their numbers . When newl y freed black s chose their new names, they sometimes picked those that reflected their complexion. There were thus many Browns and Blacks among the freed population. Sometimes the name reflected their occupation. For example, the literal meaning of Sojourner Truth is traveling preacher. Indeed, Truth's oratorical skills were renowned an d she used the m i n the cause of Christianity as well as abolitionism and women' s rights . Henr y Mason , for example , was a bricklayer, Charles Green was a gardener, and Thomas Smith could have been a blacksmith or a silversmith. Other former slaves chose the names of liberty. There were names like lustice, and many chose the name Freeman as a mark of their new identity. In addition t o signifying a new identity, the name chosen by these free me n an d women reflecte d thei r evaluatio n of their chances of success. Those who took th e name of their craft, for instance, probably felt good about prospering economically. The fe w like William Ellison , wh o too k thei r master' s name , n o doub t sa w advantages in their choices, too. In a world where black skin was inhibiting, white men could ease the way to economic independence. Ellison knew this. His business making cotton gins was built a s much o n his own skills as on the Ellison name , a name associated with one of the wealthiest planters in a region where such wealthy planters had a need for his skill and product . More than keepin g his master's name , Ellison als o kep t hi s attachment t o hi s master by staying fairly close to him, something most freed slave s avoided. Ellison's choice no doubt had a lot to do with the fact that his master was probably also his father. Though he did mov e about fift y mile s to anothe r town , this was far less of a mov e tha n tha t mad e b y man y free d people . O f course , runaways had t o flee because thei r live s depende d o n it . Bu t legall y emancipated slave s als o lef t th e

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area where they had been enslaved. Some just needed to test their mobility as a way of demonstrating their liberty. Others migrated to areas where they knew they had friends and family . Still others left for only a shor t while , returnin g because o f th e familiarity they had with the area and the people. Abov e all , the y trie d t o ge t ou t from under their former master's supervision. The best way to do that was to move. And yet , for black Americans freedom did no t mea n tota l liberty . Thos e wh o moved t o rura l area s found it difficul t t o make freedo m wor k fo r them . I n th e South, rural free black s who were not at tached to plantations as carpenters, blacksmiths, coopers, and the like, rented land, equipment, an d supplie s an d tried t o eke A badge issued to a freed black living in Charleston, out a living by growing and sellin g their South Carolina. Both freed blacks and slaves were crops. Ver y fe w wer e successful . Whit e required to wear these identification badges. landowners charge d exorbitan t rate s fo r the renta l of land an d just one mediocre harves t could pu t a free blac k family far into debt. African American s in this situation wer e forced t o g o to priso n or , to meet their debts, sign over their future crop s to the landowner. In either case they became peons, people tied to the land. They either had to work forever for the person whose land they rented o r be imprisoned. If they went to jail they were subse quently hired out and forced t o work for the person th e authorities had sold thei r labor to, to person s willing to pay their debts . Either way many rural fre e black s found themselves in virtual servitude. Faced with the choice of renting land under such unfavorable circumstances or signing labor contracts, most rural free blacks opted for the latter. But this too pu t them in slavelik e circumstances. Most contract s specified tha t fre e Negroe s wor k according to the same rules governing slave hands. Thus when Aaron Griggs hired himself to a Louisiana planter he pledged "to work as one of the hands of the plantation." He pledged als o not to leave the plantation during hi s term of service, "to go out to the fields at the same hours with the people of the plantation & to work with the plantation overseer." In all likelihood Griggs got the same amount o f food and clothin g as the slaves , but sinc e h e had t o pa y for them a t prices se t by his employer he found himself at the end of the year in debt t o the very person wh o he had worked for like a slave. Free blacks who succeeded in the rural South were the rare exception. William Ellison fall s int o thi s category . His skil l a s a gin make r mad e hi m indispensabl e

Let M y People G o 20 to white planters. He was therefore able to make freedom work for him. But Ellison also ha d othe r advantages . He was light skinned, and whites , especiall y those i n the Lower South, showed a definite tolerance for blacks who were close to them in skin color . It was not jus t a matter o f standard s o f beauty. A light colo r signifie d a birth connection t o a white person . Although ther e were enough whites who believed that one drop of Negro blood made one a Negro, there were also many white men who had fathered mulattoes, and some white women who had given birth to them. These white parents were often reluctan t to leave their children totally exposed t o racist hostility . The y thu s protecte d the m b y providin g fo r som e educatio n o r training in a trade. The industriousness of these free person s of color made some white South Carolinians fee l saf e i n their presence. As a group of white men wh o signed an 182 2 Charleston petitio n put it , mulattoes were "a barrier between ou r own color and that of the black." For sure, Ellison made the mos t o f this sentiment. Records show, for instance, that h e was probably the so n eithe r of his master o r o f his master's father . I t was this blood connection that saved him from becoming an ordinary field hand on the cotton plantation s owne d by his relatives. That h e took th e nam e of his masters, and identified with them in every way, even to the extent of holding slaves, is quite understandable. Since most fre e black s lacked Ellison's advantages, they had t o fin d othe r ways of surviving. In both the North an d the South th e cities held mor e opportunitie s for African Americans than rural areas did. This is where most of the unskilled jobs were, and since , unlike Keckley or Ellison , most fre e Africa n American s were un skilled laborers, the city was the place to fin d work . It wa s also a place to fin d othe r free blacks and begi n the tas k o f makin g ne w friends and building a new life. In the cities free blacks had more choices than they had in rural areas. There they could join a black church and worship the way they wanted. They could send their children to a school set up by that church or the school established by the benevolent society to which they might also belong. In the city they could hold celebrations. They could go to the grog shops or bars, or attend a show, or even bury their dead in a service under their own direction. They could do so, moreover, away from the constant supervising eyes of white slaveholders. Small wonder the n tha t by 1860 , on the ev e of the Civi l War, free black s could be described as the most urba n of all of America's people. In the South more than a third of the free black population dwelle d in cities or towns, although only fiftee n percent o f th e white s an d abou t fiv e percent o f th e slave s lived i n cities . In th e North, Boston , New York, Cincinnati, and Philadelphi a held the bul k of th e fre e black population. Opportunities prevailed in antebellum urban America but not without struggle. As in rural areas, blacks faced obstacles . Everywhere they turned they encountered white suspicion, competition, an d hostility. Opposition t o them was so fierce, and

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their freedom was so restricted, that like free rural African Americans it is more apt to describe their condition no t a s free but a s quasi-free. Most cities and states , in fact, tried hard to limit the size of the fre e black population, and where possible, to eliminate it. This effort began early in the 1800 s and could b e traced t o the waning o f the revolutionary fervor over liberty, the ris e of cotton, and the resulting demand fo r slaves. Specifically, as the nation settle d into its growing-u p stage, and as its econom y became mor e and mor e fuele d by the money made from cotto n production , anythin g that threatene d slavery, the insti tution upo n which cotton production wa s based, was perceived as dangerous. By white standards, therefore, fre e black s were dangerous. The y threatened to disrupt the existing order because they contradicted the pro-slavery argument that Negroes could not survive without white supervision. They also threatened slavery because they had a vested interest in slavery's elimination. Not only did most have bitter memorie s of their time in slavery , but mos t ha d relative s or friend s stil l i n bondage. Moreover , as long a s slaver y existed, an d a s long a s most black s were slaves, all blacks wer e presumed slaves , even free blacks. Free African American s therefore had every reason to want—and work toward—slavery's elimination . Antebellum white s had a totally differen t mindset . I n th e North , South , an d West, whites who wer e skilled artisan s and commo n worker s feared fre e Africa n Americans. Thanks to the 182 0 Missouri Compromise, slavery was outlawed north of the 36t h parallel. Northern an d western white laborers, therefore, did not hav e to compet e agains t slave labor, a competition the y could neve r win because they could not sell their labor as cheaply as the slave who, of course, worked for nothing . The free black, though, was a formidable competitor because discrimination forced African Americans to sell their labor for less than it was worth. It was in the white laborer's interest, therefore, to eliminate all black competition howeve r he could. One way he did this was by refusing to work alongside blacks. Frederick Douglas s ran int o this problem when, as a fugitive fro m slavery , he moved to New Bedford, Massachusetts, an d sough t wor k a s a caulker . Employer s woul d no t hir e hi m because they risked losing all their white employees. As Douglass explained, "I was told b y a n anti-slaver y shipbuilder there , who ha d a vessel on th e stock s t o b e caulked, that i f he should eve n venture to send me on that ship, every white ma n would leave him, and he could not get her ready for sea. Go where I would, I could not ge t employment a t my trade." Ex-slav e carpente r Henr y Boy d had a simila r experience in Cincinnati. After day s of unsuccessful job hunting , he finally found an Englishma n who woul d hir e him . Whe n h e entere d th e shop , though , "th e workmen threw down their tools, and declared that he should leave or they would. 'They would never work with a nigger.'" Laws restricting the movement and rights of free blacks were as effective a s such impromptu attempt s to limit the freedom o f African Americans. In the South fre e blacks were forced t o carry certificates of freedom o n their person. If caught without one there was the danger of being claimed as a slave. In many places free blacks

Let My People Co had t o registe r with th e polic e o r cour t authorities . Sout h Carolina , fo r instance, required fre e peopl e o f colo r betwee n th e age s of sixteen an d sixt y to pa y a twodollar tax each year. The tax enabled whites to know who was free an d wher e fre e blacks lived. Like other Souther n states , South Carolin a also prohibited th e migra tion o f fre e black s into the state , as well as the emancipatio n o f slaves. These laws aimed to reduce the number o f free blacks, and they did so very effectively . A host o f othe r law s were passed t o curtai l the right s o f Souther n fre e blacks. When fre e Africa n American s me t i n an y numbers , eve n i n church , the y wer e required t o hav e a white person i n attendance. Souther n laws also set curfews fo r black gatherings . Black s wer e widel y exclude d fro m publi c park s an d buria l grounds, relegated to the balconies o f theaters and opera houses , and barred fro m hotels an d restaurants . Of all the Souther n state s onl y Maryland, Tennessee, and North Carolina gav e free blacks the vote, but b y 1835 all had repeale d this right. To add insult to injury, no Southern court allowed them t o serve on juries or give testimony i n cour t agains t whites. And , if convicted o f an y crime, the punishmen t meted out to them was always more sever e than tha t give n to whites convicte d of the sam e crime . Fre e black s face d publi c whipping s and , mos t ominou s of all , enslavement, a fate whites never suffered . Conditions i n the non-slaveholdin g states were slightly better bu t go t worse as one traveled fro m th e Northeas t t o the Northwest . Slavery had been outlawe d i n the state s o f Ohio , Indiana, Illinois , Wisconsin, an d Michiga n b y the Northwes t Ordinance o f 1787 , but white s there were still prejudiced against blacks. As in th e South, skilled laborer s were especially fearful o f black competition. T o discourage black migration , Northwester n an d Wester n state s alik e passed blac k code s tha t resembled th e restrictiv e law s of slavery . Lik e Souther n state s the y als o require d blacks to register their certificates of freedom at a county clerk's office, but her e fre e blacks had to pay a bond of five hundred o r one thousand dollar s guaranteeing that they would not distur b th e peace or become a public charge. Illinois, Indiana, and Oregon actually excluded black migrants altogether . Conditions fo r fre e blacks were probably the best in the Northeast , but eve n in these states restrictions were intolerable. Most qualified blac k voters lost the vot e and social custom kept them off juries. What the law did not do , mob violence did. Blacks in Philadelphi a suffere d th e fur y o f the mo b a s early as 1805, when dozen s of white citizens turned o n those gathered for a Fourth of July ceremony and drov e them away from the festivities with a torrent of curses. During the 1830 s and 1840s , riots occurred agai n in Philadelphia, and also in New York, Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, and Providence. In each case white mobs burned and looted black churches, meeting halls, and homes, and beat, stoned, and even murdered black citizens. To survive, most Africa n American s found a way to work aroun d whit e preju dice. Nowhere i n th e Unite d State s wa s this easy . In th e Northeast , employmen t opportunities i n the emerging industries wen t almost entirel y to whites who use d every means, including violence , to kee p their economi c advantage . Blacks coul d

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To Make Our World Anew find jobs only at the bottom o f the job ladde r a s common laborers . They loade d ships, du g wells , graves, and hous e foundations , and toile d a s sweepers, porters , ashmen, chimney sweeps, and bootblacks . Paradoxically, economi c opportunitie s increase d fo r fre e black s th e furthe r south one went into slave country. Not onl y were there fewer skille d and unskille d white immigrant laborer s i n the South , but whit e employers were accustomed t o hiring blacks to do work that white men would not do. Free blacks, therefore, were able to ek e out a living even though they faced competitio n fro m bot h slaves and native-born whites. For example, nowhere in the South would white men cut hair. Free blacks therefore acquire d a monopoly o n the barbering trade. In Charleston , skilled white carpenters, tailors, and millwrights were scarce, leaving these occupations to be filled by free blacks. Blacks also found employment i n Southern indus tries, usuall y i n th e least-skille d positions . I n Richmond , fo r instance , hal f th e employed Negro men labored in tobacco factories, paper mills, and iron foundries. Free blac k urba n wome n di d no t hav e a s man y opportunitie s a s thei r mal e counterparts. Elizabeth Keckley was exceptional. Both North and South, few blacks owned their ow n businesses or commande d thei r ow n time. Mos t worked i n th e service trade s a s laundresses, cooks , an d maids . Eve n i n thi s kin d o f wor k the y faced competition fro m native-bor n white women of the poorer classes, and as the period progressed, from immigrant women, especially those from Ireland. Like free black men, though, they worked longer hours tha n th e average white person, and longer hours than th e averag e white woman, who ofte n di d not wor k at all. With some luck they managed to survive on their own . Whether mal e o r female , survivin g in th e cit y and survivin g well meant bein g blessed with some amount of luck. Luck had different meaning s for whites and fre e blacks. For the latte r luck meant havin g a trade tha t wa s not take n ove r by white laborers. Luc k als o mean t bein g abl e t o suppor t one' s childre n s o tha t official s could no t forc e the m int o lega l apprenticeships. Thousands o f blac k parent s i n both the North and South had their children taken away and forced int o eighteen or twent y years of servic e because state o r cit y official s deeme d the m unabl e o r unfit t o car e fo r them . I n Philadelphia , apprenticeshi p period s fo r black s wer e sometimes as long as twenty-eight years. Once in an apprenticeship black children seldom receive d th e educatio n o r th e trainin g i n a trad e tha t whit e childre n received. In light of all the restriction s on fre e black s and the discriminatio n and prejudice they faced, it is worth rememberin g that they were not slaves . Although the y were onl y semi-free, the y were not i n bondage. This statu s ha d rea l significance, significance a slave could appreciate. For, after all , free blacks could legally rename themselves. They could marr y legally, and fre e wome n gav e birth to fre e children . They had mor e opportunitie s t o lear n t o rea d an d write . Fo r instance, althoug h only one of Sojourner Truth's five children obtained an y education, a t least two of her grandchildre n obtaine d literac y during th e day s o f slavery . William Ellison' s

Let M y People C o 20 children were more fortunate than Truth's. He sent them to Philadelphia to be educated at the Lombard Stree t Primary School, a school run b y Margaretta Forten, a free black teacher. Free black s coul d als o mak e thei r live s meaningfu l in way s slaves could not . Throughout the country fre e African American s had more contro l over their reli gious practices . Shortly afte r Sojourne r Truth wa s freed , sh e joined a Methodis t congregation in Ulster , New York. Like thousands o f fre e blacks , Truth foun d th e more participatory , unconstrained emotiona l service s of the Methodist s mor e t o her liking than the quiet, solemn services of other denominations . For free blacks, though, it was not enoug h to be accepted in a white congregation. Whites, however , protested independen t blac k organizing, such as that con ducted by Absalom Jones' s Fre e African Society i n Philadelphia . Especially i n th e South blacks encountered strenuous white resistance to black churches. In th e end , however , whit e prejudic e worke d fo r Africa n Americans . I n th e South, where laws prohibited black assembly, whites nevertheless shunned integrated worshi p wit h fre e Africa n Americans . Yet, adoptin g th e sam e reasonin g the y employed regarding slaves, whites believed that Christianity would make free blacks more controllable an d les s dangerous. Therefore, even though black churches were often raided and shut down by suspicious whites, between 180 0 and 1860 , and especially after 1840 , independent African-American churche s grew and thrived. To th e exten t tha t th e churche s survive d an d prospered , s o to o di d African American communities. Lik e slaves, free blacks identified with the Jew s of the Ol d Testament and believed that Go d would deliver them in this world and the next. For free blacks, however, the churc h was a structure—an institution—in a way it was not fo r th e slave . Besides being the on e corne r o f the worl d wher e blacks went unhindere d b y whites, th e churc h wa s the cente r o f black life . Mos t blac k schools were founded by the black church. Most self-help activities were conducted through th e church , and mos t position s o f leadership in the communit y were held in the church. Not surprisingly , it was often the church's struggle for survival against whit e effort s t o shu t it s door s tha t len t unit y an d solidarit y t o man y African-American communities . So much was dependent on the survival of the black church. Black schools offe r a goo d example . I n antebellu m Americ a i n both the Nort h an d th e Sout h adul t education wa s almost nonexistent , an d blac k children wer e either given substandard educatio n o r were barred fro m publi c an d privat e schools altogether . It was usually the church that took up this burden. In the North an d the upper and border Souther n states , Africa n churche s ra n Sunda y school s wher e childre n wer e encouraged t o rea d th e Bible . Most churche s i n these area s had da y schools tha t children attended fo r fre e o r fo r a small fee. In additio n t o th e church , benevolen t societie s wer e a unifyin g elemen t i n free African-America n society. One o f the firs t wa s founded i n Bosto n by Prince Hall, who before the American Revolution was granted a charter from Englan d to

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To Make Our World Anew establish a Masoni c lodge . I n 179 7 Hal l preside d ove r th e installatio n o f th e first officer s i n Philadelphia' s Africa n Lodg e of Pennsylvania . B y 1815 ther e were four lodge s i n Philadelphi a tha t ha d poole d thei r resource s t o buil d a blac k Masonic Hall . Like benevolent societie s in other citie s in both Nort h and South, these organizations provided service s to thei r member s a s well as to the larger black commu nity. For example, they provided disabled members with "sick dues" to assure them an income when they could no t work, and they also gave elderly members mone y to liv e on . The y organize d th e buria l o f thei r members , providin g plots , head stones, and ceremonie s fo r the departed . Som e of the association s ran school s fo r orphan childre n and provided fo r companionship fo r the sick and disabled. Some workingmen's association s tried t o secur e better wage s and job security , and stil l others functioned like Baltimore's Society for Relief in Case of Seizure, an organization that guarded against the kidnapping of free blacks into slavery. These benevolent societie s not onl y provid e a n excellen t example o f African American self-hel p but als o giv e us insigh t int o th e socia l organizatio n o f mos t African-American communities . In 1790 the Brown Fellowship Society of Charleston, South Carolina, was formed by five free me n o f color. Membership was limited to fift y persons , who ha d t o pa y an initial membership fe e of fifty dollars plu s monthly dues . Th e fellowshi p use d thi s mone y t o provid e fo r th e funera l an d burial expenses of its members and monthly stipends for the widows and orphan s of members . The societ y also provided fo r th e car e of som e o f the poo r amon g Charleston's free black population. Another society, also of Charleston, the Friend ly Moralist Society, founded in 1838 , functioned similarly. Yet another Charlesto n organization, the Humane Brotherhood, was formed in 1843 , and i t too provide d sick benefits, burial expenses, and a fixed yearly income for widows and orphans of deceased members . What make s these associations interesting is their organizatio n aroun d wealt h and complexion . Obviously any free black who could afford th e membership due s of thes e societie s belonged t o th e exceptiona l clas s of fre e Africa n Americans — people who, like William Ellison, had distinguished themselves from th e masses of illiterate and unskilled free blacks. They owned property, were educated, and could provide fo r the educatio n o f their children , eve n if it meant sendin g them ou t o f the state or even out o f the country . In ever y city, whether New York or Ne w Orleans, ther e were classes of Africa n Americans who wer e distinguished thi s way . They were the elit e who succeede d despite all the obstacle s placed in their way. In cit y after cit y they formed musical and literar y societies . The y preache d a gospe l o f mora l purity , an d thei r socia l events were reported in black newspapers such as Freedom's Journal, first published by lohn Russwurm and Samuel Cornish in 1827 in New York City. They held themselves up to blacks and whites alike as the moral guardians of the race, the standar d of excellence tha t all blacks could achieve i f white prejudice disappeared.

Let M y People C o 20 These societie s i n Charlesto n wer e als o notabl e becaus e the y were organized around color . Specifically , th e Brow n Fellowshi p an d Friendl y Moralist societie s were exclusively for mulattoes, while the Humane Brotherhoo d was limited to n o more tha n thirty-fiv e "respectable Fre e Dark Men. " This divisio n o f benevolen t societies along color line s could be found everywhere in the Unite d States , but i t was especially pronounced in the Lower South, from South Carolina to Louisiana. It was in these states, where slavery was most entrenched, that the fre e black population wa s th e smalles t an d mos t restricted . Manumissions , eve n durin g th e Revolution, were neve r numerous , an d slave s who wer e emancipate d wer e very likely blood relatives of their master. In these states, mulattoes, usually called fre e people of color, were presumed by authorities to be free, and dark-skinned blacks, even those who were free, were presumed to be slaves. In practical terms thi s mean t tha t mulattoe s ha d a better chanc e of surviving and succeedin g tha n dark-complexione d black s did . Ofte n i t wa s because thei r white relative gave them some advantage over other African Americans. In William Ellison's case it was an education an d training as a cotton gin maker; for others it included a ticket out o f the South. The fact tha t whites were not a s threatened by mulattoes as they were by the darker skinned worked in the former's favor a s well. Upper-class African-America n societ y therefor e was generall y lighte r tha n the poor, working, and middle classes. And yet, the existence of the dark-skinned, upper-class Humane Brotherhood is evidence that wealth and good fortune were not always synonymous with light skin. At the same time that many dark-skinned blacks excelled, southern plantations held many mulattoes i n slavery. Some were so white that their African heritag e was not obvious. For African-American women , light skin could bring dubious advantages. White men often foun d them desirable and this sometimes had its end in freedom for th e mulatto woman, but mor e ofte n tha n not , the result could be a lifetime of sexual exploitation. Mulatto women probably saw more house service than did their darker sisters, but hous e service was not alway s a blessing. A light skin could help with success, but othe r factors such as literacy, a trade or profession, an d white connections helped structure fre e blac k antebellum society. And structured it was. Differences i n wealth, literacy, complexion, and occupatio n made fo r different socia l connections an d classe s within blac k society. It was no t unusual for wealthier African Americans to attend a different churc h from those of the middl e an d lowe r classes. Usually the wealthie r th e fre e black , the les s emotional his religious denomination. Methodists and Baptist s attracted the African American masses , an d thos e wit h skills , literacy , an d wealt h usuall y joined o r formed thei r own more reserved Episcopal or Presbyterian church. Despite the differences and varied occupations and chances for success, freedom for Africa n American s was alway s and everywher e limited. Whit e freedo m an d black freedom were never the same, and although there were many things to divide blacks fro m eac h other , thei r partia l freedo m brough t the m al l together. A s the

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nation move d closer to the Civil War, the more similar all black life became. In the South, wher e b y 186 0 th e colo r lin e wa s draw n fas t an d tight , al l fre e Africa n Americans—the light skinned an d the dark, the skilled and the unskilled, the literate an d th e illiterate , th e Episcopalia n an d th e Baptist—face d th e sam e hostil e whites. As they raised their voices in protest in the years immediately preceding the Civil War they struck a chord of unity—unity with each other, and unity with th e slave. Let My People Go In 184 7 the first edition o f Frederick Douglass's newspaper, the North Star, rolled off the presses. It was not the first African-American newspaper nor would it be the last. And like the names of many other African-American publications , North Star signified blac k aspirations, becaus e the North Star , the light that guided s o many runaways out o f the South, symbolized freedom. In hi s dedicatio n Douglas s tie d th e fat e o f al l black s together , th e fre e an d enslaved, those north an d those south. "We are one," he declared, "our cause is one" and "we must hel p eac h other." Douglass went on t o declare the unit y of the fre e black with the slave. "What you suffer , we suffer; what you endure, we endure. We are indissolubly united, an d must fal l or flourish together. " Douglass's words were prophetic, bu t i t did not tak e a prophet t o see the wis dom of his remarks. The nation was just thirteen years from the Civil War. Already the ferment was rising. The American Anti-slavery Society was fourteen years old. Founded b y black s and whites , th e societ y hel d religiou s revival-styl e meeting s where abolitionists mad e stirring speeches condemning slaver y as a moral wrong . They urged their listeners to put pressur e on state legislatures to end slavery. The abolitionist movemen t spawne d th e Libert y party, an d i n 184 0 an d 184 4 i t ra n anti-slavery presidential candidates . Althoug h the Libert y party di d not attrac t a significant following , it did plant the seed of fear of "slave power." The admittanc e of Texas into the Union a s a slave state in 184 5 and the promised additio n o f slave states from the territories taken by the United States as a result of the Mexican War in 184 6 did i n fac t convinc e man y Northerners tha t slaveholder s would us e thei r political an d economi c powe r to mak e slavery legal everywhere. More an d more , Northern whites wondered whether slavery would or could be confined only to the South; more an d mor e the y wondered abou t th e fat e o f white laborers i n a slave labor economy. Blacks, too, pondere d thei r fate . Bu t fo r them , the issue s were different . Mos t important, th e concerns of African Americans did not divid e them a s much a s the debate over slavery divided whites. They had much to gain from white conflict over slavery, and they understood tha t they would not benefit at all if they were not unit ed. And for the most part the y spoke with one voice. Free blacks, those who coul d speak out agains t injustice, all wanted freedo m fo r the enslave d and justice for the free. All wanted blacks to hav e the right s that wer e accorded b y the Constitutio n

Let M y People C o 21

The Anti-Slavery Alphabet, published in 1847 for an anti-slavery fair in Philadelphia, used simple rhymes to expose children to the horrors of slavery.

to all Americans. They differed, however , on the mean s to achiev e these ends. Th e story of black protest i n the years before the Civi l War is one of unity on th e large issues of rights and debate about the way to achieve them. Black protest agains t slaver y began long before th e 183 3 formation of the pre dominantly whit e America n Anti-slaver y Society . Durin g th e Revolutio n th e Continental Congres s wa s bombarded wit h petition s fro m Norther n slave s who used the "all men ar e created equal " clause of the Declaration o f Independence t o claim their freedom . Protest against slaver y continued throug h th e Confederatio n period, an d a t th e beginnin g o f th e nineteent h centur y th e Africa n Methodis t Episcopal ministe r Absalo m Jone s walked th e street s o f Philadelphi a carryin g a petition that protested the renewal of the slave trade in Maryland, the birthplace of many Philadelphi a blacks . I n thei r churche s an d benevolen t societie s Africa n Americans raised money to help runaways, wrote petitions protestin g slavery, and spoke against black bondage whenever and wherever the opportunity arose . On a more subtle level, blacks celebrated New Year's Day as their Independenc e Day. As Frederick Douglass noted, to the slave the national Fourt h of July celebration was a day that revealed "the gros s injustice and cruelty to which he is the con stant victim." To the slave , the shout s o f liberty an d equality , the prayers , hymns , sermons, an d thanksgiving s wer e "hollo w mocker y .. . mer e bombast , fraud , deception, impiety , and hypocrisy— a thi n vei l to cove r u p crime s whic h woul d

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disgrace a natio n o f savages. " New Year's Day , in contrast , ha d rea l meaning fo r African Americans. It was the anniversary of Haitian independence in 1804 and th e end of the foreig n slav e trade with the United States in 1808 . As each New Year's Day passed, free blacks increasingly condemned th e federa l government for its perpetuation o f slavery. They did not hav e to go much furthe r than th e Constitutio n t o fin d a federal documen t worth y of condemnation. Th e Constitution allowe d th e foreig n slav e trade t o persis t fo r twent y year s afte r it s signing. For purposes of representation, it counted enslave d African Americans as three-fifths o f a person. It also promised t o pu t dow n slav e insurrections an d t o track down fugitive s fro m slaver y and return them to their owners. This last pro vision, which pu t th e federal governmen t i n th e busines s o f slav e catching, wa s reinforced by a fugitive slav e law in 179 3 and by a particularly harsh on e in 1850 . African Americans vigorously opposed these laws, but betwee n 183 6 and 184 4 the House o f Representative s adopted a "gag rule" agains t al l anti-slavery petitions . Under thi s rul e al l abolitionist petition s wer e automaticall y table d s o tha t the y could not eve n be discussed on the floor o f the House . Still blacks protested. They took particular aim at the program of the American Colonization Society . Founded i n 1816 , thi s societ y counte d som e o f America's most notable citizens among its members. Presidents James Madison an d Andrew Jackson, Senato r Danie l Webster , an d Franci s Scot t Key , author o f "Th e Star Spangled Banner, " all argued that blacks should b e returne d t o Afric a becaus e i t was the onl y natural home o f black people. Centra l t o thei r argumen t wa s their belief that blacks would never be accepted in America. According to national leader and presidential-hopeful Henr y Clay, the "Great Compromiser," black s would ever inhabit "the lowest strata of social gradation." In his opinion blacks were "aliens— political-moral-social aliens, strangers, though native. " Africa, o n the othe r hand, held hope for blacks. It was a place where they would not be degraded and debased. Moreover, advocates of colonization believed that American Negroes, having come under th e civilizin g influence o f Christianity an d havin g observed the benefits of democracy and capitalism, would redeem Africa. They argued that African Americans woul d transfor m Afric a int o prosperou s mini-America n blac k republics . Colonization would open up new commercial routes between Africa and America. In short , what blacks could no t d o here in America, they could an d woul d d o in Africa. In their minds, the end result of colonization would benefit both blacks and whites, America and Africa . Colonizationists trie d to recruit well-known, successful blacks to lead the exo dus to Africa. The most common strateg y was to lure influential black leaders with the prospec t o f power , wealth , an d prestige . Fo r example , the y offere d Jame s Forten, a wealthy sailmaker, commercial advantages if he would lead blacks back to West Africa. H e refused, but i t did not sto p Colonizationists from sensationalizing the advantages of going to Africa .

Let M y People C o 21 All but a few declined the opportunity to return. Those who did leave settled on land nea r th e Britis h colony o f Sierr a Leone. Located on lan d purchase d by th e American Colonizatio n Societ y in 1822 , the colon y was named Liberia , the "land of freedom." Settlers hoped that this small country would fulfill th e promise of its name an d provide the liberty that America withheld. Certainly this was the hop e of tw o o f it s mos t renowne d settlers , the blac k se a captain an d shipowne r Pau l Cuffee an d John Russwurm, an educator and the editor of Freedom's Journal. Both men endorse d colonizatio n becaus e they felt Americ a would neve r treat it s black citizens fairly . "I f the slave s of ou r countr y with on e accor d wer e delivered fro m bondage," Russwurm asked, "can the y be elevated to a n equalit y with the whites? Can they while in this country be divested o f the odiu m o f inferior an d degrade d caste?" Russwurm's answer to his own questio n was "No!" Fo r him an d hi s small following, Liberia would provide the liberty denied by America. But onl y a fe w people wer e willing to follo w him . New s of the trouble d rela tionships tha t th e settler s had wit h surroundin g African tribe s an d th e difficult y American blacks had with African disease s thwarted settlement. However, the most important reaso n why African Americans refused t o return to Africa was their feel ing that America was their country . Afric a wa s indeed thei r ancestral homeland , but Americ a was their birthplac e an d fro m i t they dre w their identity . They ha d fought an d die d i n America's wars, had cleare d this country' s lan d an d swamps , had helped build up its towns. The world, not just America, grew rich off the cotton, rice, and suga r grown by black people. They believed they had prove d them selves productive, self-sufficien t citizens , more s o than eve n th e slaveholde r wh o had fewe r skills , and wh o live d off the labo r o f others . To be aske d to leav e afte r such sacrifice to America was sheer injustice. Many African Americans also believed that this push by whites exposed unadulterated whit e racism. African American s asked that they be allowed to live free in this land that was the beacon of liberty. They protested the colonizationists' claim that blacks were incapable of living in freedom. They challenged America to stand by its principles of democracy and liberty. Free blacks understood that it was their organized opposition to slavery that was threatening. Prominen t among the leaders and members of colonization societie s were slaveholders, none o f whom supporte d th e emancipatio n o f slaves and thei r return to Africa, but al l of whom argued that blacks were unprepared for freedom. In th e opinio n o f most African-America n leaders, colonization wa s a scheme t o protect slavery and preserve freedom for whites only. Their fight against colonization, therefore, was a fight for themselves but als o for their brothers and sister s in slavery. As they saw things, they were the slave's best hope, and the slav e was their best ally in the caus e of black rights. Not that they did not wan t to forge alliance s with white Americans, too. Thes e were mor e problematic , however . Fo r on e thing , mos t prominen t African -

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American leaders were dismayed by the widespread support give n to colonizatio n societies. Before th e 1830 s men like William Lloyd Garrison, Gerrit Smith, Arthur and Lewi s Tappan, and Benjami n Lundy—white s who activel y opposed slavery — also supporte d colonization . They did no t se e how colonizatio n helpe d preserve slavery, or how the scheme exposed fre e blacks to the rage of anti-black mobs . Such a mob le t loose its venom in Cincinnat i i n 1829 . Tension in the cit y ha d been growin g throughout th e 1820s . As the fre e blac k population increase d an d competed for jobs, whites demanded their expulsion. They were encouraged by the leaders of the Cincinnat i Colonizatio n Society . Since its founding in 1826 , it ha d prompted minister s an d loca l newspaper s to agitat e against the city' s blacks. Its propaganda provided the justification for driving them fro m th e city. In the summer o f 182 9 city official s trie d t o pus h African American s out b y enforcing the Ohio Black Laws, which required blacks to post bonds guaranteeing "good behavior." Before black leaders could get a reprieve from the city legislature, white mobs attacked defenseles s blacks . More than hal f th e blac k population fle d t o Canad a and other parts of the United States. Although thi s an d simila r incident s convince d som e sympatheti c whites that colonization was inherently evil, it did not alter their prejudice toward blacks. This was anothe r reaso n tha t African-America n leaders foun d alliance s wit h white s problematic. For example, even though black abolitionists like Peter Williams an d William Watkins coaxed white men like William Lloyd Garrison and Gerrit Smith away from colonization , when Garrison and a small group of white friends me t t o organize the New England Antislavery Society in 1832 , they invited blacks to join them onl y afte r al l their plan s had bee n formulated . Similarly, only thre e blacks were among the sixty-tw o signer s of the American Antislavery Society's Declaration o f Sentiments. Though it had twenty-si x vice presidents and a nine-membe r executive committee, the society had no black officers . African-American leader s were furthe r disturbe d b y the limite d perspective s and goal s of white abolitionists. As free blacks they spoke against slavery as well as blanket discrimination against all blacks. White abolitionists, they found, were not much concerne d wit h racism . Man y black abolitionist s share d th e reactio n o f Theodore Wright , who criticize d the "constitution s o f abolitio n societies , where nothing was said about the improvement of the man of color!" Speaking before the New York Antislavery Society in 1837 , Wright complaine d tha t "the y hav e over looked the gian t sin of prejudice. They have passed by this foul monster , which is at once the parent and offsprin g o f slavery." Black abolitionists further noted that man y white abolitionist s refuse d t o ad mit blac k childre n t o thei r schools , woul d no t hir e blac k worker s fo r anythin g but menia l jobs, and even failed to hire blacks to work in anti-slavery offices. They also observe d tha t i n th e earl y stages of their efforts , whit e abolitionist s di d no t hire blac k lecturers , an d whe n the y eventuall y di d the y trie d t o contro l ever y aspect of their language and message.

Let M y People G o 21 A case in point involve d Frederick Douglass. When Douglas s first began lecturing i n 184 1 he relate d th e trial s o f hi s slaver y and th e terror s o f th e institution . Garrison and others were pleased. They encouraged Douglass to repeat his performance ove r and over . As Douglass mature d a s a speaker, and a s he pondered th e meaning of freedom fo r himself and th e nation , he grew more philosophica l an d learned i n his talks. White abolitionist s foun d Douglass the philosopher t o be less "authentic" tha n Douglas s the ex-slave . They did no t wan t hi m t o grow . Instead they repeatedl y criticized him fo r appearing too smart . At one point he was told, "People won't believe you ever were a slave, Frederick, if you keep on this way.... Better have a little of the plantation manne r o f speech than not. " But Douglass , like othe r African-America n leaders , listened t o hi s ow n voice , and hi s own people, and i n a very short tim e went his own way. Blacks continue d to build thei r ow n movement , an d centra l t o i t was the blac k press. Newspapers founded b y leading personalitie s reminde d blac k Americans of thei r rol e i n th e development o f th e America n nation . Ther e wa s no lac k o f article s o n th e rol e black soldiers played in the American Revolution and th e War of 1812. At the sam e time that newspaper s confirmed the black's identity a s an American, they als o grounde d tha t identit y i n th e commo n blac k experience . Thu s i n their reportin g o f slav e resistance, the terror s o f slavery, and th e fre e blac k com munities' assistanc e to fugitiv e slaves , newspapers made i t difficul t fo r fre e blacks to forget their relatively privileged status in relation to the slave. Just as important , these accounts helped cemen t th e bond between slav e and free . Newspapers with such names as The Colored American, the Weekly Advocate, the New Era, and the Weekly Anglo-African helpe d unify African Americans by keeping them informed of happenings in their own community and the nation. Articles and advertisements covering their various concerts, lectures, church events , education al opportunities, an d schoo l program s were regular features o f black newspapers . By reporting national events from a black perspective and accepting editorials from ordinary African Americans, these newspapers allowed blacks to express their ideas on a variety of subjects and vent frustrations that had no other outlet . Since only a small percentage of the African-American population wa s literate, and these priv ileged fe w had t o rea d o r otherwis e communicat e th e newspaper' s content s t o those who could not read, newspapers helped forge the bonds of community. They bridged the gap between the educated and the illiterate. Through thei r ow n newspaper s an d a fe w edited b y white abolitionists , ordi nary Africa n American s learne d o f th e protes t activit y o f thei r leaders—me n and wome n suc h a s Douglass, Martin Delany , Henry Highlan d Garnet , William Wells Brown, William Whipper, and Mari a Stewart. The question wa s how blacks should obtain their freedom. The decision was not an easy one. Would armed rebel lion succeed ? From thei r relativel y safe surroundings , shoul d the y encourag e th e slaves t o ris k everythin g i n a brea k fo r freedom ? Ho w fa r shoul d fre e black s g o in opposin g the fugitiv e slav e laws? Shoul d the y hold of f slave catchers with gun s

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or woul d civi l disobedience b e enough ? How would the y achiev e thei r right s o f full citizenship? Answers to these questions cam e from man y quarters. In his speeches an d in a pamphlet entitle d Walker's Appeal. . . to the Colored Citizens o f the World Bu t i n Particular and Very Expressly t o those of the United States of America, David Walker urged African Americans to meet the slaveholders' violence with violence o f their own. He blamed the oppression o f blacks on white greed for money and power. In the by-now-typica l African-American tradition o f blending th e secula r wit h th e sacred, of using religion to help solve life's problems, Walker urged black people t o rise up and wag e a holy war against whites, who had by their sin against Africa n Americans sinne d agains t God . "They want u s fo r their slaves, " he wrote . They "think nothing of murdering us in order to subject us to that wretched condition." In his justification o f armed resistance, Walker wrote, "It is no more harm fo r you to kill a man wh o i s trying to kil l you, than i t is for you t o take a drink o f water when thirsty: in fact the man who will stand still and let another man murder hi m is worse than an infidel." No doub t man y Africa n American s fel t th e sam e wa y Walker did , bu t mos t spoke wit h mor e moderat e voices . Although the y di d no t los e sigh t o f the rol e played b y whites i n black oppression , man y leaders urge d Africa n American s t o take an active role in liberation b y uplifting themselves . Maria Stewart, one of the few African-America n femal e publi c lecturers , urged black s to giv e u p drinkin g and inves t in schools and seminaries . An admirer an d followe r o f Walker, Stewart nevertheless believed that "nothing would raise our respectability, add to our peace and happiness, and reflect so much honor upo n us, as to be ourselves the promoters of temperance, and th e supporters ... of useful an d scientifi c knowledge. " An advocate of female educatio n during a time when it was thought tha t women bes t served th e rac e by serving their husbands , brothers , an d fathers , Stewart argue d that the rac e needed bot h men an d women i n public roles . "Daughters o f Africa " needed to unite. They could rais e money to build school s to educate black youth , they coul d ow n store s tha t woul d servic e their community , the y coul d educat e themselves and through them the race would be uplifted . As despairing as Stewart sometimes was when sh e looked at the pligh t o f Afri can Americans, she, like many others, wa s still mor e optimisti c abou t th e futur e than wa s David Walker. The goal of uplift was , after all , eventual integratio n int o American life. Blacks were behind no t because of natural inferiority but because of prejudice an d slavery . Once thes e impediment s wer e abolished , educatio n an d opportunity woul d remedy the situation . Throughout th e 1830 s an d 1840 s Frederic k Douglas s share d Stewart' s opti mism. He did not suppor t arme d resistance or programs to go back to Africa. H e believed tha t throug h constan t preaching , politica l lobbying , and har d struggl e blacks woul d eventuall y fin d libert y i n America . "Yo u must b e a ma n here, " h e

Let M y People C o 21 insisted, "and forc e your way to intelligence, wealth and respectability . If you can' t do that here, you can't d o it there." But there were many who disagreed. Martin Delany, a Harvard-educated physician, was the mos t articulat e spokesma n agains t th e view s Douglas s an d other s expressed. "No peopl e ca n be fre e wh o themselve s d o no t constitut e a n essentia l part o f th e ruling element of th e countr y i n whic h the y live." These words , pub lished in his 185 2 book entitle d Th e Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of th e Colored People of the United States, were part of his argument fo r emigrating from the eastern United State s to Central or South America or to some nonsettle d area in the American West. He did not share with Douglass the belief that America would allo w black s t o becom e citizens . Much lik e Nativ e Americans, blacks, h e wrote, were "a nation within a nation." Blacks and whites shared a common coun try. But whites were an oppresso r natio n an d black s the oppresse d nation . Blac k people, he claimed , love d America, but becaus e that lov e was met wit h onl y be littlement an d degradation , blac k people were "politically no t o f them, but alien s to th e law s an d privilege s o f th e country. " Thu s separated , Africa n American s had a duty to establish a black society where they would be free t o enjo y the priv ileges of citizenship. These, then, were the lines of protest in African-American communities befor e 1850. Despite thei r differen t level s of optimis m an d differen t strategie s o f resis tance, antebellum blac k leader s wer e unite d i n thei r goo d feeling s abou t them selves. Neve r di d the y giv e i n t o self-hatred , nor di d the y eve r believ e th e pro slavery argument s tha t hel d tha t the y wer e naturall y inferio r t o whites . Befor e America they stood tall and proud. It wa s thi s blac k prid e tha t eventuall y drov e al l black abolitionis t leader s t o advocate some degre e of black separatism. In their minds, blacks, as a people, had to d o fo r themselves ; self-improvemen t ha d t o b e base d o n self-reliance . Said Phillip A. Bell, in the Weekly Advocate, whites may make "OUR CAUSE" their cause all they want, but their efforts will be unavailing "without ou r thinking and acting, as a body, for ourselves. " In thinking an d acting for themselves blacks met durin g the 1830 s through th e 1850s i n black-onl y national conventions . Norther n citie s such a s Albany, Rochester, Cincinnati, Philadelphia, Buffalo, and Cleveland were the sites of some of the meetings wher e th e mean s o f uplif t an d strategie s o f resistanc e wer e debated . Although those wh o attende d thes e convention s realize d that som e migh t thin k that all-blac k meetings worke d agains t the goa l of integratio n o f blacks into th e American mainstream , mos t conclude d tha t racia l solidarit y wa s necessar y t o secure their status as full-fledged Americans . Separatism, whether i n conventions , schools, or churches, was not the end in itself, but th e means to the end . For all of their work, it was, in the end, not black or even white abolitionists who struck the fata l blo w agains t slavery. The institutio n prove d s o entrenched tha t i t

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To Make Our World Anew took a civil war to en d it . Black protesters, however, could be proud o f the work they did in unifying the spirits of free blacks and in forging the bond between fre e and enslaved African Americans. In so doing, they laid the intellectual foundation on which the protest of future generations of blacks and whites was built. From Desperation to Hope At th e en d o f 185 0 African American s did no t kno w tha t th e natio n wa s just a decade away from civil war, that slavery would be its cause, or that th e war would end slavery for good. They could not know that it would be the bloodiest war ever fought o n America's soil or that their citizenshi p and voting rights would hang in the balance. However, black people could not help but sense that something out of the ordinary wa s happening . Slaver y was a t th e hear t o f heate d discussion s abou t th e nation's future , an d th e Compromis e o f 1850 , meant t o quel l anxiet y abou t th e slavery question, actually fanned its flames. Th e Compromis e brough t Californi a into the nation a s a free state , eliminated the slave trade in the Distric t of Colum bia, and organized the territories of Utah and Mexico. Its most obnoxious part was the Fugitive Slave Law. Under its harsh provisions, the law forced blacks accused of being fugitives t o prov e their free status, not t o a jury, but t o a special commis sioner who was paid more (ten dollars) for returning a slave to his owner than for setting him o r her fre e (fiv e dollars) . The law also compelled Northerners to hun t down and turn i n runaway slaves. As slav e hunters know n a s "kidnappers" floode d th e Nort h seizin g fugitives , blacks had to decide what to do. They had always resisted fugitive slave laws, but by putting a bount y o n ever y runaway' s head , an d makin g ever y white perso n a potential slav e catcher, this latest fugitive la w made resistance more risky and lif e for fre e black s terribly insecure—so insecure that many fre e black s took on e las t stride toward freedom by fleeing across the Canadian border. The vast majority who remained faced a nation racked with conflict that did not lessen. Abraham Lincoln's election t o th e presidency in 186 0 brought som e hop e that liberatio n wa s on th e horizon . Mostl y though , ther e wa s despai r ove r th e way the decade had proceeded and wretched bitterness over the country's betrayal of blacks. Ironically, the 1850 s was a decade of prosperity. Not only whites but blacks, too, did relativel y well. This wa s indicated b y th e stead y increase i n blac k lan d an d property ownership al l over the country . In Nashville , for example, in 186 0 there were twenty-six free blacks who were worth more than a thousand dollars who had owned no property ten years earlier. Charleston had alway s had a wealthy colored elite, but durin g the 1850 s as many as seventy-five whites rented their homes fro m freemen. In Baltimore free blacks monopolized the caulking trade, and throughou t the Upper South free blac k agricultural laborers took advantage of the movemen t of slaves south by demanding and receivin g higher wages.

Let M y People G o 21 Economic success generated confidence. This confidence was visible in the ne w churches being built by larger and wealthier black congregations in the North an d the South. It was also shown by the increased audacity of free blacks. In Petersburg, Virginia, fo r example , white s complaine d tha t blacks wer e slo w t o giv e wa y t o whites on walkways. Blacks also exuded mor e confidenc e in the wa y they responded t o oppression . In Richmond , fo r instance , fre e black s petitione d th e cit y counci l t o repea l th e city's repressive Black Code, an d i n New York City there was the stunnin g behav ior o f Elizabeth Jennings. On a Sunday morning in 185 4 she was pulled ou t o f a horse-drawn trolley car and wrestled to the ground by a white conductor an d dri ver who sought t o keep her from sitting in the white section. With th e same con viction and audacity shown by the free blacks of Richmond, Jennings took her case to court. Her victory there broke the back of segregation on public conveyances in New York. All over the country blacks tried to do the same to the Fugitive Slave Law. Twice in Boston , blacks an d white s storme d a courthous e i n faile d attempt s t o rescu e Thomas Sim s i n 185 1 an d Anthon y Burn s i n 1854 . Others , suc h a s Elija h Anderson, John Mason, and of course, Harriet Tubman, continued t o risk life an d limb goin g int o th e Sout h an d deliverin g Africa n American s fro m slavery . Frederick Douglas s als o riske d har m b y hi s resistanc e t o th e law . Thoug h ver y much in the publi c eye , he, like countless others , raise d mone y for fugitives , hid them i n his Rochester home, and helped hundred s escap e to Canada . And, like others, he had to struggle with the meaning of the Fugitive Slave Law. In Rochester, New York, in 1853 Douglass and other black abolitionists held one of their larges t convention s t o tr y t o decid e wha t t o d o abou t resistin g th e law . Reluctant though the y were to cal l for the creatio n o f separate black institutions , they fel t th e Fugitiv e Slave Law left the m no choice . America seemed determine d to cas t them asid e and destro y their right s as citizens. Somehow, they had t o salvage them. In their attempt to do this, black abolitionists called for the creation of a national council to oversee black improvement an d a manual labor school for the education of black children in science, literature, and the mechanical arts. They did this, the y said , not t o "build ourselve s up a s a distinct an d separat e clas s i n thi s country but as a means to ... equalit y in political rights, and in civil rights, and in civil and socia l privileges with the rest of the American people." Although blac k abolitionist s a s a group took larger stride s towar d separatism , some individual s spok e ou t i n favo r o f arme d resistance . Douglas s wa s amon g them. H e no t onl y increase d hi s ai d t o fugitiv e slave s but h e becam e decidedl y more militant : "Th e onl y way to mak e th e Fugitiv e Slave La w a dea d lette r i s to make a half dozen o r more dead kidnappers. " For Marti n Delany , Douglass' s respons e fel l shor t o f a remedy . I t wa s no t enough to challenge the individual kidnappe r when the source of the problem was the prejudice that permeated all American institutions, includin g the government .

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Shoot on e kidnapper, and another would take his place. The law was a reflection of government policy , and i n Delany's opinion eve n the cal l for separate black insti tutions di d no t g o far enoug h t o counte r whit e racism . When Delan y pondere d institutional discriminatio n an d the Fugitiv e Slave Law, he concluded that "a people capable of originating and sustaining such a law as this are not people to whom we are willing to entrust ou r libert y at discretion." Hi s advice was to "go to whatever parts of Central and South America" and "make common caus e with the people." For Delany, emigration was still the onl y answer. Delany found suppor t a t conventions held in Maryland in 185 2 and Clevelan d in 1854 . Unlike the delegates to the Rochester convention, those who attended th e Cleveland meeting were not reluctant supporters of black separatism, nor did they see th e poin t i n arguin g fo r separatio n a s a mean s t o America n citizenship . A s Delany put it, it was time for black people to look outside of America, to grab hold of those places in the world where chance was in their favo r an d where the right s and power of the colored race could be established. Although more blacks than ever took up this position in the 1850s , most African Americans remained hopeful o f change within th e Unite d States . They could no t abandon th e land of their birth, give up the dream for which their forefathers ha d sacrificed s o much, nor leav e their enslave d brethren with n o black advocates for freedom. Delegates to the Baltimore convention foun d thi s out when the meeting they called to discuss emigration was broken up by angry black crowds who wanted n o par t o f Africa , Haiti , Mexico , or Canada . The y di d no t disagre e with th e delegates' demand to be treated like men. Nor did they take issue with the conven tion's genera l sentimen t tha t i n Marylan d swin e wer e treate d bette r tha n fre e Negroes. Clearly though, they , like mos t fre e blacks , wanted to mak e thei r stan d here in America. In the first few years of the decade it seemed that they had support. In fact, white Northerners did grow more sympathetic. This was in part because the Fugitive Slave Law brought th e issu e o f slaver y to thei r doorstep . White s wh o witnesse d slaves being dragged unwillingly back South found it difficult to remain detached from the issue. They could no longer treat it as something that just happened "down there. " And what was happening "down there" was made even more real by the publi cation i n magazin e installments, an d the n a s a book i n 1852 , of Harrie t Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin. In a brilliant manipulatio n o f public sentiment, Stowe raised public consciousness abou t th e evil s of slavery. She did thi s by making he r slaves people with whom almost all whites could identify. There were few Northern mothers wh o di d no t hai l Eliza' s courageous escape across th e floes of the Ohi o River, or cry over Little Eva's death. Only the meanes t could sid e with the wicked Yankee slaveholder Simon Legree, and al l could see the Christlik e goodness o f th e beloved Uncle Tom. So large and so stirred was the Northern readershi p that when Lincoln met Stowe in 186 3 he is supposed to have said, "So you're the little woman who wrote the book that made this great war!"

Let M y People G o 22 If African Americans had reason to be buoyed by this new awareness on the part of the Northern public, they surely had reaso n to be wary of the response it drew from Southerners. Already unnerved by the steady economic progress and increasing boldness o f free blacks , Southern whites' anxiety onl y increased i n the fac e of Northern anti-slavery activity. In particular, slaveholders were sure that free blacks and increase d anti-slaver y activit y ha d somethin g t o d o with the increas e i n th e number of runaway slaves and incident s of overt resistance. And to Southerners it seemed as though ever y day brought news of some othe r violent inciden t involving slaves. It was said that overseers in the Mississippi Valley so feare d for thei r live s that the y were never caugh t withou t thei r guns . In Tennessee four slave s were put t o death fo r attempting t o attac k the iron mill s where they worked. Some blacks in Texas also seemed ready. From that state came news of an alleged plot that was to bring blacks and Mexicans togethe r i n an attempt to rid the state of its white population. Although whites killed five blacks suspected of fomenting the insurrection, they could not quel l black discontent, no r white fear of it. They tried to, though. Because they felt tha t th e ever-growin g free blac k population wa s inciting slave s to fle e an d rebel , Southerners tried t o ge t rid o f them . With the exception o f Delaware and North Carolina, ever y Upper South state instituted a colonizatio n plan . Virginia's wa s typical . I n 185 0 i t appropriate d thirt y thousand dollar s annually for five years to send free blacks and emancipated slaves to the West African natio n o f Liberia. A tax placed on fre e black s added a n addi tional ten thousan d dollars . Maryland passed a similar law in 1852 , Tennessee in 1853, and Missouri an d Kentucky in 1855 . These plans faile d fo r two reasons . To begin with, not enoug h mone y wa s appropriated fo r such a massive removal of people. But even had ther e been enoug h funds, ther e were few people wh o wante d t o go . African American s wer e alread y opposed to the emigration plans proposed b y their own leaders. They were hardly more dispose d t o leavin g unde r a progra m arrange d b y their oppressors . loh n Rapier said what most blacks believed: "They [colonizationists ] would not car e if all the free negroes in the United States was at the Botom of the Sea so they was out of the United States. " Not only was Rapier right, he caught what was fast becoming the temper of the nation. Everywhere, not just in the South, anti-black sentimen t was rising. Indian a offers a good example of this mood. In 185 1 state legislators rewrote the state constitution wit h provision s tha t deprive d black s of th e right s to vote , attend whit e schools, and make contracts. African Americans who could not post a five hundred dollar bon d wer e expelle d fro m th e state , an d a n 185 2 law made i t a crim e fo r blacks to settle in Indiana . If nothin g els e these state laws demonstrated tha t anti-slaver y sentiment easily coexisted with hostility toward African Americans. Most white citizens did not want any blacks in their midst, slave or free. This sentiment foun d national expression i n

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This 1856 chart of the United States shows the division between free and slave states. The chart also offers a statistical comparison between the North and the South, with figures for the number of public libraries, the number of children who attend school, and other categories.

the ne w Republican party, which was founded in 1854 . The principal platfor m of this mostly Northern party was "no slavery in the territories." By this Republicans meant that they wanted to keep the new western territories as "free soil, " meaning free o f slavery . Slavery, the y believed , retarde d upwar d mobilit y an d economi c growth. From their point o f view the South was stagnant and backward, while the North an d Uppe r Midwest were energetic and progressive . Republicans promised not t o oppose slavery where it already was. But inasmuch as America's democracy and its institutions depended on the ability of men to move and work in a free labor market, they argued that the future greatnes s of the American nation depended o n the confinement of slavery and th e expansion of free soil . For African Americans the Republican party was both good and bad news. The good news was that many Republicans were abolitionists who opposed not just the expansion o f slavery but als o slavery where it existed . Senato r William Sewar d of New York an d Senator s Charle s Sumne r o f Massachusett s an d Georg e Julia n o f Ohio were ardent abolitionists who sought to divorce the federal government fro m the support of slavery by freeing slave s in the District of Columbia, repealing the Fugitive Slave Law, and eliminatin g the domesti c slave trade.

Let M y People G o 22 There was good news too i n even the limited goal of keeping slavery out o f the territories. The rival party, the Democrats, had already gone on record as supporting popular sovereignty, the settler's right to decide whether slavery should exist in the territories. Its leading politician, Stephen A. Douglas, had pushed the KansasNebraska Ac t through Congres s earl y in 1854 . This ac t allowe d th e peopl e wh o settled i n the newl y organized Kansas and Nebrask a regions to decid e fo r them selves whethe r the y wante d slavery . In allowin g fo r th e possibilit y o f slaver y i n these territorie s th e ac t overturne d th e 182 0 Missouri Compromise , whic h ha d outlawed slaver y in region s nort h o f Missouri . Th e Republican s thu s offere d a much-needed counter to what was without a doubt a major threat from the power of the slave owners. The ba d news , though , wa s that th e bul k o f th e party' s suppor t cam e fro m whites who wer e as much anti-blac k a s they were anti-slavery. From th e Africa n American's point o f view this made the party suspect. Republicans did not direct ly oppose slaver y where it was, nor di d the y tackle issues like the domesti c slav e trade or the Fugitive Slave Law. Furthermore, the party's supporters and its prominent leader, Abraham Lincoln, did not favo r equa l rights for African Americans. In opposing th e vote , jury service, and intermarriage , Republicans made clea r their belief tha t white s were superior t o blacks , and tha t th e tw o race s could no t liv e together o n terms of social and political equality . The formation of the Republican party, therefore, left blacks with a lot to think about. They took heart that there was, for the first time, a political force opposin g slavery, bu t the y worrie d abou t th e limit s o f tha t oppositio n an d th e exten t t o which the Republican s would go to keep blacks from exercisin g civil and politica l rights. That the y were still without effectiv e nationa l allies in an increasingly hostile environment wa s a fact that did not escap e them. The depth of the nation's hostility to blacks was revealed by the Supreme Court's 1857 decision in Scott v. Sandford (th e "Dred Scott case"), a ruling that sen t shivers down the spine of black America. In 184 6 Dred an d Harriet Scott had filed suit in Missouri for their freedom. They argued that because their master had taken them into Minnesota, Wisconsin, and othe r territories where slavery had been outlawed by the Missouri Compromise, they were by right free. Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, writing for the court, disagreed. Dred and Harriet Scott were not free. Taney stated that black s were "beings o f an inferio r order " and therefor e "ha d n o right s which white men wer e bound t o respect." Justice Peter V. Daniel, of Virginia, added insul t to injury by his claim that "the African Negr o race" did not belong "to the family of nations" but rather was only a subject for "commerce or traffic," "slaves," "property." If this part o f the rulin g fell lik e a dead weight on fre e blacks , the court' s decision regarding the Missouri Compromise wa s a death sentence. In stating that th e 1820 law was unconstitutional because Congress did not have the right to ban slavery in a territory, the court opened the entire country to slavery. If Congress could not ba n slaver y in the territories then i t could not kee p it out o f Northern states .

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Slaveholders could take their slaves north, settle wherever they wanted, and according to the logic of the Dre d Scott decision, there was nothing that coul d be don e about it . When pu t togethe r with the Fugitiv e Slave Law, the Dre d Scot t decisio n left nowher e for the fugitive to run. Questionable as the North was as a haven fo r free blacks, these two measures eliminated it as a haven of any sort. Events i n Kansa s between 185 4 an d Joh n Brown' s rai d a t Harper s Ferry, Virginia, in 1859 , literally left fre e black s nationless. Afte r th e Kansas-Nebrask a Act was passe d bot h pro - an d anti-slaver y force s rushe d int o Kansas , eac h grou p attempting to mak e sure that the territor y wa s settled accordin g to it s wishes. At stake was whether the territories would be slave or free. With both forces willing to die for their cause , violence was inevitable. As the force s clashe d i n guerrilla-style warfare, onl y the fre e blacks ' futur e ther e was certain: Slaveholder s di d no t wan t them i n their midst, and free-soiler s wrot e a constitution tha t forbad e them fro m entering the state. John Brown's raid only made the situation of free blacks more precarious. When the dust settled after th e band o f twenty-two men tried t o take the federal arsena l at Harper s Ferry , free black s wer e foun d t o b e amon g th e conspirators . Slave holders cringed when they thought abou t what might have happened had Brown's plan to seize and distribute weapons to slaves succeeded. They could and did hang John Brown for treason, but many thousands o f free blacks who stood ready to take up Brown's mantle remained among the population. Having always viewed the fre e black as out o f place in the South , white Southerners now saw an opportunit y t o eliminate this group for good. Life for Southern fre e blacks had grown harder and more dangerous. States that had already made efforts to force them to leave through colonization renewe d their efforts t o eliminate them—this time through outrigh t expulsion . Event s in Sout h Carolina, the home o f William Ellison, were typical. On the urging of Charleston' s white mechanics, city officials cracke d dow n o n fre e peopl e o f color . I n Octobe r 1858 they began arresting those who had failed to pay the capitation (literally , "per head") tax , the ta x fre e person s o f color ha d t o pa y to attes t t o thei r freedom . In December o f th e followin g year, whit e Charlestonian s forme d a Committe e o f Safety to search out and arrest anyone with abolitionist sympathies . These includ ed whites who ran black schools and blacks who received abolitionist newspaper s or otherwise engaged in suspicious behavior. A similar committe e wa s formed by Ellison's neighbors in Stateburg. Meanwhile, as the state legislature debated reenslavement bills, South Carolina' s newspapers carried articles assailing the fre e African American at every turn. On e contributor aske d wh y fre e black s wer e allowe d t o atten d balls , churches , an d funerals i n carriages; why they were allowed t o assum e the prerogatives and dis tinctions tha t "ough t t o be , among th e landmark s separatin g th e classes. " "Shal l they," he continued , "i n silk s an d laces , promenade ou r principa l thoroughfares , with the arrogance of equals."

Let M y People C o 22 If the whit e slaveholders who were the guardian s of free black s were willing to put up with such behavior, white workingmen made it clear that they were not. In the South Carolin a state legislature their leaders introduced a bill that prohibite d all free persons of color fro m "entering into contracts on any mechanical business on their own account." With a call to "MECHANICS, WORKING MEN AND ALL WHITE ME N WH O LIV E B Y THE SWEA T O F THEI R BROW" white workers urged solidarity against free blacks . Along with thousands of other free blacks throughout the South, most of whom were not nearl y as wealthy, William Ellison and his family made plans to emigrate. Between 185 8 and th e electio n o f Lincoln in 1860 , the strea m of free black s heading out o f the Sout h became a river. As in South Carolina, every Southern legislature debated expulsio n an d reenslavement, and like Ellison, free blacks considered moving eithe r nort h to Canad a o r sout h t o Hait i o r Centra l America. It di d no t matter that by the Civil War only Arkansas had actually expelled free blacks, ordering them to leave the state by January 1,1860, or be enslaved. The fury with which expulsion and enslavemen t were being debated scared African Americans. African-American leader s coul d no t hel p bu t b e disturbed . Everywher e they looked forces seemed arrayed against their people. Events in Kansas, the Dred Scott decision, th e Fugitiv e Slave Law, expulsion an d reenslavemen t bills al l mad e fo r despair. Th e natio n wa s movin g towar d dissolutio n wit h a certaint y tha t wa s frightening. While free African Americans were being sacrificed, Southern calls for secession threatene d t o tighte n th e noos e o f slaver y aroun d black s forever. S o depressed wa s the ever-optimisti c Frederic k Douglass that he , like Ellison, began looking toward Haiti as a possible homeland for black people. Martin Delany, who had by Lincoln's election already moved himself, his wife, and his five children t o Canada, traveled to West Africa i n search of a place for his people to settle. Amazingly, but understandably , th e sam e event s that cause d so much despai r for free blacks and their leaders seemed to inspire slaves. As they had don e during the American Revolution and th e War of 1812 , slaves turned th e nation' s turmoi l to thei r advantage . That the y were at the cente r o f the nation' s division s did no t escape them, becaus e by 186 0 the futur e o f slavery was on everyone' s min d an d lips. The slaves ' knowledge was manifested by acts meant t o subver t th e system . From Austin, Texas, came reports of slaves' attempts t o repeat "the horror s enacted at Harpers Ferry." In Montgomery, Alabama, it was reported that Negroe s had plotted t o divid e u p th e estates , mules , lands , an d househol d furnitur e of thei r white masters. The more conversation s the y overheard, the more newspaper arti cles that literate blacks read, the clearer it became that there were forces beyond the South lining up agains t slavery. What was not clear though was the nature and the strength of these forces. The Republicans opposed slaver y in the territories, but the y also opposed blac k rights. Abraham Lincol n wavered when i t cam e t o Africa n Americans . At one poin t h e spoke i n favo r o f black rights . Blacks , he sai d are "my equal and .. . the equa l of

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every living man." The Negro man, he declared, is "entitled to all the natural rights ... in the Declaratio n o f Independence" an d ha d th e righ t als o to "pu t int o hi s mouth th e brea d tha t hi s ow n hand s hav e earned. " A t anothe r point , though , Lincoln spok e word s tha t wer e mor e i n lin e wit h mos t o f hi s generation . H e claimed that he was against "the social and political equality of the white and black races," that he did not "favor makin g voters or jurors of negroes, nor o f qualifyin g them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people." Since, he said, there was a "physical difference between the white and black races which ... will for ever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality, " Lincoln went on record as favoring whites over blacks. "There must be," he said during his campaign fo r the Senat e in 1858 , "the positio n o f superior an d inferior , an d I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigne d to the white race." Expressions such as these inspired increasing despair. To Southerners, Abraham Lincoln was the devil incarnate, ready and willing to snatch their slave s from the m at whatever cost. Upon hi s election t o the presidency , legislatures of states i n th e South secede d fro m th e Unite d State s by declaring that th e state s were no longer part o f the Union . First , South Carolina secede d o n Decembe r 24 , 1860, followed by Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas, Virginia, North Caro lina, Arkansas , an d Tennessee . These eleve n state s joine d togethe r t o for m th e Confederate State s of America. They elected their ow n president , Jefferso n Davis , and afte r initia l debate established a capital in Richmond, Virginia. Like Douglass, blacks wanted "the complete and universal abolition of the whole slave system," as well as equal suffrage an d othe r rights for free blacks. In early 1861 Lincoln was still promising not to touch slavery where it was and not to repeal the Fugitive Slav e Law. Small wonder the n tha t Africa n American s hardl y celebrate d his inauguration . The firing on Fort Sumter, South Carolina, on April 12,1861 did, however, bring celebration. These first shot s o f the Civi l War stirred rea l hope that slavery would soon end . It all happened s o suddenly, soon afte r th e office r i n charg e of the fort , Major Robert Anderson, informed Lincoln that he needed men, arms, and supplies to maintai n th e federa l presenc e i n Charlesto n harbor . Lincoln' s dilemm a wa s obvious. I f he di d nothing , h e would appea r wea k and Sumte r woul d fal l t o th e Confederacy, as had othe r federa l forts , custo m houses , and pos t offices . On the other hand , i f he sent force s thi s would n o doub t b e taken by the Confederacy as an ac t of war. Lincoln's choice—to send supplie s but n o troop s o r arms—shifte d the burden of war to the Confederacy, which itself stood to lose credibility a s a sovereign nation i f it allowe d Lincoln to maintai n th e for t withi n it s borders. I t was hardly their intention, but the shots Confederate generals fired on the ships sent to resupply Anderson were shots that put slaver y on the road to extinction .

CHAPTER

5

Breaking the Chains 1860-1880 Noralee Frankel

I

n 1898 , years after the Civil War, Alfred Thomas, a n African-American soldier in the Unio n army , explained his decision t o enlist. He was a slave in Mississippi when he first encountered the Yankees. After th e Union soldier s rescue d a slave from th e plantation where Thomas lived , he and hi s companions becam e convinced that they should escap e slavery themselves by going with the Union sol diers. As he recalled, "Well we had bee n hearin g the gun s at Natchez and al l over the countr y an d everybod y was scared an d kep t hearin g peopl e sa y the negroe s would b e fre e an d w e heard o f colore d peopl e runnin g of f t o th e Yankees.... " Alfred Thoma s wa s one o f eightee n hundre d thousan d African American s wh o served in the Union army during the Civil War. There were also some twenty-nine thousand Africa n American s who fough t i n th e Unio n navy . African American s participated in fifty-two military engagements , an d thirty-seven thousan d died. As the United States became increasingly polarized over slavery in the 1850s , the North an d Sout h becam e suspiciou s o f each other's politica l power . Slaver y was tied to the fight over states' rights—the doctrine tha t al l rights not reserve d to the federal governmen t b y the U.S . Constitution ar e grante d t o th e states . Dispute s between th e supporters o f slavery and the proponents of free labor wer e responsible for many of the political , economic, cultural , and ideologica l difference s tha t divided the country during the war. After For t Sumte r surrendere d t o th e Confederac y o n Apri l 14 , 1861 , th e southern state s proceeded to organiz e an army under th e leadership of Robert E. Lee. A West Poin t graduat e an d traine d officer , Le e had turne d dow n Presiden t Lincoln's offe r t o comman d th e Unio n troops . Failin g t o obtai n Lee , Lincoln named George McClellan general of the Union forces. But Lincoln grew frustrated by McClellan' s cautiousnes s an d failur e t o pursu e th e enemy . H e replace d McClellan with a succession of generals to head the Union force s but foun d them all unsatisfactory . Lincoln finall y selecte d Genera l Ulysse s S . Grant t o hea d th e Union's force s because he had proved to be an aggressive, tenacious fighter. Grant's 227

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fearlessness ultimately resulte d i n far greater casualtie s tha n woul d hav e occurre d under McClellan, but unde r Grant' s leadership th e Union arm y won the war. For the first two years of the war, Lincoln justified the fighting only as necessary to sav e the Unite d State s from becomin g tw o separate countries . Not wanting t o antagonize the borde r state s like Kentucky and Missouri , which were slave states that had stayed in the Union, Lincoln refused to deal with the slave issue in any systematic manner . A s the wa r progressed , however , African American s an d whit e abolitionists pushe d Lincol n to change his mind an d ad d the elimination o f slavery to the reasons the Union was fighting the Civil War. Free Africa n American s a s wel l a s slave s wer e convince d muc h earlie r tha n Lincoln that a Northern victor y would end slavery, even though the stated purpos e of the war was to save the Union. As Frederick Douglass explained, "The American people an d th e Governmen t a t Washington ma y refuse t o recogniz e it for a time but the 'inexorable logic of events' will force it upon them i n the end; that the war now bein g wage d i n thi s lan d i s a wa r fo r an d agains t slavery. " On e Africa n American complained , "Ou r unio n friend s says the[y] ar e not fightin g to free th e negroes ... we are fighting for the union ... very well let the white fight fo r what the[y] want and we negroes fight for what we want... liberty must tak e the day." During th e war , som e slave s remaine d o n th e plantatio n whil e others , ofte n seeking liberty, escaped to the Unio n lines . Some planters fled to Texas and othe r states t o kee p thei r slave s awa y from th e Unio n army . These flight s mad e slav e escapes almost impossible. When the soldiers were nearby, male slaves could escap e but elderl y slaves and women with small children often foun d it difficult t o run t o Union lines . A s slaves fled, the wor k o f thos e wh o remaine d o n th e plantatio n expanded. As one man recalled , during the war, slave owners made slave children "do a man's work. " Raids on a plantation by soldiers—of both armies—increased the difficult y of the slaves ' work. Soldiers also raided the slaves ' quarters, takin g their fe w possessions. Deprivations cause d by the war affected bot h the Southern white s an d th e African Americans on plantations . Harsh treatment by Union soldier s made some slaves wary of them. Moreover , if slave s helpe d th e Norther n soldiers , they coul d b e punished b y their master s once the soldier s left . Som e slaves therefore failed t o cooperate , t o protec t them selves. Once whe n a Union soldie r confronte d a slave woman an d demande d t o know wher e th e silverwar e wa s hidden, sh e told hi m tha t he r owner s wer e to o cheap to buy anything tha t nice . (Sh e had earlie r helped bur y the silve r near th e very spot wher e she was speaking to the soldier. ) However , many other slave s did not protect their masters' property fro m soldiers . The taking of food by Union soldiers and their destructio n o f plantation prop erty confuse d som e slaves , especiall y children . The y develope d a n ambivalenc e toward the Union soldiers , unable to decide if the Yankees were their liberators or merely new enslavers. Even before having contact wit h them , slav e children wer e

Breaking the Chains

predisposed to be afraid of Yankee soldiers because they had heard Southern whites refer to them a s devils and monsters. Som e slave children interpreted these words literally. Mollie Williams later recalled, "Us all thought de Yankees was some kin' of debils an' we was skeered to death of 'em." Fear of the Union soldiers did not mean, however, that the slaves who remained on th e plantation s supporte d slaver y or continue d t o wor k an d ac t a s they ha d under slavery. The Civil War and the general turmoil i t brought destroyed the customary whit e authorit y o n mos t plantation s an d smal l farms . As a result, slaves often refused to do certain kinds of work and argued over matters of discipline and the management o f the plantation. Eve n before emancipation, they began to assert their rights as freed people. Before the close of the war, one slave owner greeted one of hi s workers with "Howdy, Uncle, " but th e slav e responded wit h a demand fo r proper respect : "Cal l m e Mister. " O n a minorit y o f plantations , th e free d slave s became violent, burning property and looting from their previous owners. Because of th e war , som e owner s simpl y abandone d thei r plantations . Th e slave s wh o stayed behind divided the land and property among themselves. They planted food crops and sometimes cotto n to sell. Other slaves left their plantations to escape slavery. In the South, all through th e war thousand s o f slaves freed themselves by running t o th e Unio n lines . As one military chaplain described it, "Blacks illustrated what the history of the world has rarely seen—a slave population .. . leaving its bondage of centuries... individually or i n families Thei r coming s wer e like the arrival s of cities." Leaving one's family to seek freedom behind the Yankee lines was difficult, both emotionally and physically. When hi s fathe r escaped , Levi McLaurin's son recalled , "I was present when he lef t an d I told him goodbye . He said he would be back afte r u s all." The son "sa w men pu t dog s o n hi s track s an d hear d dog s runnin g afte r m y father." Another mal e slave joined McLaurin but turne d bac k after thre e miles "because I could not leav e my family." If free d peopl e running towar d th e Unio n line s were caught by their masters, they were whipped or even killed. One newly freed man , John Boston, escaped to a regiment from Brookly n that was stationed i n Virginia. Missing his still-enslaved wife, he wrote her: "My Dear wife It is with grate joy I take this time to let you know Where I am[.j i am now in Safet y in the 14t h Regimen t of Brooklyn[.] thi s Day i can Adress you thank god as a free man[. ] I had a little trouble i n giting away." He added, "I trust the tim e Will Com e When We Shal meet again[. ] And i f We dont met on earth We will Meet in heaven. " As th e wa r progressed , mor e women , particularl y i f the y di d no t hav e smal l children, accompanied th e men. Former slave woman Maggi e Dixon recalled that when "the Unio n cavalry came past our plantation , tol d us to quit work, and follow them, we were all too gla d to d o so. " Slaves were especially eager to leav e the plantations afte r soldier s destroye d th e food supplies there. At the beginning of the war, the federal government had no policy regarding the

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In this cartoon, slaves abandon their master and run to Fort Monroe. General Benjamin Butler, who was in command of that Virginia fort, had declared such runaways "contraband" and had allowed them to stay with the Union forces.

treatment o f escapin g slaves. However, the shee r numbe r o f fleein g slave s soo n pushed Congress and the Union army into forming a plan to deal with the slaves' aspirations fo r freedom . As soo n a s th e Unio n arm y approached , slave s fro m neighboring plantations ran to its lines, hoping for their freedom. But to the slaves' disappointment, Northern soldiers in the early part o f the war returned runaway slaves to their masters. Not al l the Yankee generals agreed with this policy. In May 1861, General Benjamin Butler, stationed i n Virginia, declared the runawa y slaves "contraband," o r propert y take n durin g war, and allowe d the m t o sta y with th e army. Butler later explained, "I was always a friend o f southern rights, but a n enemy of southern wrongs." Butler's policy of freeing individual slaves who escaped to the Union army was tolerated by the federal government. Nevertheless, when other Union general s issued mor e sweepin g orders freein g al l the slave s in territorie s under their command, President Lincoln overrode them. To help clarify the statu s of the slaves , in August 1861 Congress passed the firs t Confiscation Act, which kept slave owners from reenslavin g runaways. Union sol diers occasionally continued to act as slave catchers and forced escaped slaves to go back t o thei r masters . Finally , in Marc h 1862 , Congress passed a law forbidding Union soldiers from returnin g escaped slaves. Then in July 1862, Congress passed the secon d Confiscatio n Act, which mor e broadly free d th e slave s of an y master helping th e Confederacy . Together , these measure s bega n slowl y t o chang e th e focus of the war toward a struggle for liberation by the slaves. Throughout th e war, the Union arm y had the practical problem o f what to do with all the people fleeing to it. The army quickly put th e men to work as drivers, cooks, blacksmiths, and construction workers, but the women, children, and elderly were more difficul t t o employ . Fo r th e fleein g slaves , the militar y establishe d areas called contraband camps , usually near Unio n encampments . Thes e contra band camps were often overcrowde d and unsanitary. Moreover, when the soldiers moved on to fight another battle, their departure jeopardized the safety of the free d people living in the camps. White Southerners sometimes raided the camps, killing

Breaking the Chains

or recapturin g their forme r slaves . Still, African American s often establishe d lasting friendships while living in the camps . The compositio n o f th e contraban d camp s changed afte r Jul y 186 2 when th e federal governmen t bega n t o allo w African-American men t o serv e in the Unio n army. Once the men left, the women, children, and men unable to serve remained. Afraid tha t civilian freed peopl e were becoming too dependent o n government aid in th e camps , U.S. officials decide d t o pu t the m t o work . The military therefore removed slave women, children, and men unfi t fo r military duty from the contra band camp s and placed them on abandoned plantations . Ther e they became par t of the first major experiment with non-slave labor in the South. These plantations were run eithe r by Northern whit e men o r by Southern planters who had taken a loyalty oath. I n many areas, the employer s had t o promis e no t t o whip th e free d workers or use physical punishments against them. These free laborer s were supposed t o be paid, but ofte n the y received very low wages o r n o compensatio n a t all . Their labo r contract s als o containe d man y re strictions. Some required, for instance, that the workers carry passes when they left the plantations , i n a system reminiscen t o f slavery . Also, food an d clothin g were usually in short supply. Adult workers were charged for their food and that of their children. Compoundin g thes e problems , Confederate s sometime s raide d thes e plantations an d reenslaved the workers. By the end of 1862, the women typically stayed in contraband camps or on plantations as wage laborers on Union-controlled plantations , while African-American men serve d in the army . The North wa s slow to se e the value of enlisting African Americans, whether slav e or free . As soon a s the war starte d in 1861 , many white abolitionists an d blacks lobbied for enlisting African-American me n into the army. When African-American me n in the North trie d to enlist, army recruiters turned them away. As one man fro m Ohi o wrote to the secretary of war, "We beg that you will receiv e on e o r mor e regiment s (o r companies ) o f th e colore d o f th e fre e States W e are partly drilled and would wis h to enter active service immediately.... To prove our attachment an d our will to defend the government we only ask a trial." The federal government refused, however, because officials were afraid tha t white soldier s would no t wan t t o figh t alongsid e blacks. As the wa r dragge d on , however, fewer whit e men wante d t o serv e in a war with suc h high casualties. As voluntary enlistments droppe d off , the federa l governmen t instituted a draft tha t proved highl y unpopular wit h man y Northern whites . In Jul y 186 3 whites riote d against th e draf t i n Ne w York City , blaming Africa n American s for th e war , an d rampaged agains t them . Rioter s murdered black s and burne d dow n a n African American orphanage and a church. The administrator o f the orphanage managed to remove all the children to safety before the building was torched, however. In Jul y 1862 , the governmen t decide d t o allo w African American s to join th e Union army . Although som e o f thos e wh o serve d i n all-blac k regiment s wer e free Norther n blacks , such a s Frederick Douglass's sons , mos t African-America n

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The U.S. Colored Artillery practices gun drills. Forced to serve in segregated regiments, black men faced unfair treatment by the federal government. They were paid less than white soldiers, often used inferior weapons, and received inferior medical treatment.

soldiers wer e forme r Souther n slaves . Many runaways chos e t o enlist , althoug h some wer e give n littl e choic e b y Unio n officer s needin g t o mak e thei r quota s of recruits. African-American soldier s faced many more obstacles than white men in trying to join the army. According to one report, when a group of African-American me n in Kentuck y enlisted in the Union army , "a mob of young men ... followed thes e black men from town , seized them and whipped them most unmercifully with cow hides." Afterward "they declared that 'negro enlistments should not take place.'" On occasion white men beat, whipped, and even killed African Americans who tried to join the Union army. Although th e arm y pai d whit e soldier s thirtee n dollar s a month , African American soldier s receive d onl y ten dollars, with three dollar s deducted for their clothing allowance . In protest , African-American soldier s i n th e 54t h Massachu setts Infantry refused t o accept any money unti l Congres s guaranteed them equa l pay, which i t di d i n 1864 . As one corpora l i n th e 54t h pointe d ou t t o Presiden t Lincoln: "We have done a Soldiers Duty. Why cant we have a Soldiers pay?.. . We

Breaking the Chains feel a s though, ou r Countr y spurne d us , now we are sworn t o serv e her." Soldier s were also concerned abou t what receiving less money meant fo r their families. African Americans served in segregated regiments, and the government refuse d to allo w the m t o becom e officers . Black s resiste d thes e unfai r policies . A s on e African-American sergean t wrote, "All we ask is to give us a chance, and a position higher than a n orderl y sergeant, the sam e as white soldiers , and the n you will see that w e lack for nothing." The government finall y reversed itself and allowe d Afri can Americans to become officers . African-American soldier s ofte n worke d not a s fighters but a s laborers, digging trenches, building forts, setting up camps, burying dead soldiers, cleaning, picking up garbag e in camp, an d othe r noncomba t labor . In addition, African American s used poore r qualit y weapon s tha n white s whil e i n th e service . They als o ofte n received poorer medica l attention . As one whit e doctor confessed , "Very few surgeons will do precisely the sam e for blacks as they would fo r whites." Occasionally, women wer e able to accompan y thei r me n int o th e army , if they became army washerwomen and cooks. As army widow Elizabeth Kane explained, "I was with hi m [he r husband] i n th e army . I washed fo r hi m durin g hi s entir e service in the army... . The officer s let me liv e in a tent wit h my husband." And when h e was ten year s old, Rober t Paul , whose fathe r serve d i n th e infantr y and whose mother worke d as a laundrywoman for the army, explained that h e "staye d with my father at the barracks a good deal " and "was well known b y all the Com pany men." Black women followin g the army tried to stay close to their male family members, bu t th e arm y fel t tha t th e presenc e o f families undermined arm y discipline, s o women an d childre n wer e occasionally force d out o f the barracks . African-American soldiers resented that white officers kept their wives in their own barracks but ofte n forbi d African-American wome n fro m livin g with their men . When the y remaine d on thei r old plantations , wives of the African-American soldiers faced retaliation from their slave owners. As one wife expressed to her husband i n a letter: "You do no t kno w ho w bad I a m treated . The y ar e treating m e worse an d wors e ever y day. Our chil d crie s for you." Th e lette r ende d hopefully , though, with "do the best you can and d o not fre t to o muc h fo r me for it wont b e long before I will be free an d the n al l we make will be ours." Receiving such letter s caused mixed reactions . Some soldier s wanted t o leav e the arm y and rescu e thei r families; others became more motivated t o stay and fight for freedom. Many Northern white s believed that slavery produced me n too docile and cowardly t o fight . Becaus e of suc h prejudice s some white s doubte d tha t black s ha d the competenc e t o figh t i n a n orderl y militar y fashion . Once forme r slave s ha d fought a s Union soldiers , however , the doubter s quickl y changed thei r minds . As one whit e newspape r reporte r raved , "It i s useless to tal k an y more abou t negr o courage. Th e me n fough t lik e tigers , eac h an d ever y one o f them. " Whites wer e surprised whe n African-America n regiment s fough t bravely at Por t Hudso n an d Milliken's Bend , Louisiana ; Fort Wagner , Sout h Carolina ; an d th e Battl e o f th e

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Crater, near Petersburg , Virginia. At Port Hudso n i n Ma y and a t For t Wagner i n September 1863 , African-America n troops battle d fiercel y agains t tremendou s Confederate advantages. Union deaths from the battles ran as high as forty percent. The battle at Milliken's Bend took place just ten days after th e one at Port Hudson . At firs t th e Confederate s seemed certai n o f victory . Outnumbered , th e Africa n Americans fought with bayonets in hand-to-hand comba t against the Confederate charge. The Confederate s could no t defea t them . Afte r initiall y fallin g back , th e black troops held their line and the Confederates finally retreated . At Big Black River in Mississippi (May 1863), under fire from Confederat e soldiers, th e African-America n soldiers burne d a railroa d bridg e th e Confederate s needed to bring in supplies. The soldiers also destroyed a section of railroad track . One general described the African-American soldiers: "Of this fight I can only say that me n coul d no t hav e behaved mor e bravely. I have seen white troops figh t i n twenty-seven battles and I never saw any fight better." Military strategists utilize d African-American soldier s as an element of surprise in the opening charge against Confederate soldiers. Such maneuvers proved effective . The Confederate government tried to counteract this development by threatening t o refus e t o gran t blac k troop s th e statu s o f prisoners o f war i f captured . I t announced tha t capture d African-America n soldier s would be resold int o slaver y or perhaps even killed. This policy was calculated to increas e the ris k to African American soldiers i f they enlisted in the Union army . One general recalled that i n one fight "such of the Colored Soldier s as fell into the hands of the Enemy during the battl e wer e brutally murdered. " Nevertheless , the Confederat e government' s refusal to recognize the rights of African-American prisoner s did not deter the soldiers. One answered his commander's warnin g that "it may be slavery or Death to some of you today" by saying, "Lieutenant, I am read y to di e for Liberty. " In July 1863, President Lincol n announced tha t he would no t exchang e Confederat e soldiers for Union prisoner s i f African-American me n wer e not treate d th e sam e as white prisoners of war. Although som e Confederat e soldier s treate d Africa n American s a s legitimat e prisoners of war, other s wer e far mor e brutal . In Apri l 1864 , for instance , Con federate soldier s kille d unarme d Africa n American s tryin g t o surrende r a t For t Pillow, Tennessee. This massacre became a symbol of Confederate brutality against African-American troops . On e blac k New Yorker wrot e to Presiden t Lincoln : "If the murder o f the colored troop s at Fort Pillow is not followe d by prompt actio n on the part of our government, it may as well disband al l its colored troops for no soldiers whom th e government will not protect can be depended upon. " In spit e o f their ow n an d thei r families ' hardships , African Americans wer e proud o f thei r wartim e contributions . A s on e African-America n soldie r explained, "This wa s the bigges t thing that ever happened i n m y life. I felt lik e a man with a uniform on and a gun in my hand." These soldiers fought for freedom

Breaking the Chains for themselve s and thei r families . "If roastin g o n a bed o f coals o f fir e woul d d o away with th e curs e of slavery, I would be wiling to be the sacrifice." African-American me n mad e up almos t a quarter of the navy during th e Civil War. One reason i s that sailor s did not hav e to contend wit h a s much discrimina tion a s soldiers. For example, the Confederat e polic y of not exchangin g African American soldiers for whites did not appl y to sailors. And because the ships of the time wer e to o smal l t o se t u p raciall y segregate d facilities , black s an d white s worked, ate, and bunked i n the same quarters. Particularly toward th e en d o f the war, few ships saile d without African-America n crew members. The y eve n mad e up the majority of the crew on a few ships. Besides serving as soldiers, former slaves also acted as spies for the Union army . They were able to maneuver i n and ou t o f Confederate lines with mor e eas e than Northern whit e me n could . Southerner s rarel y suspecte d Africa n American s o f carrying out cover t activities . For instance, Harriet Tubman spie d durin g the war for th e Union . Sh e went t o Sout h Carolina , wher e fo r thre e year s sh e gathere d information fo r the military by talking t o slaves living in Confederate-held areas . Slaves contributed , ofte n unwillingly , t o th e Confederat e wa r effort . The y frequently accompanie d thei r master s int o Confederat e arm y camp s t o serv e as personal servants . Th e Confederat e governmen t use d slav e labor t o buil d forti fications: The y cu t wood , du g foundations , and di d carpentr y work. Slav e me n also move d supplies . Th e arm y pai d th e master s fo r thei r slaves ' services. A few African-American soldier s di d serv e i n th e Confederat e army . I n Ne w Orleans , free Africa n American s forme d tw o regiments , no t i n defens e o f slaver y but t o defend thei r home s agains t Yanke e attack . Onc e th e Nort h too k contro l o f New Orleans, however , man y o f thes e African-America n Confederat e soldier s wen t over t o th e Unio n army , revealing th e tenuousnes s o f thei r commitmen t t o th e Confederacy. In March 1865 , a month before the Civil War ended, the Confederacy, in desperation , finall y allowe d African-America n soldier s t o figh t i n retur n fo r their freedom. When the North's African-American soldier s marched into Richmond, Virginia, as the capital of the Confederacy surrendered, white Southerners must have recognized tha t the war had destroye d slaver y forever. Thousand s of slave s had free d themselves b y crossin g ove r th e Unio n lines . African-America n soldiers serve d their country proudly in the Civil War, and many died for the honor. For their part, African-American women an d children, crowded into contraband camps , endured the war as best the y could. Many also worked o n plantation s an d becam e part of the Northern pla n of freed labor that starte d during the war. The military policies regarding suc h labor influenced th e working relationship s between th e freed peo ple and their former owners during the period of Reconstruction that followed the war. The Civil War brought freedo m t o the nation's slaves, but jus t what this free dom woul d mean for the formerl y enslaved people was unclear.

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Freedom: "Take Your Freedom, My Brothes and Sisters" After Presiden t Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in September 1862 , Union soldier s wen t to th e plantation s an d announce d th e slaves ' freedom. The newly freed people, who had long yearned for freedom, greeted the news with great excitement an d muc h celebration . Interviewe d durin g th e 1930s , Harry Bridges vividly recalled the da y when thre e federa l cavalryme n rod e ont o Majo r Sartin' s plantation i n Mississippi, where as a boy, Bridges had bee n enslaved . While look ing for Sartin, they chance d upon a group of slave women hoein g cotton. Goin g before the women, a slave man wa s helping loosen the soi l by plowing. As Bridges described it , "The Yankee s stoppe d thei r horse s an d th e leade r calle d t o th e ol d negro a t th e plo w an d aske d fo r th e owne r o f th e place — Th e soldier s the n inquired o f him who the negroes were working for and if they had been told tha t they were free." When the women overhear d the soldiers, "knowing a change ha d taken place" they "rushed t o the quarters telling the news to the other women an d children." Sartin had refused to tell his slaves that they were free, but the Union soldiers "told them o f their freedom . On e negro woman wh o wa s unable t o believe the news asked if they might leave the plantation a t the moment t o go where they wished and of course she was answered in the affirmativ e muc h t o her surprise. " The freein g o f Majo r Sartin' s slave s illustrate s tw o importan t theme s o f th e Reconstruction period. The first is that former slave owners and Souther n white s generally resisted treatin g African American s as free an d n o longe r slaves . When they finall y di d reconcil e themselves t o th e en d o f slavery , former owner s neve r believed tha t Africa n American s were equal t o an d shoul d b e grante d th e sam e rights as whites. The second is that free d peopl e had t o defin e freedo m fo r them selves, like the woma n describe d above . Typical definitions o f freedo m ofte n in cluded livin g wher e on e wante d an d receivin g paymen t fo r one' s labor . On e woman recalled in the 1930 s that the freed peopl e had expressed the desire to "do like dey please wid no boss over dem, an' den dey wanted to go places an' have no patroller ketch dem. " Gradually, the federa l government bega n t o plan fo r the forme r slaves becoming free. In Septembe r 1862 , after th e Unio n force s wo n a t Antietam, Maryland , President Lincol n issue d hi s Emancipatio n Proclamation , declarin g freedo m fo r the enslave d people in the Confederac y effective Januar y 1, 1863. Lincoln deliber ated for quite a while before changing the focus of the Civil War from a war to save the Unio n t o on e to en d slavery. Although h e personally opposed slavery , he ha d acted cautiously because of political considerations, fearin g opposition fro m suc h loyal slav e state s a s Marylan d an d Missouri . H e favore d gradual , compensate d emancipation, with slave masters receiving payment if they voluntarily freed thei r slaves. Lincoln slowly began to agree with thos e who thought tha t th e fastes t way to break the South's resistance and end the war would be to free the slaves. He also wanted to preempt the possibility of Great Britain's entering the war on the side of

Breaking the Chains the South, because England depended o n the South' s cotton. H e believed that th e anti-slavery sentiment i n Grea t Britai n would kee p that countr y ou t o f the Civi l War if a Northern victory were to fre e th e slaves. Of course , thousands o f forme r slave s had alread y free d themselve s b y taking refuge amon g the Union soldiers, and thousands more would follow them. Where African American s were already free, the y celebrated January 1, 1863, as Emancipation Day . In Washington, D.C., for instance, one freedwoman changed the lyrics of the song "Go Down, Moses" to "Go down, Abraham, away down in Dixie's land, Tell Jeff Davi s to le t my people go." Although the Emancipatio n Proclamatio n di d not fre e slave s throughou t th e natio n (specificall y i n th e borde r states) , i t di d declare freedo m fo r thos e slave s i n Confederate-hel d territory an d i t di d allo w Union soldier s i n th e futur e t o liberat e slaves , like Major Sartin's , wherever they found them . As soo n a s th e Civi l Wa r began , slaves—believin g tha t th e wa r woul d fre e them—traded informatio n abou t th e progress of the war and Union troo p move ments. As the note d African-American educato r Booke r T . Washington recalled , "Though I was a mere child during the preparations fo r the Civi l War and durin g the war itself, I now recall the many late-at-night whispered discussions that I heard my mothe r an d othe r slave s o n th e plantatio n indulg e in. " Washingto n added , "These discussion s showed that the y understood th e situation , and tha t they kept themselves informed of events by what was termed the 'grapevine telegraph.'" With emancipation , discussion amon g African Americans intensified as to their vision o f lif e a s freed me n an d women . I n 1865 , just before th e Civi l War ended , twenty African-American ministers me t i n Savannah , Georgia, with Secretar y of War Edwi n Stanto n an d Unio n Genera l William Tecumse h Sherman t o conside r the futur e o f th e newl y free d people . Whe n th e minister s wer e aske d abou t th e meaning o f freedom, one responded that "freedom, a s I understand it,... is taking us from unde r th e yoke of bondage, an d placin g us where we could rea p the frui t of our labor , take care of ourselves and assis t the Government i n maintaining ou r freedom." Whe n aske d ho w th e governmen t coul d bes t assis t free d people , on e minister answered, "The way we can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and turn i t and till it by our ow n labor." The primary desire for independence expressed by the ministers was echoed by many freed people . "I had a kind master, " one former slave explained, "but I didn't know but an y time I might be sold away off, and when I found I could get my free dom, I was very glad; and I wouldn't g o again, because now I am for myself." Freed people hel d definit e opinion s abou t wha t freedo m meant . Fo r all , fro m th e youngest t o the oldest , it meant being allowe d t o live with their familie s without the threat of any of them being sold. Former slaves , like th e minister s wh o me t wit h Secretar y Stanton, als o inter preted freedom as being able to live where they chose, to own land, and to be paid for thei r labor. Freedom also meant bein g able to travel freely .

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To Make Our World Anew Jourdon Anderson, a runaway slave during the Civil War, understood tha t free dom involve d mobilit y and separatin g oneself from one' s master . After Anderso n escaped t o Ohi o i n 1865 , hi s forme r maste r requeste d hi s retur n t o Tennessee , promising Anderson an d hi s wife , Mandy , their freedo m an d compensatio n fo r their labor. Anderson's remarkabl e letter to his former owner explained his concept of emancipation , which include d decen t wages, proper respect , education for his children, and a place of worship of his choosing. Addressing his former master as an equal , Anderson describe d hi s ne w lif e i n Ohio : " I ge t twenty-fiv e dollars a month, with victuals and clothing; have a comfortable home for Mandy (the folk s here call her Mrs. Anderson) and the children, Milly, Jane and Grundy, go to schoo l and are learning well." Freed peopl e characteristicall y defined freedo m a s the abilit y t o mak e choices about ho w they would loo k an d act . As one said , forme r slave s "wanted t o mak e money like de white folks an' do deir own buyin'." They did not want to dress as they had during slavery, particularly on special occasions. Freed women typically bought new cloth for dresses t o wear to churc h or o n holidays becaus e ne w clothes sym bolized their new status. No longer slaves, they could choose their own apparel. Freed people regarded the us e of surnames as a sign of respect, as had Jourdo n Anderson in Ohio. Whites had never called slaves by their surnames but demand ed this courtesy from blacks. After th e war, freed people began to choose their ow n last names. Even though some enslaved people had used last names, many had not . Sometimes free d peopl e adopte d th e las t name of their master a t the tim e o f th e war or chose one of an earlier master. As one man explained , taking a master's surname "was done more because it was the logical thing to do and the easiest way to be identified tha n i t was through affectio n fo r the master. " This man chose , however, not to use his master's name. "I made up my mind I'd find me a different one . One of my grandfathers in Africa was called Jeaceo, and so I decided to be Jackson." When a n arm y office r aske d on e soldier , "Do yo u wan t t o b e calle d by your ol d master's name? " he responded tersely, "No, sur, I don't. I'se had nuf f o ' ole massa." Above all, freedom equale d autonomy , the abilit y to make decisions for oneself and in the best interests of one's family and community. Ultimately, it involved no t having to tak e order s fro m a white master . As one forme r domesti c slave, whose owner used to ring a bell when she wanted her, insisted, "answering bell s is played out." Africa n American s als o wanted t o dro p slavis h mannerisms towar d whites . They wanted the right to refuse t o yield the right-of-way to whites when they met on the street or paths, to refuse to remove or tip their hats to white men who never reciprocated, an d t o b e calle d by their surname s lik e a n adult , no t b y their firs t names without a title, like a child. Grown African-American me n resente d bein g referred t o a s "boy" b y whites. And free d people' s expectation s o f freedo m wer e interrelated: The ability to travel allowed both for slave families who had been separated to reunite an d for those needin g employment to move to new jobs. Part o f the ques t fo r autonomy involve d th e desir e o f the free d peopl e to ow n

Breaking the Chains

land an d becom e economicall y independen t rathe r tha n continu e t o wor k fo r whites. Francis L. Cardozo, an African-American minister, educator, and politician, spoke in favor o f land redistribution a t the Sout h Carolina constitutional conven tion afte r th e Civil War. He argued that "in the North .. . every man has his own farm an d i s free an d independent " and demanded , "Let the lands of the Sout h be similarly divided W e will never have true freedom unti l we abolish the system of agriculture which existed in the Southern States." Freed people argued that they deserved land becaus e during slaver y they had worked withou t compensatio n t o make their owner s wealthy. When aske d by his forme r maste r t o com e wor k for him, Jourdon Anderson astutely suggested that his former maste r show good fait h by giving Anderson and his wife "back pay" as slaves. "This will make us forget an d forgive ol d scores , and rel y on you r justice and friendshi p in th e future . I served you faithfully fo r thirty-two years and Mand y twenty years. At twenty-five dollars a month for me, and two dollars a week for Mandy, our earnings would amount to $11,680." Anderson even suggested that his former owne r keep the interest on th e unpaid money to pay for the clothing and medical care that Anderson and his family had receive d a s slaves. Of course , Anderson di d no t reall y expect hi s forme r master to pay him bac k wages. Rather, he was pointing out th e inequalit y of slavery as opposed t o being a free person. Freed peopl e initiall y had reaso n t o believ e they would receiv e land fro m th e federal government. In a few areas, the government divided up plantations deserted by slave owners who ha d escape d the Unio n soldiers . The government experi mented wit h dividin g lan d of f th e coas t o f Sout h Carolin a an d a t Davi s Bend , Mississippi. Davi s Ben d wa s par t o f th e plantation s o f Confederat e Presiden t Jefferson Davi s and his brother Joseph . Some freed peopl e did receive small plots, although th e governmen t sol d o r rente d th e vas t majorit y o f th e lan d t o whit e Northerners or Southerners loyal to the Union. Concerned abou t th e numbe r o f escapin g slave s durin g th e war , Genera l William Tecumseh Sherman, on January 16,1865, ordered parts of South Carolina near the coast and on the Sea Islands to be cultivated by freed slaves. According to Sherman's Specia l Order No . 15 , the militar y would giv e each family forty acres . Sherman als o encourage d the arm y to lend the familie s arm y mules for plowing. He wanted free d familie s to become self-sufficien t s o that they would not depen d on army supplies. In Georgia, freed people also established their own farms on land seized by the military. They worked hard to raise crops on these plots of land, did quite well, and als o set up a limited loca l government i n some areas. At the time , some military officers wer e so pleased by the results that they promised the land to the freed people , although such commitments wer e not honore d afte r th e war. In Marc h 1865 , t o encourag e lan d ownership , Congres s passe d legislatio n stating tha t t o "ever y mal e citizen , whether refuge e o r freedman , ther e shal l b e assigned not more than forty acres of land." However, this legislation was never put into effec t becaus e Presiden t Andre w Johnson vetoe d the bill . In 1865 , Johnso n

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To Make Our World Anew returned th e plantations t o th e forme r owners onc e they promised loyalt y to th e U.S. government. Many years later, former slave s continued t o expres s a sense of betrayal. More than sixt y years after th e war ended, Sally Dixon recalled, "We was told when we got freed w e was going to ge t forty acres of land and a mule. 'Stea d of that, we didn't get nothing. " Although th e federa l governmen t di d no t giv e land t o free d people , Congres s did pas s othe r law s to ai d th e forme r slaves . I n th e Senate , Charles Sumne r o f Massachusetts sponsore d civi l right s legislatio n an d law s to ai d th e newl y free d slaves, includin g provision s fo r havin g th e federa l governmen t hel p establis h schools. Befor e th e Civi l War, Sumner had bee n suc h a vocal critic of slavery and pro-slavery senator s tha t h e infuriate d Representativ e Presto n Brook s o f Sout h Carolina, who severel y beat Sumne r with a cane while h e sa t at hi s Senat e desk. Sumner never fully recovere d from th e beating . While Senato r Sumne r le d th e figh t fo r freedmen' s equit y i n th e Senate , Thaddeus Stevens championed the cause of civil rights for African Americans in the House of Representatives. As a lawyer in Pennsylvania, Stevens had defende d runaway slaves, arguing against their return. As a congressman, he bitterly opposed th e Fugitive Slave Act that was passed as part of the Compromise o f 1850. This act gave Southern whites the right to reenslave escaped slaves who had ru n awa y to the fre e states in the North. In spite o f severe heart trouble , unti l his death i n 186 8 Stevens chaired th e importan t Way s an d Mean s Committee , whic h control s budgetar y issues. With Sumner , Steven s was a membe r o f th e Join t Committe e o n Recon struction that shape d Congressional Reconstruction policy regarding the South. Under th e leadershi p o f me n lik e Sumne r an d Stevens , th e Republican controlled Congres s passe d thre e amendment s t o th e Constitutio n concernin g the newl y free d people . Thes e change s wer e accepte d wit h th e necessar y two thirds congressiona l majorities , after whic h three-fourth s of the stat e legislatures voted fo r the amendments. The y then becam e part o f the Constitution. Th e 13t h Amendment, abolishing slavery in the United States , was adopted by the states in 1865. The 14th Amendment, granting citizenship to freed people, was added to the Constitution i n 1868 . This righ t ha d bee n denie d t o slave s in a n 185 7 Supreme Court decision . Th e 15t h Amendment guarantee d the righ t of African-America n men—but no t women—t o vote . I t wa s adopte d i n 1870 . Th e 14t h an d 15t h Amendments als o allowed African-American me n t o vote for new state constitu tions an d stat e legislature s durin g th e perio d know n a s Congressiona l Recon struction, fro m roughl y 186 7 to 1869 , when Congres s implemente d it s pla n fo r rebuilding th e South . Congressiona l Reconstructio n differe d fro m Presidentia l Reconstruction, which had occurre d from 186 5 to 1867 , by supporting th e political rights of freedmen. During this era, African-American me n ra n fo r office , an d won, while white Southern me n who had supporte d th e Confederac y were eithe r temporarily disenfranchise d or refuse d t o vote, to protes t th e suffrag e grante d t o African-American men .

This public letter from reformer Wendell Phillips urges blacks to educate themselves so they can assume the duties of citizenship.

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Besides passin g thes e thre e amendments , Congres s overrod e Presiden t Johnson's vet o t o establis h th e Burea u o f Refugees , Freedmen , an d Abandone d Lands, known as the Freedmen's Bureau. Its mission wa s to help freed people make the transition fro m slavery to freedom. The bureau gave out food to both Souther n whites and African Americans if they needed it. It also provided an opportunity for former slave s t o legaliz e their marriages , by issuin g marriag e licenses. Onc e th e freed people realized they would no t obtai n land , bureau agent s helped negotiat e labor contracts between the freed peopl e and their new employers and settle labor disputes. Establishin g schools an d hospital s wa s another par t o f the Freedmen' s Bureau's work, particularly as it became clear that white Southerners wanted facil ities that excluded African Americans. Understaffed an d underfunded, the Freedmen's Bureau did not always work the way Congress intended. Sometime s it s employees living in the Sout h wer e overly sympathetic t o whit e employer s and prejudice d against African Americans . Also, freed people foun d it hard t o take time off from work to walk to the bureau i n the closest town and make a claim against an employer . Besides passing legislation t o se t up th e Freedmen' s Bureau, Congress tried t o protect free d people' s rights throug h othe r laws. Congress passe d th e Civi l Right s Act of 186 6 to overtur n th e discriminator y Blac k Codes that Southern state s ha d passed afte r 186 5 t o limi t th e right s o f Africa n Americans . Although Presiden t Johnson demande d tha t th e Souther n state s abolis h slaver y by ratifying th e 13t h Amendment, h e encourage d Souther n stat e legislature s t o rejec t th e concept s o f African-American suffrag e an d equality . Immediately afte r th e Civi l War, during what i s referred t o a s Presidential Reconstruction, Southern stat e legislatures under th e contro l o f whites sympatheti c to the Confederacy passed laws that applied only to African Americans. These laws, passed fro m 186 5 to 1866 , attempted t o thwart African Americans' visions of free dom an d thei r ques t fo r individua l an d communit y independence . Thes e Blac k Codes bestowed certai n legal rights on former slaves, such as the right to enter into contracts legally . As a result, freed people gaine d the righ t t o marr y an d acquir e personal property. More significantly, however, the Black Codes limited various aspect s of African Americans' lives . Mos t state s passe d vagranc y laws , whic h mean t tha t Africa n Americans had t o prov e the y were employed b y whites o r ris k arrest. To further ensure that African Americans were available for employment b y whites, the state s passed stric t rule s enforcing yearlong labo r contract s s o that worker s coul d no t change employers for at least a full year, even for higher wages. In Florida, employees who broke their contract s coul d suffe r physica l punishment o r be required t o provide a full year's labor without pay. Mississippi passed some of the most repressive laws, such a s legislation prohibiting Africa n American s fro m possessin g guns and leasing or renting land i n rural areas . Some Blac k Codes also allowe d forme r masters or othe r white s to apprentic e or have the childre n o f former slaves wor k

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for them if the courts ruled that the children's parents were destitute. Thus, former slave owners could keep African-American boys until they reached twenty-one and girls until they turned eightee n without paying them or their parents anything for their labor. The Black Codes also forbade interracial marriage and prohibited African Americans from servin g on juries. Although the Blac k Codes allowed Africa n Americans to be witnesses in court, they could not testif y against a white person. Along with th e passag e of the Blac k Codes , white vigilante groups spran g u p throughout th e Sout h t o terroriz e African American s an d kee p them fro m exer cising thei r vision as free people . The best-known suc h organizatio n was the Ku Klux Klan, which was formed in Tennessee in 1866 . An early leader of the Klan was Nathan Bedford Forrest, a Confederate soldier and former slave owner whose men were responsible fo r butchering African-America n me n a t Fort Pillow, Tennessee , during th e Civi l War. The Kla n an d othe r group s targete d white s an d African American men an d thei r familie s who were active in the Republican party as well as white and African-American schoolteachers . They also attacked black landowners and African American s refusing t o behave in a manner subservient to whites. Through thei r dealing s with Souther n whites, African American s learned tha t freedom coul d no t b e easil y attained bu t woul d involv e struggle . Free d peopl e adopted a variety of methods to try to ensure what they considered freedom. When possible, they made complaint s to the Freedmen's Bureau regardin g whit e injus tices. On plantation s the y joined togethe r to deman d bette r wage s and workin g conditions. Withi n thei r communitie s the y establishe d thei r ow n churche s an d schools. With the passag e o f the 14t h Amendment t o th e Constitution , AfricanAmerican men, along with women and children, marched to polling places. There, the me n cas t their votes for Republican candidates to hel p ensure civil rights for themselves and their communities . Politics: "Slavery Is Not Abolished Until the Black Man Has the Ballot'' As a young child, Rober t Small s was a well-treated house servant . When h e was twelve, his maste r hire d hi m ou t a s an urba n slave . He worked o n th e dock s a t Charleston, Sout h Carolina , an d learne d sailmaking . Then i n May , 1862 , in hi s twenties, Small s an d hi s wife , Hannah , decide d t o escap e slaver y by stealin g a Confederate boa t and sailing it to freedom. The one they took was a boat Small s worked on , whic h ha d a slave crew and thre e whit e officers . Ther e wer e sixteen people, including Smalls's family , o n th e shi p earl y one mornin g whil e the whit e crew members were still sleeping onshore. With a straw hat hiding his face, Smalls guided th e boa t pas t th e Confederat e posts, correctl y signaling th e Confederat e codes. Some Confederates thought th e boat was out patrolin g very early, but the y allowed it through the checkpoints. After passing the last point, Smalls dropped th e Confederate flag and raised a white bed sheet as a sign of surrender. Then he sailed to Charleston, which the Union force s controlled, and turned ove r the boat t o the

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Union soldiers. Smalls not only won his freedom but the U.S. Congress paid him a reward for providing the Union army with a working Confederate war vessel. Robert Small s went o n t o serv e a s a second lieutenant i n th e Unio n navy . In 1864, while in Philadelphia, he was thrown of f a streetcar. The protests that resulted from thi s incident led the streetcar companies to integrate their cars . After th e war, Smalls continued hi s politica l activism . As he gre w more successful , Small s compensated as a free adul t fo r his lack of formal education durin g slavery. From five t o seve n o'clock each morning, he studied on hi s own and, fo r the nex t tw o hours, had private lessons. To improve his reading ability, he subscribed to a newspaper. He became a delegate to the Sout h Carolin a constitutiona l convention . I n 1870, he won a seat in th e Sout h Carolin a Senate and serve d as a U.S. congressman. Small s became on e o f th e mos t influentia l politician s i n Sout h Carolin a during Reconstruction, supportin g public education and voting rights for AfricanAmerican men. During Reconstruction, for the first time, African Americans in the South held office i n loca l an d stat e government s an d eve n becam e lawmaker s i n th e U.S . Congress. Some of these lawmakers had bee n free before th e war, but others , like Smalls, were formerly enslaved. Guaranteeing an d protecting the right o f AfricanAmerican male suffrage wa s important t o these leaders, as it was to Smalls. In th e face o f intense—even violent—opposition, they served in public office . Before th e en d o f the Civi l War, African American s participated i n meetings , organizations, and conventions to voice their political concerns and aspirations. In 1864, African American s me t i n Syracuse , New York, to for m the Nationa l Equal Rights League . The Leagu e encourage d th e formatio n o f stat e branches. Africa n Americans in New Orleans formed their own chapter. Calling for African-American male suffrage, th e League championed othe r civi l rights issues and demanded, fo r example, tha t Africa n American s be permitte d t o si t wherever the y wante d o n streetcars rather than being relegated to the dirtiest, mos t crowde d car s or having to stay on the platform outside. During Reconstruction, African Americans throughout th e country participat ed in civil rights group s called Union Leagues . Many of the league s were racially segregated, bu t som e include d bot h African-America n and whit e Republicans , working together to oppose the former Confederates, who were Democrats. Union Leagues ofte n supporte d reform s o n th e loca l leve l suc h a s protesting all-whit e juries and raising money to build schools and churches. Committed to the issue of workers' rights, the league s provided advic e on negotiatin g fo r better wages and even organize d strikes in Alabama and Sout h Carolina . T o keep mobs o f whites from interruptin g thei r meetings , the league often encourage d African-American men to arm themselves when attending. On some of these occasions, black women kept guard over stacks of weapons. During an d afte r th e war , African American s organize d stat e convention s t o advance the political and economic issues of significance to them. These conventions

Breaking the Chains demanded suc h rights a s being allowed to serv e on a jury, gain an education , an d carry guns . "We claim exactl y th e sam e rights , privilege s an d immunitie s a s ar e enjoyed by white men—we ask nothing more and will be content with nothing less," declared a statement fro m th e 186 5 Alabama convention. It continued: "Th e la w no longer know s white nor black, but simpl y men, and consequently w e are entitled to ride in public conveyances, hold office, si t on juries and do everything else which we have in th e pas t bee n prevente d fro m doin g solel y on th e groun d o f color. " At the South Carolin a convention , Willia m B . Nash, wh o late r becam e a stat e senator , summed up several of these demands: "We ask that the three great agents of civilized society—the school , th e pulpit , th e press—b e a s secur e i n Sout h Carolin a a s i n Massachusetts, or i n Vermont. We ask that equa l suffrage b e conferre d upon us , in common wit h the white men of this state." At first it was the African Americans who had bee n fre e befor e th e wa r who controlle d th e conventio n agendas , but increas ingly freedmen became active. Immediately afte r th e war , Southern an d Norther n black s began t o agitat e for voting privileges for African-American men . Frederick Douglass argued that "slavery i s not abolishe d unti l th e blac k ma n ha s th e ballot. " African-American men petitioned th e government to grant them th e right to vote, arguing that "if we are called o n to d o military duty against the rebe l armies in the field, why should w e be denied the privilege of voting against rebel citizens at the ballot-box?" Tying th e vot e t o militar y servic e automaticall y exclude d African-American women from being considered for suffrage. Neithe r political party endorsed woma n suffrage, an d th e issu e lost in several state referenda acros s the country . Failure to receive the vote did not kee p African-American wome n fro m othe r kinds of political activity , however , suc h a s declarin g thei r loyalt y t o th e Republica n part y through wearing campaign buttons, attending meetings, an d marching wit h their men to the voting places. President Lincoln favored limited African-American mal e suffrage, fo r "the very intelligent, and [for ] those who serv e our caus e as soldiers," but h e did no t mak e the advocacy of black male suffrage par t of his plan for the South. When he became confident that the North would win the Civil War, he began to work out measures to dea l with the Souther n state s involved in the rebellion . Under Lincoln' s policy, men highly placed in the Confederate army or government would not immediate ly regain their right to vote, but mos t Southern men would not be punished if they promised t o suppor t th e U.S. government an d accep t the en d o f slavery. Lincoln's plan allowe d that afte r te n percent of a state's 186 0 voting population declare d its loyalty t o th e Union , th e stat e coul d establis h a ne w government . Onl y thre e Confederate state s agreed to Lincoln's policy: Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee. Because Lincol n develope d thi s plan durin g th e war , it remain s unclea r ho w h e would have dealt with th e South once the war ended. Members o f Congres s reviewin g Lincoln's pla n fel t i t wa s too conciliator y t o Confederates an d di d no t g o fa r enoug h i n protectin g th e newl y free d slaves .

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Congress exercise d it s prerogativ e no t t o allo w representative s fro m Louisiana , Arkansas, or Tennessee to join the U.S. Congress. Additionally, Congress countered Lincoln's policie s wit h th e Wade-Davi s Bill , whic h temporaril y place d th e for mer Confederat e states unde r militar y control. Rathe r than automaticall y having these states represented i n Congress , as in Lincoln' s plan, this bil l had th e presi dent appoin t governor s t o overse e the transitio n withi n th e forme r Confederate states. Under thes e governors, a majority o f the voting population (as opposed to Lincoln's ten percent ) had t o swea r loyalty, after whic h each state was required t o pass a ne w stat e constitutio n outlawin g slavery . Like Lincoln' s plan , i n thi s on e high-ranking Confederate government an d military men could no t vote . In addi tion, only men who swore that they had not supported the Confederacy o r fought against the Union could vote for delegates to write the new state constitutions. Thi s test of loyalty was referred to as the "ironclad oath. " The Wade-Davis Bill also provided free d peopl e with limite d civi l rights. Because Lincoln refuse d t o sig n th e Wade-Davis bill, it never became law. Lincoln an d Congres s were never abl e t o wor k ou t a compromis e fo r recon structing the South. On April 14,1865, while enjoying a play with his wife at Ford's Theatre, i n Washington , a pro-slavery actor name d Joh n Wilkes Boot h sho t th e president in the head with a pistol. Booth himself fel l onstage, breaking his left leg. Some member s o f th e audienc e though t h e yelle d i n Latin , "Thus b e i t eve r t o tyrants." Booth limped outside and rode away. Early the next day, President Lincoln died. On April 26 a soldier who was trying to capture Booth shot an d killed him . Upon Lincoln' s death, Vice President Andrew Johnson assumed th e presidency. Johnson, a former slav e owner, had remaine d loya l to th e Union . H e was a compromise candidate for vice president, chosen to appease the border states and slave owners not in rebellion. Johnson's plan for Reconstruction, referred to as Presidential Reconstruction, was in effect fro m 186 5 until 1867 . It differed fro m Congress' s later plan , referre d t o a s Congressional Reconstruction . Johnson' s proposal s in cluded making white Southerners from Confederat e states take loyalty oaths to the Union an d called for the writing of new Southern state constitutions. The y specified th e electio n o f new state government s before a state's representative s to th e U.S. Congress would b e accepted. Johnson demanded tha t Souther n white s owning more tha n twent y thousand dollar s worth o f property reques t a special presidential pardon a s a way of further humiliatin g them . Unlike many members of Congress, Johnson showe d little concern over the status of freed people, believing that they needed to be controlled by Southern whites. After presentin g hi s pla n fo r Reconstruction , Johnso n vetoe d a bill fundin g th e Freedmen's Burea u and th e Civi l Rights Act of 1866 . However, Congress obtaine d the two-third s majorit y require d t o overrid e a veto, an d bot h bill s became law . Johnson tried to undercut Congress's position by attempting to sabotage its effort s at Reconstruction of the South. The ongoing disagreements between Johnson an d Congress over governmental policie s regarding Reconstruction cause d a widening

Breaking the Chains

rift between the executive and legislative branches of government. Congress passed a law that the president could not remov e presidential appointments approved by the Senate, but Johnson ignored it. Hostilities grew to the point where the Congres s actually impeache d th e president , although i n 186 8 i t voted no t t o remov e hi m from office . The Southern state s were quick to accept many facets o f Johnson's plan for Reconstruction becaus e much o f it was more agreeable to them tha n Congress's . I n 1865-66, white men—man y of whom wer e forme r Confederate s an d slav e own ers—were electe d a s delegate s t o rewrit e th e stat e constitution s an d soo n afte r became state legislators. Although the states ' revised constitutions recognize d the end o f slavery, the stat e legislatures in most Souther n state s also passed the Blac k Codes, which restricted African Americans' civil rights. Angered in part by the Black Codes, by white attacks against African American s in rac e riot s i n Memphi s an d Ne w Orlean s i n Ma y an d Jul y 1866 , an d b y th e Southern states' unwillingness to accept civil rights for newly freed slaves , the U.S. Congress decided tha t a plan tougher than Johnson' s was needed. For one thing , Congress refused to accept senators and representatives elected from the states that had adopte d Johnson' s Reconstruction plan . Then , i n 1866 , Congres s passe d th e 14th Amendment t o th e U.S . Constitution, whic h grante d citizenshi p t o Africa n Americans an d ensure d tha t the y were counted i n th e populatio n fo r representation purpose s i n th e Hous e o f Representatives. Congress further declare d tha t any man who had supported th e Confederacy could not be elected to any state or federal offic e unles s Congres s approved . Thi s provisio n incidentall y helpe d pro mote the Republican party in the South because most o f the men disenfranchised were Democrats. Although accepting the 14t h Amendment was a prerequisite for congressional recognition of a state's representatives and senators, all the Souther n state legislatures except Tennessee initially voted agains t the 14t h Amendment. I t ultimately passe d i n 1868 . In 1867 , Congress acted on its own Reconstruction plan. Congress placed military commanders with federal troops in charge of the former Confederate states. Although the Southern states complained about having Union troops stationed in the South, by the end of 1866 only thirty-eight thousand remained , mostly in frontier areas. Another part of Congressional Reconstructio n wa s its requirement tha t the former Confederate states rewrite their constitutions t o supersede those passed dur ing Presidential Reconstruction. A state could then set up a state legislature and, if it ratified the 14t h Amendment, be readmitted int o the Union an d have its representatives accepted in the U.S. Congress. To guarantee African-American me n th e right t o vote , Congres s als o passe d th e 15t h Amendmen t t o th e Unite d State s Constitution. I t was ratified by the states in 1870 . The new state constitutions written during Congressional Reconstruction were often the most democratic ones passed in the South. They provided fund s for public schools, railroad construction, and other improvements neede d in part because

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To Make Our World Anew of wa r damage . They supporte d service s for th e poo r an d physicall y disable d a s well as the establishmen t of orphan asylums . The state constitutions als o included such progressive measures as abolishing imprisonment fo r owing money and pub lic whippings a s punishment fo r crimes . Through th e revise d constitution s an d new stat e laws, much o f th e raciall y discriminatory legislatio n passed unde r th e Black Codes was eliminated . The Republican-dominate d Congres s supporte d African-America n mal e suf frage, in part because some members believed that blacks would achieve equity and justice only if they received suffrage. Congres s also knew that free d peopl e woul d be more likely to vote for the Republican rather than the Democratic party. African Americans supporte d th e Republica n part y because Republicans endorse d equa l rights and the end of slavery, whereas the Democrats had opposed th e federal government's ending of slavery. Congressional Reconstruction made available unprecedented political opportu nities for African-American me n i n the South . Even Northern African American s headed Sout h to become community leaders and officeholders. On the local level, African American s became increasingly active, electing men to position s as mayors, polic e chiefs , school commissioners , an d stat e militi a officers . The y sa t o n juries an d becam e policeme n an d ta x collectors . Nineteen Africa n American s in Louisiana and fiftee n i n Mississippi became sheriffs. African-American coroners as well as racially integrated juries and sheriff s helpe d Africa n Americans receive the justice denie d t o the m a s slaves . Local black leaders buil t coalition s wit h othe r African American s t o hel p influenc e stat e policie s an d ai d i n electin g Africa n Americans to office s a t the stat e level. African American s voted i n larg e numbers fo r stat e delegates to th e ne w state constitutional convention s a t a time when man y white Democrat s wh o had sup ported the Confederacy were refusing to vote. With these elections, African Americans became part of the constitutional delegation s in the South. Whites, includin g both Norther n Republican s who ha d move d t o th e Sout h a s wel l a s Souther n whites who had stayed loyal to the Union durin g the war, made up the majority of the delegates . Onl y in Louisiana an d Sout h Carolin a were African Americans th e majority i n the delegations. When state elections were held after the ratification of the new state constitutions, male voter s o f bot h race s overwhelmingl y electe d Republicans , bot h whit e an d African American . Many black delegates to the state constitutional convention s later became state legislators. African American s representatives advocate d lan d redistribution, equal access to public schools, women's rights, a ten-hour workday rather than having laborers work from sunu p to sundown, and prohibitions agains t family violence. They also argued for racially integrated restaurants, hotels, theaters, and trans portation systems . Althoug h African-American legislators disagree d amon g them selves o n man y o f thes e issues , almost al l wante d ful l politica l right s fo r Africa n Americans.

The Mississippi legislature of 1874-75 includes several black representatives. At the time, Mississippi had more African-American officeholders than most other states.

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Besides serving at the state and local levels, African Americans were also elected to nationa l office . Sixtee n African-America n men serve d i n th e U.S . Congres s during Reconstruction . In 1870 , Hiram Revel s from Mississippi became th e firs t African-American U.S . senator . H e too k th e Senat e sea t onc e hel d b y Jefferso n Davis, who had resigned t o become president of the Confederacy . Befor e the war, Revels's parents, as free blacks, had lived in North Carolina. Revels attended college, became a minister a t the African Methodist Episcopal Churc h in Baltimore , an d was a chaplain fo r an African-American regimen t statione d i n Vicksburg, Mississippi. Revels also recruited black soldiers for the Union army. Blanche Kelso Bruce also served as a U.S. senator. As a slave in Missouri, Bruce had become a printer. During the war, he ran a school for African-American children. Then he went to Mississippi, where he became a sheriff an d a tax collector . After electio n to the Senate , he worked o n suc h issue s as Indian policy , improve ments t o the Mississippi River , and racial equity. Joseph H. Rainey of South Carolin a was the firs t Africa n America n to serv e in the U.S. House of Representatives. Rainey had been a free African American before the Civi l War and ha d worked in Charleston, Sout h Carolina. Robert P. Elliot was a delegate to the South Carolina constitutional conventio n an d served in the South Carolina Hous e o f Representatives , becoming speake r i n 1874-76 . He was also a U.S. congressman . I n Alabama , three Africa n American s served a s congressme n including James T. Rapier. Rapier supported expanding public funds for education rather tha n relyin g solely on privat e schools , an d h e helpe d free d peopl e obtai n land in the West. Alonzo J. Ransier, born i n England, was another Sout h Carolin a congressman . Free before the war, he worked as a clerk for a shipping office . Joh n R. Lynch, the son o f a slave woman an d a white man , became fre e durin g th e Civi l War. After serving as justice of the peace, he was elected as a representative to the Mississipp i legislature an d served two terms in the U.S. House of Representatives. H e advocated voting rights for African-American men . In th e Sout h durin g Reconstruction , mos t o f th e highes t stat e office s wer e held by whites. Only Louisiana had a n African-American governor , Pinckney B. S. Pinchback. H e supporte d African-America n male suffrage , educatio n fo r free d people, an d integrate d accommodation s o n train s an d boats . Mississipp i an d South Carolina both had African-American lieutenant governors. In Louisiana and South Carolina , Africa n American s served a s state treasurers . African American s became secretar y of stat e i n Florida , Mississippi , an d Sout h Carolina . Arkansas , Florida, Louisiana, and Mississippi had African-American superintendent s of education durin g Reconstruction . In some states, these official s oversa w the develop ment o f the first state public school systems for whites as well as blacks. The African-American lawmaker s serving at the state level came from a variety of backgrounds . Some , lik e Jame s Lync h o f Mississippi , wer e fre e Norther n African American s before Reconstruction. Educate d in Pennsylvania , he went t o

Breaking the Chains

Mississippi after th e war to work for the Methodist Episcopa l Church. During th e war, Lynch served as a cook in the army . As he wrote i n his diary, "I have convictions of duty t o m y race as deep a s my own sou l The y impel m e to g o [to ] a Southern state , and unite my destiny with that of my people." Lynch campaigne d for th e Republican party, organized a Loyal League to support it , and became secretary of state in Mississippi. O n July 4,1865, speaking to freed people in Augusta, Georgia, Lync h argued tha t "al l tha t m y rac e ask s o f th e whit e ma n i s justice." Francis L. Cardozo worked a s a carpenter, saved his earnings, and went to Europe for a n education . A minister, h e traveled in the Sout h t o trai n African-America n teachers. Cardozo, a delegate t o th e Sout h Carolin a stat e constitutiona l conven tion, later became the firs t African-American secretar y of state. More than si x hundred African-America n me n were elected to state legislatures in the South, although white s continued t o chair most o f the important commit tees. Except in Louisiana and South Carolina, most of the black legislators were former slaves. During Reconstruction , resistanc e wa s fierc e t o African-America n lawmakers and Northern-born a s well as Southern white Republicans who dominated South ern legislatures. Whites forme d secre t organizations such as the K u Klux Klan an d White Camelia . Well-arme d group s lik e th e Re d Shirts , rifl e clubs , an d whit e leagues like the Kla n tried t o keep African-American men fro m votin g and kille d or drove out African-American politician s from thei r homes, even sometimes ou t of the South. As historian Eri c Foner has explained, "In effect , th e Kla n was a military forc e servin g the interes t of the Democrati c party, the plante r class , and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy." One freedman recalled that Klansmen assaulted Africa n American s and onc e "ravished a young gir l who was visiting my wife." He explained, "The cause of this treatment, they said, was that we voted the radical [Republican ] ticket. " Ku Klu x Kla n violence devastate d th e Loya l League and mad e holdin g mas s political meeting s increasingl y difficul t fo r Africa n Americans . On e African American ministe r recalle d being terrorized b y the Klan : "The republica n pape r was then comin g t o m e fro m Charleston . I t cam e to m y name. The y said I mus t stop it , quit preaching , and pu t a card i n th e newspape r renouncin g republican ism, and the y would no t kil l me; but i f I did no t the y would com e back the nex t week and kil l me." In his testimony t o Congress , on e African-American justice of the peac e i n Tennesse e state d tha t Klansme n assaulte d hi m "becaus e I ha d th e impudence t o ru n agains t a white ma n fo r office , an d bea t him. " A n attempte d murder o f a n African-America n politician i n Alabam a wa s justified b y whites , according t o testimon y abou t Kla n activities , o n th e ground s tha t h e "was goin g around instructing and enlightening negroe s how to act and how to work for their rights, and to make contracts to get their rights." The Klan sent a message to a black Georgia congressma n expressin g it s contempt : "For w e swea r b y th e power s of both Light an d Darkness that n o Negr o shal l ente r th e Legislativ e Halls o f th e

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To Make Our World Anew South." Even faced with such opposition, African American s continued t o serve at the national , state , an d loca l levels . Georgi a stat e senato r Aaro n Bradley , alon g with other African Americans, fought against the Klan. He wrote a public notice to the "KKK and all Bad Men" that stated, "If you strike a blow the man o r men will be followed , and hous e in whic h he or the y shal l take shelter , will be burne d to the ground. " African Americans resisted white vigilantism, but they could not figh t the com bined lega l an d illega l method s white s use d t o disenfranchis e blac k voters . I n Alabama, African American s told Klansmen that "they were willing to go out int o an ope n field and 'fight i t out.'" But such courageous stands coul d no t effectivel y protect white and African-American Republicans . Resistance to the Klan and othe r white violence was dangerous because local whites ofte n di d no t suppor t Africa n Americans' attempts t o retaliat e agains t th e Klan . Also, the Kla n ofte n possesse d superior weapons . African American s correctly feare d that arme d confrontatio n with Kla n members and othe r white vigilantes would increas e the likelihood tha t whites would retaliate and sprea d the violence against African Americans . During 1870 an d 1871 , the Unite d State s passed Enforcemen t Acts, which expande d th e use of federal courts against election fraud, and i n 1871 , the K u Klux Klan Act gave the federa l governmen t th e righ t t o us e federa l court s a s well a s troops agains t groups conspiring to keep people from voting , sitting on juries, or holding public office. When troops were used in South Carolina, violence declined for a short time in the South . Nonviolent means were also used to keep African Americans from participatin g in government. In Georgia in 1868 , the state legislature refused t o allow duly elected African-America n member s t o atten d stat e congressiona l sessions , o n th e grounds that because of their race, the African Americans did not possess the right to serve as lawmakers. The black legislators were finally seated by order of the U.S. Congress. Man y white Republican s involved i n politica l coalition s wit h Africa n Americans preferred that the blacks not hol d offic e bu t simpl y elect white Republicans to represent them. The majority of Southern whites never fully accepte d the idea o f African-American mal e suffrage , an d man y secretl y hoped t o subver t i t once the federa l governmen t removed its troops fro m th e region . After a lull during the election of 1872 because of federal intervention, violenc e flared again. In Mississippi, an African-American sherif f pleade d i n a letter to th e governor for federal troops to protect African-America n officeholder s an d voters . He observed , " A perfec t stat e o f terro r reign s supreme throughou t th e county. " During th e electio n o f 1875 , whe n violen t whit e mob s trie d t o kee p African American men fro m voting , one black policeman told hi s former master, "We are gwine to hav e this election; we mean t o ge t it by fair mean s if we can, but w e are bound t o hav e it anyhow. " Beside s violence aime d a t keepin g African-American men fro m voting , Souther n white s als o refuse d t o ren t the m lan d o r giv e the m

Breaking the Chains

credit o r job s if they supporte d th e Republica n party. As one African-American lawmaker recalled, "I always had plent y of work before I went into politics , but I never got a job since." He conjectured that whites refused to hire him "because they think they will break me down and keep [me] from interferin g with politics. " During th e 1870s , Northern commitmen t t o Reconstructio n began t o wane . Republicans split over issues such as corruption, tariffs, and free trade. Corruption in government, including bribery of officials, wa s a problem nationwide after th e war. Economic growth and particularly the expansion of the railroads were accompanied b y attempts t o swa y politicians, whethe r b y lawful o r unlawfu l methods . While corruption and graft were much greater in the North than the South, Reconstruction wa s ofte n blame d fo r th e dishonest y i n government . White Souther n politicians receive d muc h mor e i n illegal payments and railroa d stock s tha n th e African-American lawmakers , but som e black lawmakers were also found to have accepted bribes . Railroa d companie s hande d ou t mone y o r stoc k t o gai n stat e legislators' support fo r their projects , inducin g politician s to vote fo r projects i n which the y had a n economic interest . U.S . Congressman Rober t Small s of Sout h Carolina, along with others, was convicted o f taking a bribe, although h e was later pardoned. In th e North , white s wearie d o f the turmoi l o f Reconstruction . Man y bega n to believ e tha t peac e woul d occu r onl y i f th e Souther n whites , particularl y th e planters, controlle d Souther n stat e government s an d Africa n Americans , eve n though this meant that white domination woul d subvert th e ideal of equal rights . After 1872 , the federa l government becam e increasingl y unwilling t o us e federal troops to sto p violence agains t African-America n voter s an d lawmakers . I n tha t same year, Congress gave back the right to vote to most Confederate supporters. As a result of whites voting once more, the desertio n of some Southern whites from the Republican party, and the disenfranchisement o f some African-American male voters through violence and other means, more Democrats were elected and too k control o f stat e government s i n th e South . As one African-America n politician noted, "The whole South—every state in the South—had got into the hands of the very men tha t hel d u s as slaves." These men favore d a white supremacist government an d society , with African American s subservient to whites in their political, economic, and social relationships. These white legislators enacted various methods o f keeping blacks fro m voting . Along with movin g polling place s into whit e areas an d providin g fewe r one s where African American s lived, they also passed poll taxes and establishe d property qualifications for voting. Poor African Amer icans who coul d no t affor d t o pa y the pol l tax coul d no t vote . As a result, fewe r African American lawmakers were elected. White officials als o increasingly barred blacks from servin g on juries. In 1876 , the federal government withdrew even its marginal support for Reconstruction. I n th e presidentia l electio n o f tha t year , the Democrati c candidate ,

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Samuel J. Tilden, won the popular vote over the Republican nominee, Rutherford B. Hayes. Because in some states, particularly in the South, the votes were contested with both parties declaring victory, Tilden did not gain the needed electoral college votes. In 187 7 Congress worked out a compromise through a special election commission tha t decide d in favo r o f Haye s by one vote . Meanwhile, Republican and Democrati c leaders informally decided that i f Southern congressmen would accept Hayes , he woul d withdra w federa l troops fro m th e South . Suc h a policy, which Hayes had favore d even before the election, would allow white Southerner s to disenfranchis e Souther n blac k me n withou t federa l interference . Souther n Democrats als o wanted mor e contro l over federa l job s i n th e Sout h an d federal help in financing road construction, bridg e repair, and other suc h improvements . The African-American men wh o hel d offic e durin g Reconstructio n provide d Southern blacks with more legal equity than they had previously received as slaves or would gain under legislatures controlled by the Democrats after Reconstruction . The ne w constitution s passe d durin g Reconstructio n institute d man y reform s within th e South . Th e politica l failur e of Reconstruction , durin g an d afte r th e Reconstruction era, was that these achievements were often undermined . Labor: "I Mean to Own My Own Manhood'7 Major Marti n Delaney , one of the fe w African Americans to become an officer i n the U.S. Army during the Civil War, went to South Carolina as a Freedmen's Bureau agent in 1865 . He delivered a speech encouraging free d peopl e to refuse to accep t poor working conditions. First he reminded them of the wealth produced by slaves: "People sa y that yo u are too laz y to work , that yo u have not th e intelligenc e t o get on yourselves.... You men an d women , every one o f you aroun d me , mad e thousands and thousands o f dollars. Only you were the means for your master t o lead the idl e and ingloriou s life , and t o give his children th e educatio n whic h he denied t o yo u fo r fea r yo u ma y awake to conscience. " The n Delane y denounce d the inequity of free (non-slave ) labor: "Now I look around me and I notice a man, bare foote d covered wit h rag s and dirt . Now I ask, what i s that ma n doing , fo r whom i s he working. I hear tha t h e worked fo r thirty cent s a day. I tell you tha t must no t be . That woul d b e curse d slaver y over again. " Delaney' s speec h raise d significant issue s fo r free d peopl e suc h a s low wage s and th e failur e of Africa n Americans to receiv e just compensatio n fo r their servitude . He also stressed that even with freedom, few blacks were reaching the degree of economic independence from white s that they desired. Most black s faile d t o achiev e th e leve l o f economi c well-bein g tha t Majo r Delaney and the freed people hoped for immediately after th e war. During Reconstruction, a small minority of African American s became landowners with small family farms . I n Sout h Carolina, for instance, the stat e government helped som e gain small homesteads. But those who became landowners were the exception. By the en d o f Reconstruction , most African American s in th e Sout h stil l worked at

Breaking the Chains

agricultural labor for white employers, doing the same kind of work they had done as slaves—but now they expected to be paid for it. Freed peopl e expecte d fre e labor , i n contras t t o slavery , to mea n fewe r wor k hours an d mor e contro l ove r their work . Freedom meant n o mor e overseers , no more beatings. Workers now expected to be able to leave their employers at will, for better wages or improved working conditions. Th e former slav e masters, however, often disagreed with this definition of free labor. They expected their laborers to go on working from sunup to sundown a s before, with one payment at the end of the year, and unde r man y o f the sam e restriction s a s under slavery . The agricultura l and domesti c wor k environmen t thu s se t the scen e fo r struggle s betwee n free d people an d their employer s ove r their conflictin g definitions o f free labor . As 1865 ended, freed people were becoming reluctant to work for white employers because at that time they expecte d t o receiv e their own land fro m th e federal government. As one man argued , "Gib u s our ow n land an d we take care of ourselves; but widou t land , de ole massas can hire us or starve us as dey please." And after refusin g t o wor k for twenty-fiv e cents a da y fo r hi s forme r owner , another worker declared, "I mean to own my own manhood, an d I'm goin ' on to my own land, just as soon a s when I git dis crop in , an' I don't desir e for to man y change until den.... I'm no t goin ' to work for any man for any such price." Freed people argued that they deserved the land because they had never been paid for their labor as slaves. Regardless, President Johnson returned to the former slave owners the land the freed peopl e ha d gaine d durin g th e war . Mos t whit e Northerner s agree d wit h Johnson's decision t o advocat e wage labor rathe r than lan d ownershi p for former slaves. They believed tha t lan d confiscatio n was too radica l a practice for the federal government t o promote. Agents from the Freedmen' s Burea u therefore trav eled throughout th e South explainin g tha t the government wa s not, i n fact, goin g to distribut e land. Thes e agent s als o insiste d o n havin g labo r contract s betwee n employers and freed people in order to provide fai r wages and working conditions for employee s and giv e planters a reliable labor force . Such contracts were agreements between workers and employers indicating wages to be paid and the kind of work to b e performed . Other clause s were often include d a s well, such a s statements on deportment. In one case, workers were "required to be orderly industrious peopl e an d observ e th e rule s o f th e place. " Contract s als o restricte d whe n workers could have guests, as in stipulations such as "no neighborin g negroes will be allowed to remain in the quarters [housing for former slaves] longer than twelve hours, without reportin g to [th e employer]." At first, African American s resisted signing labor contract s because they wanted t o hol d ou t fo r ownin g thei r ow n land . The y wer e afraid o f "signing them [selves] back to thei r masters " as one Freedmen' s Bureau agent said. A freedma n declared, "I f I can' t ow n d e land , I'l l hir e o r leas e land, bu t I won' t contract. " Hoping fo r more economi c independenc e fro m whites, som e Africa n American s

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organized t o protes t thes e yearlong labor contracts . Othe r free d peopl e trie d t o exist o n abandone d lands, as self-employed families, b y planting crops, hunting, and fishing . With o r withou t labo r contracts , freed peopl e eventuall y began t o wor k fo r white employers simply because they were poor and needed the work. And as part of the Black Codes, state governments passed vagrancy laws that punished African Americans by jailing them if they were not employed by a white person. Even when pressured int o workin g for wages , freed peopl e resiste d a s much a s they could . Workers turned the yearl y signing of labor contracts into negotiatin g sessions in which they discussed working arrangements. They held out a s long as possible to work out the best deals. Immediately after the war, labor shortages developed in the South that not only kept wages competitive but als o allowed laborers to gain extra concessions, such as the right to keep their own garden patch and to have more say in managing the plantation. The majority of the freed me n and women worked in the fields growing cotton, rice, an d othe r crops . Planters continue d t o nee d agricultura l workers, but fe w postwar Southern households employe d as many house servants as they had pre viously. Former slave owners hired some freedwomen as maids and cooks, but th e contracts show that they also performed other work related to food production . Wages for agricultural workers varied. Monthly wages ranged from te n dollar s to twenty dollars for men and eight dollars to ten dollars for women and childre n older than twelve . These wages did no t bu y very much. For example, on e freed woman bought a bar of soap for fifty cents from a store located on the plantation where she was working. This purchase alone probably represente d five percent o f her monthl y income . Ofte n th e suga r plantation s pai d th e highes t wage s be cause the owners were paid better prices fo r this crop than others . Some planters calculated a monthl y wag e an d woul d agre e t o pa y with cas h onl y whe n the y sold the crops. Other farmers paid by giving workers a share of the crop, which the employer usuall y sol d afte r harvesting . H e woul d the n divid e th e mone y be tween himsel f an d th e workers . Share s for the wor k forc e range d fro m one-hal f to one-quarte r o f the crop . Occasionally, planter s woul d giv e the workers ' shar e of th e cro p directl y t o the m an d le t the m divid e i t amon g themselves . A t first, planters use d th e sam e labor contrac t fo r many workers, whethe r the y wer e related or not. Over time, however, contracts becam e narrower, with only one family per contract. Initially, the forme r slav e owners anticipate d rulin g their employee s with th e same authority masters had exercise d over slaves. Despite their acceptance of th e demise o f slavery , they coul d no t accep t a fre e labo r syste m i n whic h Africa n Americans would be able to exercis e the sam e rights as whites, such as changing employment o r working without physical coercion. As a result, employers sometimes reacte d violently to an y challenge to thei r dominance . As one Mississipp i

Breaking the Chains newspaper summarize d th e attitude of most former slave owners, "The true station of the negr o is that o f a servant. The wants and stat e of our countr y deman d tha t he should remai n a servant." The freed people believed, however, that they were entitled to protest labor con ditions they considered unfair . Workers and employers argued not onl y over wages but als o about nonpayment o f wages. The latter represented th e largest number of complaints brought to th e Freedmen' s Burea u by freed people . As one argued , "I craves work, ma'am, i f I gets a little pay, but i f we don't get s pay, we don't care— don't car e to work. " T o justify no t payin g workers their wages , planters typicall y used the defense that th e laborers had bought item s in the employer-owned store s on th e plantation s an d ha d i n this way already spent their wages . Employers also deducted stif f fine s fo r missed work , as much a s fifty cent s o r a dollar a day. This rate was often much higher than what employees were paid per day. Freed men and women complaine d that their employers routinel y found trivial excuse s to dismis s them afte r th e harvest, to avoid paying them. Since they lived where they worked, when planters ordered laborers off the plantations, the workers lost their homes as well as their jobs. The former slave owners' reluctance to accept the loss of restrictions o n workers such a s had existe d under slavery was compounded by their ow n economic diffi culties. The y had , i n fact , ver y littl e mone y t o pa y thei r worker s with , i n par t because afte r th e wa r th e federa l governmen t declare d th e Confederat e dolla r worthless. Even before the war, much of the planters' wealth had depended o n their slaves and land . The planters lost their slave s without compensation , an d i n parts of the South som e of the land an d property was ruined by the war. In general, land values decline d afte r th e war . O n to p o f this, the year s 186 6 an d 186 7 witnesse d agricultural disaste r throughout many areas of the South. Bad weather an d an invasion o f army worms, whic h ar e particularly voracious caterpillars , contribute d t o crop failures . In 186 7 and 186 8 when cotto n price s decreased fro m wartim e highs (although not t o the level s of prewar prices), interest rates rose as planters' ability to borrow tightened. Planter s were often i n debt to merchants fo r their supplies . Planters ofte n prove d unabl e t o pa y their worker s o r wer e unwillin g t o shar e the very small profits they had achieve d at the en d o f the year. Given these finan cial woes , planter s wante d a docil e labo r forc e willin g to wor k for low wages. Employers were convinced that African American s would no t work without bein g compelled t o through stringen t vagrancy laws, restrictive labor contracts , an d th e threatened us e o f the whip . White s sa w work a s labor fo r whit e employers , no t African-American self-employment . The y feare d economicall y independen t African American s because they believed they would b e harder to control . As Democrat s regaine d majoritie s i n Souther n stat e legislatures , the y passe d laws tha t helpe d planter s asser t authorit y ove r African-America n workers. The y enacted legislation that mad e i t more difficul t fo r workers to get paid by allowing

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planters t o pa y merchants an d othe r creditor s before payin g their laborers . Fur thermore, to keep African American s more financially dependent o n planters and merchants, laws were passed that limited thei r rights to hunt and fish. During Reconstruction, the Ku Klux Klan perpetrated violenc e agains t worker s if it thought that the y were not sufficientl y subservien t to whites. The Klan especially targeted African Americans who were self-employed and therefore not dependent on whites. As one freedman explained , the Klan "do not like to see the negro go ahead." Besides difficulties ove r the paymen t of wages, conflicts erupted between free d people and planters over how work should be done an d when. The former slave owners wanted their worker s to labo r i n group s referre d t o a s "gangs." After th e war, planters hired me n the y referred t o a s agents or foreme n t o d o th e wor k of overseers. Workers resented these agents (even in th e rar e cases where they were African American) and refused to work in the field with them. One planter report ed that his workers told him, "We won't be driven by nobody." Freed people insisted on working i n smalle r groups , ofte n wit h famil y members, withou t continua l white oversight. In addition t o resisting working in gangs under clos e supervision from whites , blacks also protested th e us e of violence, such as whipping, to discipline workers. Although labo r contract s ofte n forbad e whippings, man y whit e employer s wer e convinced that blacks needed the threat of violence to make them work. Workers proteste d thei r condition s i n variou s tangibl e ways . Som e joine d together to resist violent behavior. In Mississippi, when one overseer tried to harm a fiel d worker , the other s turne d o n hi m s o that h e "ha d t o ru n fo r [his ] life, " according t o his testimony t o the congressional Join t Committe e o n Reconstruc tion. On e planter' s wif e wrot e abou t a grou p o f worker s wh o reacte d t o abus e perpetrated b y an employer's son by becoming "a howling, cursing mob wit h th e women shrieking , 'Kill him!' and al l brandishing pistols an d guns. " The so n was quickly sent to a private school away from th e plantation . In Jul y 1876 , workers i n th e ric e fields of Sout h Carolin a went ou t o n strik e because the planters had paid them with scrip that could be redeemed only in plantation stores . Thes e store s ofte n ha d highe r price s tha n outsid e places . Feeling cheated, the workers wanted the freedom t o make their ow n decisions about how and where to spend thei r wages. This strike ended i n partial victory fo r the labor ers. Although th e strike organizer s wer e jailed, the planters agreed to stop paying their workers only in scrip. Freed African Americans now refused t o perform labor not expressl y negotiated i n thei r contract s o r no t associate d wit h th e actua l raising of th e crops . Fo r instance, som e free d peopl e resiste d repairin g fencin g o r feedin g livestock. The y demanded opportunitie s to make more decisions about the crop they were raising, particularly when they were working for a share of it. They wanted to decide early on with the plante r how much o f each crop to plant an d when and where to sell

Breaking the Chains

it. Planters preferred waiting until th e en d o f th e yea r to pa y them, however , to help ensure that th e workers performed noncrop-related labor durin g the res t of the year. Planters continue d to believe, as Major Martin Delane y pointed out, that free d people did not wor k as hard a s they might. But increasingly, they came to realize that giving laborers a share of the crop was a better incentive than contracting with them for cash. When signing labor contracts, freed people tried to negotiate for the form of payment they preferred. For example, freed people who never received th e cash wages they were promised wanted a share of the crop, feeling more assured of such payment. Disputes also developed over freed people' s intention to work fewer hours than they had as slaves. They resisted working from sunup to sundown. They now began to demand Saturday as well as Sunday as days off. Besides working for their regular earnings , freed peopl e cultivated gardens or sometime s rented a small plot o f land to raise vegetables and other crops to sell on their own. Having fewer hours of field work provided ne w spare time for such activities . Free d people als o came t o expect t o spen d mor e tim e with their families , friends, and neighbors . Althoug h planters oppose d an y change s fro m slav e conditions, free d peopl e expecte d th e needs o f thei r familie s t o b e considere d i n decision s o n ho w muc h tim e freed women an d childre n shoul d devot e t o outsid e employment . Africa n American s now wanted their children t o go to school, not work in the fields. Freedwomen's task s fo r thei r familie s increase d afte r th e war . Under slavery, breakfast an d dinne r wer e often eate n i n th e fields. The maste r woul d typicall y designate a n elderl y blac k woma n t o loo k afte r al l th e childre n whil e thei r parents worked. With freedom, cooking and making clothes now often ceased to be communal activities. Besides doing the cooking, washing, sewing, and gardening, freedwomen too k charg e of caring for their own children . Pregnant and nursin g mothers wante d t o giv e up outsid e work . Mother s sometime s argue d with thei r employers abou t givin g thei r babie s mor e attentio n instea d o f workin g i n th e fields. One planter complaine d i n hi s journal, "Harriet an d Ameli a nursing over twelve months , disobeye d orde r t o qui t sucklin g [nursing]. " A few planters even reacted violently agains t mothers who spen t mor e tim e wit h thei r familie s than employers allowed . William Jenkins , the employe r an d forme r master o f a freed woman named Annette, once whipped her because she arrived late to work. When Jenkins ordered he r t o stri p of f her clothe s for the beating , she pleaded, "Master William I had m y children to tend to made me so late." Jenkins then gav e her two hundred lashes with his rawhide whip. Clearly he had not yet made the transition from a slavery mentality to one of freedom. Freedwomen's nee d t o spen d mor e tim e with thei r childre n withou t constan t interference fro m whit e employer s was only on e o f th e factor s tha t encourage d the growt h of postwar sharecropping . Sharecropping spread a t differen t rate s i n

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Women wash clothes outdoors, under South Carolina pines, around 1880. Although they engaged in such communal activities, freedwomen tried to spend as much time as possible with their own families, caring for children and husbands.

different part s o f th e South . I t wa s often precede d b y othe r labo r experiments , including monetary wage contracts and the practic e of working in smal l groups referred t o as squads. Sharecropping usually involved a planter's paying his workers a part o f the crop, up to as much a s half, for their labor. The planter generall y provided the tools and seed. Sharecropping developed because freed people did not receive land and because employers often faile d to pay promised wages on a regular basis. For freed people , sharecropping als o meant les s direct supervisio n b y white overseers an d the abili ty to work in groups smaller than gangs . It allowed women to balance their tim e between fiel d wor k an d doin g thei r ow n families ' domestic tasks . Under share cropping, freedme n coul d mak e mor e choice s abou t ho w t o us e thei r famil y resources and labor. Freed people also tried to arrange their field work so that their children were able to attend school. The planters ultimately came to accept sharecropping, although they preferred th e gang system of labor under the supervision of a white overseer .

Breaking the Chains

Although sharecroppin g allowe d free d peopl e mor e independenc e tha n the y had under slavery, it had severe drawbacks. Since sharecroppers bough t their food, clothing, and other item s from th e plantation store , they often finishe d th e year in debt or with very little profit. And as cotton price s fell, sharecropping increasingly became economicall y devastatin g fo r Africa n Americans , poo r whites , an d th e South a s a whole. As one freedma n summe d i t up, his people had receive d "free dom without givin g us any chance to live to ourselve s and we still had t o depen d on the southern whit e man fo r work, food, and clothing , an d he held u s throug h our necessit y an d wan t i n a stat e o f servitud e bu t littl e better tha n slavery. " As another wrote , "No man can work another man' s land ... even for half and boar d and cloth e himself and famil y and make any money. The consequence will be th e freedmen wil l become poore r an d poorer ever y year." Many of the newl y free d wante d t o leav e their plantation s t o see k out bette r economic opportunitie s an d educatio n fo r thei r children . However , whe n the y migrated int o eithe r Souther n o r Norther n citie s followin g th e war , they foun d the employmen t opportunitie s ver y limited. Often , th e men foun d job s as blacksmiths, bricklayers, or carpenter s i f they had don e thes e jobs as slaves. They also found wor k a s barbers an d a s waiters i n restaurant s an d hotels . Th e Republica n party helpe d som e Africa n American s gain politicall y appointe d job s a s posta l clerks, mail carriers , deputy sheriffs , count y clerks , an d custom s workers . A few blacks attempte d t o star t thei r ow n businesses , bu t man y o f thes e faile d i n th e wake o f th e depressio n o f 1873 . Freedwome n typicall y becam e domestic s an d washerwomen. African-American men , lik e othe r Americans , looke d t o th e Wes t fo r bette r employment opportunities . Although the y found mor e divers e type s o f employ ment i n the West than i n th e Nort h o r South , they also face d discrimination . As African-American me n moved West during Reconstruction, they joined cattle drives as cooks an d cowboy s an d drov e cattl e i n Kansas and Texas . According t o hi s book, Nat Love , who drov e cattle, earned th e nicknam e Deadwoo d Dic k by winning a ropin g contes t i n Deadwood , Arizona . Some Africa n American s became farmers in the West by taking advantage o f the Homestead Act , which offere d fre e land to those who agreed to cultivate it. Others went west as soldiers. In 186 6 the U.S. Army formed African-American regiment s of the 9t h an d 10t h Cavalr y and organized th e 24th and 25th Infantry in 1869. The troops went west and southwes t to protec t th e settler s moving ou t there . The y als o built roads , constructed tele graph lines, captured cattl e rustlers, protected workers constructing the railroads, and guarded the mail. African-American me n tried othe r kind s o f employment in the West and Southwest , suc h a s becoming railroa d worker s and miners , because these job s pai d mor e tha n fiel d work . I n Sa n Francisco , wher e mos t Africa n Americans were single males, men worked as sailors and railroa d personnel. Blac k women in western cities were still primarily limited to domestic work ; some found employment a s laundresses.

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in Charleston, workers shovel coal. Such unskilled labor was often the only choice for black men, who faced discrimination by white employers.

Some African-America n me n i n th e Wes t becam e ver y successful . In 1865 , blacks i n Sa n Francisc o owne d tobacc o an d soa p factorie s a s wel l a s laundrie s and rea l estate offices. A few men forme d mining companies, such as the Colore d Citizens o f California . Africa n American s als o owne d silve r mine s i n Nevada , Montana, Colorado , an d Utah. In 1870 , Clara Brown, who cooked an d washed fo r miners, becam e th e firs t African-America n membe r o f th e Colorad o Pionee r Association. A few African-American entrepreneur s were quite successful , includ ing the founders of the Cosmopolitan Coal & Wood Company . Increasingly, afte r th e war—i n bot h th e Nort h an d th e West—blac k skille d workers lik e carpenters , blacksmiths , an d barbers , who ofte n ha d receive d thei r training durin g slavery , found tha t gainin g employmen t wa s difficult. White em ployers did not want to hire them, partly because white workers, fearing the com petition o f blacks , ofte n refuse d t o wor k wit h them . O n occasion , white s hire d African American s t o replac e better-pai d white s o r use d Africa n American s a s strikebreakers, which promoted racial hostility. In 1865, white workers in Baltimore drove of f African-American carpenter s and caulker s from thei r jobs. Another reason white employers did not hire blacks was that they preferred to rely on the labor of immigrants , who wer e considere d easie r t o control . Skilled African-America n

Breaking the Chains

workers were often therefor e forced int o unskille d labor , doing the lowest-paying, dirtiest, least skilled jobs. By 1870, most African Americans were unskilled laborers or service workers . Lack o f unio n suppor t als o increase d th e labo r difficultie s o f skille d Africa n Americans. Unions ofte n refuse d t o allow blacks to join, although a few did organize segregate d locals , whic h separate d whit e an d African-America n workers . Typical was the experience of Lewis Douglass, the son of Frederick Douglass. Lewis Douglass wa s prohibited fro m joinin g th e Typographica l Unio n i n Washington, D.C., even though he had worked in his father's print shop and had excellent experience. The inability t o join a union kept African-American youth from apprentic ing themselve s t o skille d worker s an d learnin g a trade . I n Decembe r 1869 , th e National Negro Labor Union was established t o enable African American s to join a union an d figh t fo r better wages and workin g conditions. Th e great majority of African-American workers , however, even those living in the cities, remained out side unions. In citie s a s wel l a s th e countryside , whit e employer s pai d African-American workers less than whites . Tobacc o factor y worker s in Richmond , Virginia , com plained tha t "w e the Tobacc o mechanick s of thi s cit y and Mancheste r i s worked to grea t disadvantage The y sa y we will starve through lazines s that i s not so . But i t i s true w e will starv e a t ou r presen t wages. " Collectiv e actio n b y African American worker s suc h a s washerwomen an d da y laborers t o protes t thei r lo w wages and poor working conditions was not uncommon. African-American urba n workers organized strikes, but the y ofte n faile d t o achiev e either highe r wages or better working conditions . During Reconstruction , Africa n American s wer e ultimatel y unabl e t o fulfil l their dream s o f economi c independence . Poo r agricultura l conditions , labo r re strictions, legal and illegal discrimination, failure to obtain land, an d the worsen ing economi c time s durin g th e depressio n o f 187 3 guarantee d povert y fo r th e majority of Southern African Americans. The economic plight of the nation's free d people represented on e of Reconstruction's biggest failures. Family: "My Name Was Peggie, One of the Children of Prince and Rose" Freedwoman Mari a Clar k recalle d i n som e detai l he r relationshi p wit h he r hus band, specificall y ho w it began during slaver y and survive d th e war : "I had bee n with m y young mistress abou t thre e year s when I married Henr y Clar k i n 1859 , I fi x the dat e b y knowing i t was abou t tw o year s before th e lat e war brok e out . My Maste r performe d th e marriag e ceremony , h e di d no t giv e m e o r m y hu~ band papers to show for our marriage, but gav e us a great treat for all the slaves on the plantation." Th e couple "remained o n th e Clar k Plantation i n Hind s Count y [Mississippi] thr u [the ] battle of Vicksburg endfing ] i n 1863 , whic h wa s the firs t

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time we knew we were free, al l the slave s in the surrounding count y was gathered into a camp on a plantation abou t fiv e miles from Vicksburg." Henry an d Maria Clark stayed in the contraband camp until Henry and man y of the other men wer e enlisted in the Unio n army . Maria then followe d her hus band into the army to cook for the soldiers. "When th e troops moved of f many of us were sent upon the Paw Paw Island where I rented ground to make my living in his absence. I received news that he was very sick in [a ] Hospital at Memphis, Tenn. As soon as I could rais e money I went there with the determination to take care of him, whe n I arrived there I found him som e better." Clar k was discharged soo n after hi s wife arrive d an d sh e took him home , although h e was "very weak an d complained o f grea t suffering . Whil e o n th e journey , when th e boa t struc k th e landing at Paw Paw Island we met several of our friends, who were acquainted with him befor e h e entered the service they assisted me in getting him fro m th e boat." Clark died six months later. As Maria Clark's narrative shows , slavery did not destro y al l African-American families. Some slave couples remained devoted to each other i n spite of hardship, even though slav e marriages were not legal . Such marriages provided th e foundation fo r many African-American families afte r th e war. Even though couples could not legall y marry during slavery, slave families sustained each other through its day-to-day rigors. Slave couples participated i n marriage ceremonies, ofte n wit h permissio n o f the masters , who sometime s allowe d slave weddings to be held on holidays such as the Fourth o f July. But the three-da y Christmas holiday, which most masters gave as time off from work, was the favorit e time to get married. The weddings of house slaves were often quit e elaborate, with food an d dancing . When a slave named Susan Drane married fellow slave Charles Hooven, a whit e preache r conducte d th e ceremon y i n th e owner' s parlor . Th e event was attended b y the master' s famil y "and a number o f invited guests. The y had a grand supper upon the occasion." At some ceremonies the master read fro m the Bible. Some slave s did no t hav e a wedding ceremony . One formerl y enslaved fathe r remembered tha t whe n his daughter marrie d a man fro m anothe r plantation , "I gave my consent an d bot h th e owner s agreeing, he came on a certain nigh t an d they went to bed together an d afte r tha t time he visited an d cohabitate d wit h her as his wife." He added tha t "there was no forma l ceremony , bu t the y considered themselves husband and wif e and were so regarded by others." The father recalled that he had been married the same way as his daughter. Slavery constantly threatene d suc h marriages . The marriag e register s of free d people kep t b y the Freedmen' s Burea u have provided a n indicatio n o f how lon g slave marriages generally lasted. One historian has determined tha t approximatel y eighteen percen t o f slav e marriage s ende d involuntarily . Other s hav e calculated that almost thirty-nin e percen t o f slave marriages wer e "broken b y the master."

Breaking the Chains

Emancipation brough t legalize d marriag e t o th e formerl y enslave d couples . During the Civil War, African-American couple s kept Union arm y chaplains bus y performing marriage ceremonies. Lucinda Westbrooks recalle d being "married b y a whit e ma n preache r Miller—wh o cam e ther e wit h th e firs t Yankee s an d wen t around marryin g th e soldiers . H e married lot s o f othe r soldier s th e sam e day. " Chaplains ofte n hel d soldiers ' weddings for several couples at once. Free d peopl e referred t o lega l marriage s a s marriages "unde r th e flag. " Army regulation s pro moted such marriages because the military allowed only legally married spouses to visit soldiers. After the war, couples delighted in the festivities accompanying weddings, either for ne w couple s o r a s second wedding s for thos e wh o ha d bee n marrie d durin g slavery. Freed people viewed their slave marriages as binding eve n after emancipa tion. However, the Freedmen's Bureau discounted slav e marriages because they had not been legal and regarded thes e new weddings a s celebrating firs t marriages . African Americans' reasons for wanting to marry after the war varied. For many, marriages symbolize d freedo m becaus e a master' s permissio n wa s n o longe r required. Legalize d marriag e als o mean t tha t childre n no w belonge d t o thei r mother an d father an d could not be sold. Furthermore, church membership ofte n required legalized marriage. The First African Baptis t Church o f New Orleans, for one, passed such a policy after the abolition of slavery, declaring, "Any person wishing to become members o f this church wh o may be living in a state o f illegitimate marriage shall first procure a license and marry. " As one woman recalled , "We got married b y license, because the church w e joined require d ever y one to be married by license." Many freed peopl e marryin g afte r th e Civi l War sought ou t a churc h with a n African-American congregatio n an d preacher . As one Freedmen's Burea u official wrot e i n 1865 , free d peopl e "al l manifes t a dispositio n t o marr y i n th e church, and prefer a minister o f the Gospel to unite them. " Former slave s acquire d a secon d famil y durin g slaver y if they wer e sol d an d then remarried . Thes e circumstances , a s wel l a s othe r marita l problem s ofte n made worse by poverty, caused abandonment by spouses. Desertion brought about particularly seriou s consequences for African-American wome n wit h children . I n one case , Natha n Williams , afte r nin e years o f marriag e t o hi s wife , Louisa , lef t her an d "marrie d agai n leavin g he r wit h on e chil d withou t mean s o f support, " according t o a Freedmen's Burea u agent. Such abandonments coul d b e emotion ally painfu l fo r th e spous e lef t behind . Onc e a Northerne r inquire d o f a freed woman, "Yo u have no husband? " The woman responded , " I had on e ... but h e ran away one day with anothe r woma n Fee l like it most killed me at first. I get over it now. " Marital disagreement s occasionall y led t o domesti c violence . When thi s hap pened, African-America n women fel t justifie d i n leavin g abusive husbands . On e black woma n name d Amand a Fa y had a slav e husban d who , accordin g t o he r

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pension examiner , use d t o "whi p he r an d trea t he r roughly, " so "sh e qui t hi m because he treated her badly, and; because she thought sh e had a perfect righ t t o [do] so. " Often , member s o f th e extende d famil y would interven e i n marriage s when violence became a pronounced problem . While thousand s o f men an d wome n marrie d a s slaves later remarried , som e African American s chose no t t o g o through a formal marriag e ceremony. Som e refused t o marry because a new marriage would jeopardize the woman's pensio n from th e U.S . government. Whe n Unio n soldier s died , whethe r durin g o r afte r their service , thei r widow s wer e entitle d t o a pension , o r payment , fro m th e government. These widows' pension (eigh t dollars a month fo r a private's wife ) sometimes made women reluctant to remarry after a husband's death . The federal laws relatin g t o th e dispensatio n o f pensions forbade women wh o remarrie d o r lived wit h a man fro m claimin g a military pension . Som e widows believed the y could hid e the reality of their living with a man mor e easily than the y could dis guise remarriag e because cohabitation di d no t creat e records such as a marriage certificate. Such relationships after th e war were just like marriages, except that they were not legalized . Couples lived together , wit h th e woma n adoptin g he r man' s sur name. They cared about eac h other's well-being, and they were sexually intimate. After explainin g that sh e an d Thoma s Tolle r had neve r marrie d bu t ha d "live d together until he died," from 186 6 to 1904 , freedwoman Isabella Toller elaborated, "I had th e name Carter and was called Isabella Toller and have not bee n called or known by any other name since." She noted tha t whe n thei r first child wa s born, "It was his child and he said it was and we agreed, he and I and my mother, that we would go together for all time." As soon as the pension offic e discovere d these relationships, through intensive questioning of whites or African Americans who knew the women, they ceased paying pensions to them. When a freedman di d marry , he became th e lega l head o f the family . Durin g slavery, the slav e masters had hel d al l legal rights to slav e families, includin g th e power to sel l family members. Even so , a slave father playe d a part in his family' s life. When the master distributed blankets or clothing, for example, to the head of each slave family, the slav e father rathe r than mothe r usuall y received them i f the couple lived together on the same plantation. Slave men also held leadership posi tions on plantations as drivers, artisans, and preachers. After slavery , th e freedman , a s husban d an d father , rathe r tha n th e maste r assumed lega l responsibility for hi s family , includin g guardianshi p o f hi s child ren. Whe n employer s refuse d t o pa y thei r wive s o r drov e thei r familie s of f o f plantations, husband s represente d thei r famil y member s befor e th e Freedmen' s Bureau agen t or i n court . Me n tried t o protec t thei r spouse s and children , par ticularly fro m beating s by employers. On e freedma n defended his shootin g o f a white man by arguing that the man had "abused [his ] wife." Sometimes men signed labor contract s fo r th e entir e famil y an d receive d th e whol e family' s wages .

Breaking the Chains Increasingly, after the war, employers put labor contracts and accounts at the plantation stor e i n the husband' s name , even when other member s o f the famil y als o worked there . After th e war , freedme n greatl y expande d th e economi c responsibilities the y assumed for their families . According to testimony fro m a pension examiner , one freedman bega n thinking abou t his new role while serving in the army: "He had a chance to marry in the service, but coul d no t take care of a wife like he ought to in the army , and di d no t marry. " Four years after th e en d o f the war, once he found work, he did marry . One will left b y a freedman showe d the exten t to which me n thought o f their wives' economic well-being. Although few freed peopl e lef t suc h documents because they often lacked property and were illiterate, freedman Daniel Sanders dictated a will to his employer. He directed that "after m y burial expenses are satisfie d an d al l of m y just debts ar e paid whic h i s few I will all I have to g o to m y wife Leathe r as long as she lives, And then t o be disposed of as she may see fit." Sanders also made provision fo r his wife's grandson . The Sanders estate "consist [ed] o f one mule, one cow, and som e debts due me. " Men and women performed different task s for their families. Freedwomen took on mor e chil d car e than the y had durin g slavery . They also did suc h househol d work a s cooking, washin g clothes, an d cleanin g the house s o r cabins . Althoug h freed me n an d wome n considere d th e husban d th e mai n provide r i n th e family , freedwomen als o worked, either a s field laborers or as domestic servants for white families. A freedwoman's contribution s wer e important t o th e welfare o f her family. Women sometime s raise d vegetable s o r othe r crop s fo r th e famil y outside of any wag e labo r o r a sharecroppin g arrangement . Fo r example , i n 1868 , whe n Robert Shacklefor d signe d a contract concerning yearl y wages for himself an d hi s sons, the employe r also agreed "to let the wife o f said Robert Shackleford have for cultivation a certain piec e of land ... for her sole care and benefit" as well as land for a garden. Purchase record s fro m plantatio n store s reflec t th e difference s i n men' s an d women's famil y activitie s a s well a s distinctions i n thei r dress . I n Januar y 1868, on the Oakwood plantatio n in Mississippi, me n bought pants , caps, shirts, boots, and huntin g an d fishing gear like shot, fishing line, powder, hooks, an d buckets . Women purchase d materia l fo r clothes making lik e cotton plaid, but n o pant s o r shirts. Me n an d wome n bot h bough t whiskey , tobacco, lam p oil , an d thread . Freedwomen wor e dresses , o r skirt s an d blouse s fo r fiel d labor , whil e African American me n wor e pants an d shirts . Wome n decorate d thei r outfit s b y addin g ribbons and, when they could affor d it , enjoyed wearing jewelry, often buying ear rings. They willingly spent par t o f thei r pa y on thei r attire . Freedwoma n Hatti e Jefferson purchase d a dres s upo n receivin g he r firs t wage s fo r pickin g cotton . Women elaborately styled their hair by wrapping it with strips of cloth, particularly on special occasions . Wrapping hair an d wearing decorative handkerchief s were both Africa n traditions .

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Whites ofte n ignore d a freedman's place as head o f a family . When husband s who ha d bee n separate d fro m thei r familie s eithe r b y slaver y o r wa r returned , whites often resiste d their efforts t o reclaim their families. Employers did not wan t men reuniting with their families if it meant losing workers before harvest time . Whites, particularl y employers, refused t o recogniz e eithe r th e righ t o f freed people to form independent families or African-American women's right to choose their own sexual partners. Along with attempts to keep family members separated, white me n sometime s sexuall y abused black women . On occasion , althoug h les s often tha n durin g slavery , white s sexuall y harasse d an d eve n rape d African American women. Particularl y during the perio d o f Presidential Reconstruction, local court s ofte n refuse d t o tak e African-American women's complaint s against white men seriously because they believed these women to be less moral than white women. Whites argued that black women's innate seductive behavior provoked the attacks, a charge the freed me n an d women denied . During th e day s o f slavery , rapes o f slav e wome n b y white s generall y went unpunished, bu t stat e legislatures in th e Sout h i n th e antebellu m perio d passe d laws prohibiting interracial marriage. This was to further ensur e the inferior status of African American s and t o keep the races legally separated. In the South, interracial relationship s ha d bee n without lega l standin g befor e th e war , and imme diately after it , the stat e legislatures passed new laws as part of the Blac k Codes to reestablish these restrictions. White Southerners especially feared havin g AfricanAmerican me n marr y white wome n becaus e suc h union s destroye d an y claim s whites might mak e to racia l superiority. Later, during Congressional Reconstruction, stat e legislature s made u p o f white s an d black s repeale d suc h laws . Afte r Reconstruction, as segregation grew, the Southern states reinstated them. One significan t threa t t o th e African-American famil y durin g Presidential Reconstruction was the apprenticing by whites of African-American children . In this era, state legislatures controlled by white former Confederates passed laws allowing whites to keep African-American girls until age eighteen and boys until twenty-one without paying them o r their parents for their labor. In order t o remove African American children fro m thei r parents' custody , whites were supposed t o prov e t o the courts that the children's parents were incapable of caring for them. In Mississippi , as in othe r states , the la w gave former slave owners preference in taking the children. Given that the courts were sympathetic to former slave owners immediatel y afte r th e wa r an d give n th e free d people' s prevailin g poverty , whites coul d easil y convince judges of th e parents ' inabilit y to provid e fo r thei r children eve n whe n i t wa s no t true . Th e parent s o f apprentice d childre n ofte n went t o th e Freedmen' s Burea u for hel p i n gettin g their childre n back . Africa n Americans resente d th e apprenticing o f their childre n an d th e ongoin g attempt s by whites to brea k u p thei r families . " I thin k ver y hard o f th e forme r owners, " said on e free d person , "for Tryin g to kee p M y blood when I kno that Slaver y is

The title page of this racist pamphlet, published around 1865, graphically illustrates white fears of miscegenation, or interracial marriage. After the war, state legislatures in the South passed laws to prohibit marriages between blacks and whites.

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To Make Our World Anew dead." If a child's parents died, other relative s such as grandparents, aunts, uncles, brothers, and sisters would petition the Bureau to gain the release of the child from apprenticeship. Such concer n fo r famil y members , whethe r immediat e o r extende d family , began whe n childre n wer e small. After th e war , freedwomen cam e t o depen d o n their older children t o assist in providing car e for younger siblings. This was often necessary because women had to work in the fields for wages or a share of the cro p even when they preferred to be with their children. Children only a couple of years older helped watch over sisters and brothers. Freedwoman Sarah Robinson recalled, "When I got big enough I 'toted' my brother about." At twelve, Rose Dowan care d for childre n fro m th e time "they [were ] borned an d nurse d the m fro m tha t tim e up until they was large enough to care for themselves. " Knowledge o f their lineag e was important t o Africa n American s so that thei r children would know their people. Children learned about their fathers even if they had die d o r wer e separated fro m thei r mother s whe n th e childre n wer e young . Before and after the war, on many of the larger plantations, extended kin lived with their families. In addition, stepfamilies, like extended families, were often relie d on as part of the famil y network. After th e war , women relie d o n relative s when the y di d no t hav e a husband . Widows received help from their parents or brothers and sister s when they asked. After th e deat h o f he r husband , a soldie r durin g th e war , freedwoma n Hele n Thomas Sha w live d wit h her mothe r and father . She recalle d tha t "he r fathe r helped support me till he died." Being part of an extended famil y meant tha t people cared for their elderly relatives when they were able to. Aged former slaves discovered that rindin g jobs afte r the war was difficult. Employers hired only the most physically fit men and women to do agricultural labor. Worn out from slavery , the elderly were forced to depen d on their children and other family members to provide for them. Freed people tried to suppor t thei r parents , bu t give n their ow n poverty , foun d i t difficult . Imme diately after th e war, when freed people needed help, they turned to the Freedmen's Bureau. The Bureau was reluctant to incu r the cos t of providing fo r aging former slaves, but i t did build hospitals for the free d people . When necessary, it transport ed the destitute or sick to medical facilities. Local governments, particularly those unde r Democrati c control , resiste d tak ing responsibilit y fo r olde r forme r slave s unable t o work . Eve n thoug h Africa n Americans paid taxes, local municipalities refused t o provide services for blacks in need. During Presidential Reconstruction, local governments passed specific "pau per" taxes, which onl y African American s had to pay, but white s still continued t o claim that the y could not provid e assistanc e to African Americans . However, dur ing Congressional Reconstruction, more hospitals and orphanages were built, due in part to the lobbying by African-American lawmakers . Families of freed peopl e in the South showed both continuit y and change fro m

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the days of slavery. As with slave families, the extended family continued to play an important par t in people's lives. Unfortunately, white denigration o f the male role in the black family an d whites ' sexual abuse of African-American wome n carrie d over from slavery . The practice of whites' apprenticing freed people' s childre n also affected famil y unity. These issues all stemmed from attempts by white Southerners to establish their racial domination afte r th e war. Even though whites did not full y recognize free d people' s righ t t o mak e decision s fo r thei r ow n families , African Americans were able to exercise much more control over their family life than they had bee n abl e to a s slaves. Men became th e lega l heads o f their households , an d men an d wome n alik e were abl e t o rais e thei r childre n withou t constan t whit e intervention. Racia l oppressio n faile d t o extinguis h th e strengt h o f African American families during Reconstruction . Community: "It Was a Whole Race Trying to Go to School" During th e Civi l War , the Reveren d William H . Hunter , a chaplai n i n th e U.S. Army, returned t o Nort h Carolina , where he ha d bee n a slave, and preache d th e following sermon . A few short year s ago I lef t Nort h Carolin a a slave. I now retur n a man. I have the hono r to be a regula r minister of the Gospe l in the Methodis t Episcopal Church o f the Unite d States and als o a regularly commissioned chaplain in the American Army.... I am proud to inform you that just three weeks ag o today , as black a ma n a s you eve r saw, preached in th e cit y of Washington t o th e Congres s of th e Unite d States ; and tha t a shor t tim e ago another colored man was admitted to the bar o f the Supreme Court of the Unite d States as a lawyer. One wee k ago you wer e al l slaves; no w yo u are al l free .

Hunter, like man y free d people , sa w the Civi l War in religiou s terms: "Than k God the armies of the Lord and of Gideon has triumphed an d the Rebels have been driven back in confusion and scattere d like chaff befor e the wind. " The politica l natur e o f Hunter' s sermo n i s representativ e o f other s durin g Reconstruction, for community activities within the church served as a power base for African-American leadership. Throughout the country, barriers against African Americans' full participation i n U.S. society began to fall during Reconstruction, as blacks struggled during and after th e war to achieve equal rights in both the South and th e North . The y als o forme d thei r ow n organization s suc h a s churches , schools, and social clubs. These new institutions too k th e place of the slave communities tha t were then breaking u p o n th e plantations . A s sharecropping developed , free d peopl e grad ually move d ou t o f thei r ol d slav e quarters—row s o f cabins , ofte n attache d t o each other—and int o individua l cabin s built o n th e land o n which the y worked.

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African Americans could use forms like this one to record their family history and list the networks of relatives on which many families depended. It includes, at bottom, a sentimental depiction of what life was like for blacks during slavery and after the war.

Breaking the Chains Workers usually rented these places. While no longer in the close living quarters of slavery, freed peopl e continued t o socialize. Weekends, particularly Saturday night and Sunday , and holiday s were a perfect tim e to ge t together. Friend s and neigh bors gathered at church services, weddings, and funerals . Such closeness did not mea n the absence of tension amon g African Americans, however. Mos t complaint s brough t t o th e Freedmen' s Burea u were abou t whit e employers not payin g their workers, but occasionall y freed peopl e brought griev ances agains t on e another . Occasionally , an African-America n employe r di d no t pay his employees, o r lac k of fencing sometimes caused frictio n whe n a mule o r cow invaded a neighbor's garden. Conflict betwee n individual s di d no t kee p free d peopl e fro m workin g towar d common goals, such as education for themselves an d their children. Education ful filled practical needs , such as being able to rea d labor contracts , an d i t increase d the possibilit y o f the nex t generation' s upward mobility. As one freedma n said , "I wishes the Childre n al l in School, it is better fo r them the n t o be their Servein g a mistes." Being educate d wa s als o a wa y to counte r th e racis t myt h tha t Africa n Americans were innately intellectually inferior t o whites. During th e war , man y free d peopl e receive d thei r firs t forma l lesson s fro m Northern teacher s who visite d arm y an d contraban d camps . On e teache r com mented o n soldiers stationed in Vicksburg: "I have taught in the North... and have never see n such zea l on th e par t o f pupils, no r suc h advancemen t a s I see here." Education was as important t o black soldiers as their freedom. One soldier proud ly declared, "A large portion of the regimen t have been going to school durin g th e winter months. Surel y this is a mighty and progressiv e age in which we live." Groups such a s the American Missionary Association arrange d fo r teachers t o travel sout h t o instruc t bot h soldier s an d civilians . Charlott e Forten , a n Africa n American fro m Philadelphi a whose relatives were prominent abolitionists , taught former slave children during the war on the Sea Islands off the coast of South Carolina. She wrote i n her journal: "I enjoyed it much. The children ar e well-behaved and eage r to learn . It will be a happiness to teac h them. " Beside s instructing he r students in the fundamentals of reading and writing, she taught history, such as the overthrow of French rule in Haiti led by Toussaint L'Ouverture. Forten "talked t o the childre n a littl e whil e to-da y abou t th e nobl e Toussaint . They listene d ver y attentively. I t is well that they sh'ld know what on e of their own color c'ld do for his race. I long to inspir e the m wit h courag e and ambitio n (o f a noble sort ) an d high purpose. " Northern teacher s se t u p makeshif t school s o n plantation s tha t wer e unde r Union control . Souther n planter s an d th e Northerner s leasin g plantation s wer e unenthusiastic abou t an y educationa l efforts , fearin g the y woul d interfer e wit h their disciplinin g of the labor force . During and afte r th e war, freed peopl e estab lished thei r ow n schools . Sometime s the y receive d hel p fro m th e Freedmen' s

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The main building of Howard University in Washington, D.C., in 1870. Founded only three years earlier, Howard was one of several black colleges established after the war that provided professional training in medicine and other fields.

Bureau o r Norther n societie s se t up t o ai d th e newl y freed slaves , but the y als o opened schools without outsid e assistance . Along with primary schools, during Reconstruction institutions o f higher edu cation fo r African Americans were also founded. Among these were Howard Uni versity, Fisk University, Atlanta University, Clark University, Alcorn State University, Bethune-Cookman College , Hampton Institute , an d Richmon d Theologica l Seminary. Many of these institution s wer e founded a s teachers' college s to trai n African Americans as educators, although the y also taught othe r job skills . After th e war, the Freedmen' s Burea u established 74 0 schools with mor e tha n one thousan d whit e an d African-America n teachers . Mor e significantly , durin g Congressional Reconstruction , under pressure from blacks , Southern state s developed school systems financed by public rather than private funds. Throughout the South, schools of whatever sort were segregated, although African Americans made attempts to integrate them . While childre n attende d school s durin g th e day , adults wen t t o nigh t schoo l after a full da y of work. As the Africa n America n educator Booke r T. Washington explained, "Fe w people wh o wer e not righ t i n th e mids t o f the scene s ca n for m

Breaking the Chains any exact idea of the intens e desire which the peopl e of my race showed fo r edu cation. It was a whole rac e trying t o go to school. Few were too young, an d none too old , t o mak e th e attemp t t o learn. " A t on e schoo l i n Atlanta , fo r example , children attende d schoo l unti l tw o o'cloc k i n th e afternoon , followed b y adults ; evening classes were held until ten o'clock at night. "The parents are delighted with the ide a of their childre n learnin g to read , and man y take great pleasure in visiting th e schools, " on e educato r reported , "an d askin g th e teache r t o pa y 'ticula r pains to ou r children , as we wish them t o ge t all the learnin g they can, 'caus you know Miss , I' s go t n o learnin g mysel f consequentl y I kno w ho w muc h I lose s without it. " Many Southern whites remained distinctly hostile to formal education for African Americans. Resentful about being taxed to pay for their education, whites were afraid tha t onc e black s gaine d a n education , the y woul d figh t whit e supremac y with eve n greate r determination . Planter s typicall y preferre d African-American children to work in the fields rather than attend school. They feared that once their laborers gained an education, they would refuse fiel d work and domestic service in favor o f higher-paying jobs with better working conditions . Because whit e Southerner s refuse d t o ren t room s t o Norther n teacher s o f African-American students , th e teacher s often ha d troubl e finding places t o live . Local whites, including the member s of the K u Klux Klan, sometimes threatene d teachers, forcing them t o leave. Also, whites often resiste d former slaves' attempts to bu y lan d t o buil d schools . Occasionally , the y too k th e extrem e measur e o f burning dow n African-America n schools, o r the y destroyed books . Other, mor e moderate whites encouraged the establishment of segregated schools to avoid th e possibility of integration. The desir e fo r education fo r their childre n an d mor e autonom y in th e work place caused thousand s o f rural African American s to leav e their plantation s an d go north and west or into Southern cities . Oppressive economic, social, and political condition s i n th e Sout h cause d thousand s o f Africa n American s to g o west, particularly in the late Reconstruction period. The West seemed to promise fewe r racial restrictions and more opportunities, although before the war, many Western territories had restricted the settlement of free African Americans. In the Wyoming territories, however, African-American men were allowed t o vote. During Reconstruction, African American s achieved some measure of equality, aided by a coalition o f white Republicans. In th e Nort h an d West, blacks utilized the civi l rights acts passed b y Congress to en d discriminatio n an d gai n acces s to public facilities . I n th e West , eve n thoug h thei r number s wer e small , Africa n Americans agitated for equality during Reconstruction. Under the influenc e o f the dominant Republican party, legalized discrimination diminishe d in the West. Minnesota and Iowa granted suffrage t o African-American men eve n before the ratifi cation o f the 15t h Amendment. I n 1865 , Illinois and Ohi o repealed many of their

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To Make Our World Anew discriminatory laws, including those prohibiting black s from serving on juries. In California, African American s began a petition driv e to support th e right of black men t o testif y i n court, which was granted i n 1863 . Several Western states starte d to desegregat e their streetcars. In Sa n Francisco, as elsewhere, transportation wa s desegregated, but som e publi c facilitie s wer e segregated an d restricte d seatin g t o separate areas. African-American politica l involvement grew noticeably after th e 15t h Amendment wa s ratified . I n th e West , a s i n th e South , black s wer e overwhelmingl y Republican. In Detroit, men formed the Lincoln Sixth Ward Republican Club, and blacks late r ra n fo r publi c offic e ther e wit h onl y limite d success . I n Colorado , African-American me n served as delegates to Republican conventions . African-American communitie s gre w in th e West , despite thei r smal l popula tions. Californi a containe d th e larges t numbe r o f Africa n American s i n th e Fa r West—more than fou r thousand . I n the Midwest, more tha n seventeen thousan d blacks lived in Kansas, far more tha n i n any other Western state. There were some six hundred African-American ministers in the West, about two hundred in Kansas alone. In 186 4 an African Methodis t churc h was formed in Carso n City , Nevada, even thoug h th e entir e populatio n o f black s i n th e whol e stat e wa s onl y 367 . Fraternal and socia l clubs and newspaper s were all started, and Sa n Francisco ha d two African-American newspape r editors . Reconstruction also had an impact on the Northern African-American population a s well as on blacks in th e Sout h an d West. African American s made u p les s than tw o percent of the population i n the North, but they had long agitated there for equa l rights . I n Massachusetts , African American s integrate d variou s publi c places fo r th e firs t time . I n 1867 , Philadelphia allowe d Africa n American s to si t with whites on streetcars. However, only with the passage of the 15t h Amendmen t could African-American me n vote throughout th e North. And once they were able to vote, their small proportion i n the overall population mad e it difficult fo r them to achiev e significan t politica l power . A s a result , ver y fe w Norther n African American men wer e elected to office . As opposed t o the South , where only New Orleans allowed white and African American children to attend schoo l together , several states in the West and Nort h desegregated their public school systems. Rhode Island in 1866 and Connecticut in 1868 allowe d whit e an d African-America n childre n t o g o t o schoo l together . I n many large cities, such as Chicago, black children were educated alongside whites . Michigan desegregated its schools in 1867 , although th e Detroit schoo l board did not comply until 1871 . African-American parents protested that the board had earlier ignored th e desegregation ruling, and their activism helpe d persuad e it to end the practice of having separate schools. In the 1870s , Nevada and Oregon allowe d integrated schools, and in San Francisco, blacks met and passed resolutions opposing separate schools. The state courts there ruled that schools could be separate but

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Students from an integrated school in New Orleans. Although some Western and Northern cities allowed integrated schools after the war, in the South only New Orleans approved such an arrangement.

they must hav e equal facilities . In 1875 , the segregate d schools were abolished i n San Francisco. The measure passed in part as a response to the declining economy of the 1870s , which made maintaining separate school systems more difficult . In the North, African Americans gained access to state-funded colleges that had previously denie d the m admission . Discriminatio n continue d t o b e a proble m there, however . I n Cincinnati , on e Africa n America n pointe d ou t tha t racis m "hampers me in every relation of life, in business, in politics, in religion, as a father or as a husband. " Along with movin g t o th e Nort h an d West , African American s also settled i n Southern citie s i n a n attemp t t o fin d freedom . In th e five-yea r perio d afte r th e war, the African-American populatio n doubled i n several Southern cities. Violence on th e plantation s wa s part o f wha t motivate d black s t o mov e t o th e cities . As one African-American stat e representative pointed out , "People who ge t scared at others being beaten go to the cities." In the cities, African American s joined newly established churches, voluntary associations such as burial societies (which insured funds fo r funerals) , saving s an d loa n associations , an d clubs—bot h socia l an d

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political—established by and fo r African Americans . Lodges such a s the Colore d Masons an d Colore d Od d Fellow s were founded . Black s als o forme d thei r ow n volunteer fir e companie s suc h a s th e Victo r Engin e Compan y an d th e Bucke t and Ladder Company in Raleigh, North Carolina, in part because Southern whites refused t o integrat e thos e alread y i n existence . Th e stat e militi a als o develope d all-black units . In Souther n cities , African American s lived i n area s that becam e increasingly segregated from whites , in substandard housing , often a t the edg e of town. Southern cities did not offer a n escape from unequal treatment. Occasional outbreaks of violence, including riotin g agains t African American s in Memphis an d New Orleans i n 1866 , made blacks wary. Public facilities were usually segregated, with African American s rarely receiving the sam e level of service or accommodations as whites. Theaters allowed African Americans to attend, but let them sit only in certain sections, often thos e with the least desirable seats. Some places, such as the New Orleans Opera House, that did not raciall y segregate people often openl y refused admittanc e t o African Americans . In man y cities—includin g Charleston , New Orleans , Richmond , Mobile , Nashville , Louisville , an d Savannah—Africa n Americans organize d campaign s t o integrat e streetcar s bu t ha d limite d success . Often, they had to settle for segregated cars. Both in the cities and in rural areas after th e war, freed people established their own places to worship. Those who as slaves had gone with their masters to churc h services and listened to white preachers exhort them t o be obedient to their mas ters now organize d churche s independen t an d separat e fro m thos e o f whites. To this effort, blacks throughout th e South gave their money. For example, in Charleston, Sout h Carolina, by 186 6 African American s had establishe d eleve n churches. White churche s becam e increasingl y segregate d a s white s refuse d t o integrat e their facilitie s o r allow blacks to hold leadership roles. In rural areas, freed peopl e attended churc h service s i n cabin s o r hel d outsid e praye r meeting s awa y fro m their forme r master s an d othe r whites . Mos t black s gravitate d t o African American-controlled Baptis t churches , bu t other s joine d th e Africa n Methodis t Episcopal Church . I n certai n part s o f th e South , particularl y i n Ne w Orleans , African Americans practiced Catholicism . Churches forge d vita l link s withi n th e free d African-America n community . Particularly in the cities, attendance was so great that churches often offere d three , rather tha n th e norma l two , service s o n Sunday . Services sometimes laste d tw o hours, during whic h minister s rea d letter s fro m forme r slave s wanting t o kno w about famil y member s separate d durin g slavery . Church building s als o provide d school classroom s and place s for meetings and lectures . And socia l life ofte n cen tered around the church. Entire religious communities encourage d and celebrated the individual's salva tion, which brough t a person int o the religiou s congregation . "Saw a wonderful

Breaking the Chains sight to-day , 15 0 people wer e baptize d i n th e cree k nea r th e church, " remarke d Charlotte Forten. "They looked very picturesque—many of them i n white aprons , and brigh t dresse s and handkerchiefs . And as they, in procession, marche d dow n to th e water , they san g beautifully . Th e mos t perfec t orde r an d quie t prevaile d throughout." Religion also played a role in encouraging education. Becaus e many freed peo ple held deeply felt religiou s convictions, wanting to read the Bible provided the m with another stron g incentive to learn to read. During Reconstruction , free d peopl e use d th e church—th e African-American institution leas t controlle d b y whites—to promot e politica l participation . Mini sters freely mixed religion with political activism. As one religious leader in Florida explained, "A man i n this State cannot d o hi s whole duty a s a minister excep t h e looks ou t fo r political interests of his people." During Reconstruction, more tha n one hundred minister s served in Southern state legislatures. Involvement with th e church fo r both th e clerg y and la y officials a s with organizin g schools and buria l and fraterna l societie s gav e African-America n me n experienc e a s leader s withi n their own institutions an d helped trai n them t o become effective politicians . As wit h religion , whol e communitie s o f Africa n American s participate d i n political events. Loyal Leagues, formed to support the Republican party, held social gatherings including dances. I n a t least on e Mississipp i community, free d peopl e gathered a t th e churc h an d walke d togethe r t o loca l pollin g places. Women an d children marched with the men voters in these parades. Politics wa s importan t t o th e entir e communit y o f African Americans . Freed people ofte n though t o f the vot e as belonging to th e communit y o f free d peopl e rather than to just one person. African-American women, like the men, hoped tha t having black men vote would ensur e a redistribution o f land, better schools, equal opportunity fo r jobs, and equa l access to publi c facilities. African-American me n voted overwhelmingly for the Republican party, sometimes with a turnout as high as ninety percent, and African-American wome n supporte d thei r men's decisions. As on e Norther n teache r describe d th e scen e a t a pollin g place , "Th e colore d women formed a line of one hundred or more, and ran up and down near the line of voters , saying ... 'Now Jack , ef you don ' vote fo r Lincum' s men I'l l leav e ye.'" Planters complained that their fiel d laborer s left wor k to attend political rallies. In Richmond, Virginia, during the Republican state convention, the owners of tobacco factories had to shut down because so many of their African-American workers had gone to the convention . During Reconstruction , th e old , tightl y knit slav e communities o n th e large r plantations bega n t o disperse , especiall y wit h th e sprea d o f famil y sharecrop ping an d th e buildin g o f separat e cabins . After th e war , a sense of having shared interests and goal s strengthened collectiv e efforts i n education, religion, and poli tics, widening free d people' s vision o f th e meanin g of community . Despit e fierc e

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white opposition tha t include d violence , African American s persevered to estab lish their own churches and schools . Resisting intense hostility, African Americans participated in America's political life through meetings, conventions, protests for the integratio n o f public facilities , and voting . Eve n wit h th e ultimat e failur e o f Reconstructio n an d th e retur n o f Democratic part y rule , th e ne w autonom y compare d favorably t o slavery , an d African-American families , churches , an d school s endure d t o provid e a lastin g legacy.

Chronology

1441

Portuguese explorers capture Africans off the coast of Mauritania, signaling the start of a European trade in African slaves. 1479

Spain and Portugal sign the Treaty of Alacovas, granting Portugal the right to supply the Spaniards with all the Africa n slaves they needed.

1550

First slaves to arrive in Brazi l directly fro m Africa disembar k at the cit y of Salvador. 1565

Africans hel p construct St . Augustine in Spanish Florida, the oldest non-India n town in North America. 1586

1494

The firs t Africans arriv e in Hispaniola with Christopher Columbus . They were free persons. 1502

African slaver y introduced i n Hispaniola, thereby inaugurating the institution i n the Americas. 1522

First rebellion by African slave s in th e Americas occurs in Hispaniola . 1539

The black explorer Esteban encounters th e Zuni Indians in New Mexico and i s killed. 1542

The Spanish Crown abolishes Indian slavery and the encomienda system.

Francis Drake frees Africans i n th e Spanish Caribbean but fail s to make them part of England's colony at Roanoke. 1595

Spanish Crown award s the firs t Asiento, or monopoly contract , to supply the colonist s with slaves. 1609

Runaway slaves in Mexico, led by Yanga, sign a truce with the Spaniards and obtain their freedom and a town o f their own . 1617

The town of San Lorenzo de los Negros receives its charter in Mexico, becoming the first officiall y recognize d free settle ment for blacks in the Americas. 281

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1619 About twenty Africans disembar k from a Dutch shi p at Jamestown, Virginia.

1765 Anti-Stamp Act demonstrations i n Charleston, South Carolina , lead to rumor s of a slave plot and blac k calls for liberty.

1644 For the firs t time, New England merchants send three ships to Africa t o trade for gold dust an d Negroes.

1770 Black sailor Crispus Attucks leads an attac k on British soldiers and is killed in th e Boston Massacre.

1662 Virginia statute declares that al l children born in the colony are to inherit the status of the mother .

1772 The decision o f Lord Mansfield in th e Somerset Case puts slavery on the road t o extinction in England .

1663 England creates the Company o f Royal Adventurers into Africa, replaced in 1672 by the Royal Africa Company .

1773 African-born Philli s Wheatley, age nineteen, publishes her book, Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral.

1700 Slavery becomes legally sanctioned in the colonies of Pennsylvania and Rhod e Island. 17O8

Africans i n South Carolina are more numerous tha n Europeans, making it the only English mainland colony with a black majority.

1731 African-born Samb a Bambara plans slave revolt in French Louisiana and i s executed with his co-conspirators .

1775 Virginia governor, Lord Dunmore, issue s a proclamation offerin g freedo m t o slaves joining the British cause against the colonists. One of the firs t independen t blac k Baptist congregations develops in Silver Bluff , South Carolina .

1776 American Declaration of Independenc e proclaims that all men are created equal.

1777 1733 The Spanish king issues an edict granting freedom t o any English slaves escaping to St. Augustine, Florida.

1739 Slaves kill their masters in Stono Rebellion in South Carolina, but thei r effort s t o reach Florida fail .

Blacks in Massachusetts and New Hampshire petition fo r freedom based upon principles of the Declaratio n of Independence.

1778 Black businessman Pau l Cuffe an d hi s brother Joh n refuse t o pay taxes, claiming taxation without representation .

Chronology

1780 Pennsylvania enacts first gradual emancipation law. Blacks in Newport, Rhode Island, form th e first Fre e African Unio n Society.

1783 Massachusetts outlaws slavery by court decision in the Quok Walker case.

1786 Black Poor Committe e formed in London to aid needy African-American immi grants. 1787 British abolitionists foun d the Society for the Abolition o f the Slave Trade, an d British reformers establish the colony of Sierra Leone to receive black American immigrants in London and other free d slaves. American Constitutional Conventio n develops a new government protecting slavery. Northwest Ordinance forbids slavery in American territory north o f the Ohio River and eas t of the Mississippi. Richard Allen and Absalom Jone s form th e Free African Societ y in Philadelphia.

1788 Massachusetts prohibit s al l foreign blacks , except those from Morocco , from livin g in the state for more than two months . 1790 Charleston's free black people organize the Brown Fellowship Society.

1791 Haitian revolution begins .

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1793 Eli Whitney's cotto n gi n spurs economi c expansion an d tightens the bonds of slavery.

1794 Slavery is abolished i n the Frenc h Empire. In Philadelphia, the St. Thomas Africa n Episcopal Church open s its doors, an d Richard Allen establishes Bethel African Methodist church .

1798 Toussaint L'Ouverture expels the British and becomes the most powerfu l leader in French colony of Saint Domingue (Haiti).

1799 New York's manumission law frees the chil dren of slaves born afte r Jul y 4.

1800 Gabriel Prosser's planned revolt agains t slavery in Virginia fails; Prosser an d hi s followers are hanged.

1802 Napoleon reinstitutes slaver y in the French Empire.

1804 New Jersey becomes the last Northern stat e to pass a manumission act . Haiti becomes an independent nation .

1808 The foreig n slav e trade is closed; Africans are no longer legally imported int o th e United States. 1811

Led by enslaved leader Charles Deslondes , about fou r hundre d slave s revolt and fle e plantations in St. Charles an d St. John the Baptist parishes in Louisiana.

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1816

The American Colonization Societ y is formed b y white Americans. Their ai m is to send African American s back to Africa . 1817-18

African Americans join the Seminol e Indians in their fight t o keep their Florid a homelands. 1820

The Missouri Compromise allow s Missouri to ente r the Unite d States as a slave state but outlaw s slavery north o f the 36th paral lel. 1822

Denmark Vesey , a free Africa n American, plans a revolt against the arsena l at Charleston an d surrounding plantations . He is betrayed before the revolt begins, and Vesey and hi s followers are hanged. The American Colonization Society buys land i n Western Africa fo r the fe w blacks who want to return; the nation i s called Liberia. 1827

Freedom's Journal, the firs t African American newspaper, is published b y Samuel Cornish an d John Russworm. 1829

David Walker issues his Appeal, i n which he denounces slaver y and call s on Africa n Americans to rise up an d throw off the yoke of slavery. More than hal f of the black people of Cincinnati fle e the city in response to white mob violence. Riots in other Norther n an d Western cities force blacks to migrate to Canada and elsewhere.

1830

African-American delegate s from Ne w York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, and Virginia meet in Philadelphia in what was the firs t of many conventions to devis e ways of bettering th e conditio n o f free an d enslaved blacks. 1831

Nat Turner leads about sevent y fello w slaves in uprising against th e slaveholders of Southampton, Virginia. He and hi s followers are captured an d hanged afte r the y kill about sixt y whites. 1833

The predominantly whit e American Anti Slavery Society is formed, signaling the beginning of organized white protes t against slavery. 1835

Fugitive slaves join the Seminole s against the militias of Florida, Georgia, and Tennessee to keep their homelands . 1847

Frederick Douglass publishes abolitionis t newspaper th e North Star. 1850

The Compromis e o f 185 0 is passed wit h the mos t repressive fugitive slav e law ever put int o effect i n the United States. 1852

Black activist and abolitionis t Marti n Delany publishes Th e Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People o f the United States, in which h e argues that emigratio n t o Central or Sout h America or some area in the American West offers th e best prospects for black freedom.

Chronology 1854

The Republican Party is formed o n th e premise tha t slavery must b e kept out of the Western territories.

285

July 17, 1862 Congress permits th e enlistmen t o f black soldiers. January 1, 1863

1857

In Scott v. Sandford, th e Suprem e Cour t rules that blacks are not citizen s and therefore hav e no legal rights, that black s are property, and that whites who possess such property can treat them howeve r they please and ca n take them wherever they want. 1859

White abolitionis t Joh n Brown leads a slave revolt against the federa l arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Virginia. Brown is captured an d hanged. Revol t spreads fear amon g slaveholders across th e nation. 1860

Arkansas expels all free black s from th e state. Other Souther n state s had debated expulsion o f free black s but onl y Arkansas passes an expulsion law. Abraham Lincol n is elected president o n the Republican platform of non-extensio n of slavery. Seven Southern state s secede in reaction to his election. April 12, 1861 Civil war begins when Confederate s fir e o n a U.S. ship sent to resupply Fort Sumter, in South Carolina . Four more Southern state s secede and join the Confederacy. August 6, 1861 First Confiscation Act prevents slav e owners from reenslavin g runaways. April 16, 1862 Slavery is abolished in Washington, D.C.

Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamatio n goe s into effect . July 13, 1863 Draft riot s begin i n New York. April 12, 1864 Fort Pillow , Tennessee , massacr e of Union soldiers, including blacks. June 15, 1864 Congress approves equa l pay to African American soldiers . March 3, 1865 Congress establishes Bureau of Refugees , Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands . April 9, 1865 General Robert E. Lee surrenders to General Ulysse s S. Grant at the tow n o f Appomattox Court House , Virginia. April 14, 1865 Lincoln is assassinated; Vice President Andrew Johnson becomes president . April 1, 1866 First national K u Klux Klan convention . April 9, 1866 Congress passe s Civi l Rights Bill. 1868

President Andrew Johnson i s impeached b y the House of Representatives, but th e Senate votes not t o remove him fro m office.

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July 28, 1868 14th Amendment, granting citizenship to freed people , is adopted.

March 1, 1875 Congress passes Civil Rights Act.

February 25, 1870 Hiram Revels of Mississippi is elected t o the U.S. Senate and takes the seat once held by Jefferson Davis .

May 30, 1870 15th Amendment, grantin g freedmen but not wome n th e right to vote, is ratified. December 11, 1872 Pinckney B. S. Pinchback becomes governor o f Louisiana.

1877 Rutherford B . Hayes becomes presiden t with agreement to remove federal troops from th e South.

1879-1881 First major migration o f African American s from th e South to Kansas and Western territories occurs.

Further Reading

General African-American History Anderson, James D . Th e Education o f Blacks i n th e South, 1860-1935. Chapel Hill: Uni versity of North Carolin a Press , 1988 . Aptheker, Herbert , ed. A Documentary History o f th e Negro People i n th e United States. Vols. 1-2. Ne w York: Citadel Press, 1951 . Aptheker, Herbert , ed . A Documentary History o f th e Negro People i n th e United States. Vols. 5-7. Secaucus , N.J.: Carol Publishing , 1994 . Bennett, Lerone , Jr . Before th e Mayflower: A History o f Black America. 6t h rev . ed. Ne w York: Viking Penguin, 1988 . . The Shaping of Black America. New York: Viking Penguin , 1993 . Berry, Mary Frances, and Joh n W. Blassingame. Long Memory: Th e Black Experience in America. New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1982 . Blackburn, Robin. Th e Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776-1848. New York: Verso, 1988 . Boles, Joh n B . Black Southerners, 1619-1869. Lexington : Universit y Pres s o f Kentucky, 1983. Conniff, Michael , an d Thoma s J. Davis. Africans i n th e Americas: A History o f th e Black Diaspora. New York: St. Martin's, 1993 . Cooper, Ann a Julia . A Voice from th e South. 1892 . Reprint , New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1988 . Foner, Phili p S . History o f Black Americans: From Africa t o th e Emergence of th e Cotton Kingdom. Westport, Conn. : Greenwood, 1975 . Franklin, John Hope , an d Augus t Meier , eds . Black Leaders o f th e Twentieth Century. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982. Franklin, Joh n H. , an d Alfre d A. Moss, Jr . From Slavery t o Freedom: A History o f African Americans. 8th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1999 . Garwood, Alfre d N. , comp . Black Americans: A Statistical Sourcebook 1992. Boulder , Colo.: Numbers an d Concepts , 1993 . Gates, Henry L, Jr. A Chronology o f African-American History from 1445-1980. New York: Amistad, 1980 . Genovese, Eugene. From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Making of the Atlantic World. Bato n Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979 .

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To Make Our World Anew Giddings, Paula. When and Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race and Se x in America. New York: Bantam, 1984. Gutman, Herber t G . Th e Black Family i n Slavery an d Freedom, 1750-1925. New York: Vintage, 1977 . Harding, Vincent. There Is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom i n America. San Diego : Harcourt Brace, 1981. Harris, William H . Th e Harder We Run: Black Workers Since the Civil War. New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1982. Hine, Darlene C., et al., eds. Black Women in America. New York: Carlson, 1993 . Hornsby, Alton, Jr. Chronology o f African-American History: Significant Events and People from 1619 to the Present. Detroit: Gal e Research, 1991. Jaynes, Geral d David , an d Robi n M . Williams , Jr . A Common Destiny: Blacks an d American Society. Washington, D.C. : National Academy Press, 1989. Jones, Jacqueline . Labor of Love, Labor o f Sorrow: Black Women, Work, an d th e Family from Slavery t o the Present. New York: Basic Books, 1985 . Levine, Lawrence . Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk Thought from Slavery t o Freedom. New York: Oxford University Press, 1977 . Litwack, Leon, and Augus t Meier. Black Leaders o f th e 19th Century. Urbana: Universit y of Illinois Press, 1988 . Mintz, Sidne y W , an d Richar d Price . Th e Birth o f African-American Culture: A n Anthropological Perspective. Boston: Beacon, 1992 . Nash, Gary B. Red, White, and Black: The Peoples of Early America. Englewood Cliffs , N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1992 . Quarles, Benjamin . Th e Negro i n th e Making o f America. 3rd ed . New York: Macmillan , 1987. Rice, C. Duncan. Th e Rise and Fall o f Black Slavery. Bato n Rouge : Louisiana Stat e Uni versity Press, 1975 . Salzman, Jack , Davi d Lione l Smith , an d Corne l West , eds . Encyclopedia o f AfricanAmerican Culture and History. 5 vols. New York: Simon & Schuster Macmillan, 1996 . Savage, William Sherman. Blacks in the West. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press , 1976 . Chapter 1 Histories and Accounts of Africa and the Americas Curtin, Philip D. , ed. Africa Remembered: Narratives by West Africans from th e Era of th e Slave Trade. Madison: Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1968 . Curtin, Phili p D. , Steve n Feierman , Leonar d Thompson , an d Ja n Vansina . African History. New York: Longman, 1978 . Knight, Franklin. Th e Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism. 2nd ed . Ne w York: Oxford University Press, 1990. Lockhart, James . Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: A Colonial Society. Madison : Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1967. Lockhart, James, and Stuar t Schwartz. Early Latin America: A History of Colonial Spanish America and Brazil. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983 . Palmer, Coli n A . Slaves o f th e White God: Blacks i n Mexico, 1570-1650. Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press, 1976 .

Further Reading 28 Rodney, Walter. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Rev . ed. Washington, D.C.: Howar d University Press , 1982 . Rout, Leslie B. The African Experience i n Spanish America, 1502 to the Present Day. New York: Cambridge Universit y Press, 1976 . Schwartz, Stuar t B . Sugar Plantations i n th e Formation o f Brazilian Society: Bahia 1550-1835. New York: Cambridge Universit y Press , 1986 . Thornton, John . Africa an d Africans i n th e Formation of th e Atlantic World, 1400-1680. New York: Cambridge Universit y Press, 1992 . Van Sertima, Ivan. They Came Before Columbus. New York: Random House, 1976 . Slavery and the Slave Trade Bowser, Frederic k P . Th e African Slave i n Colonial Peru, 1524-1650. Stanford , Calif. : Stanford Universit y Press, 1974. Curtin, Phili p D . The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census. Madison: University o f Wisconsin Press, 1972. Davidson, Basil . Th e African Slave Trade. New York: Little, Brown, 1988 . Donnan, Elizabeth , ed . Documents Illustrative o f th e Slave Trade t o America. 4 vols . Washington, D.C. : Carnegi e Institution , 1930-35. Equiano, Olaudah. Th e Interesting Narrative of th e Life ofOlaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vasa th e African. Edite d b y Paul Edwards. 2 vols. London: Heinemann, 1967 . Genovese, Eugene. From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Making of th e Modern World. Bato n Rouge: Louisiana Stat e University Press, 1979 . Klein, Herbert. African Slavery i n Latin America and th e Caribbean. New York: Oxfor d University Press, 1986 . Lovejoy, Pau l E . Transformations i n Slavery: A History o f Slavery i n Africa. Ne w York : Cambridge Universit y Press, 1983 . Phillips, William D., Jr. Slavery from Roman Times to the Early Atlantic Slave Trade. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press , 1985 . Rawley, James A. The Transatlantic Slave Trade. New York: Norton, 1981 . Reynolds, Edward. Stand the Storm: A History o f th e Atlantic Slave Trade. Chicago : Iva n R. Dee, 1993. Schwartz, Stuart B. Slaves, Peasants, and Rebels: Reconsidering Brazilian Slavery. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1992 . Thomas, Hugh . Th e Slave Trade. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997 . Watson, Alan. Slave Law in the Americas. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1989 .

Chapter 2 Slavery and Slave Culture Aptheker, Herbert. American Negro Slave Revolts. New York: Columbia Universit y Press, 1943. Berlin, Ira. Many Thousands Gone: Th e First Tw o Centuries of Slavery i n North America. Cambridge: Harvar d University Press, 1998 . Burnside, Madeleine, and Rosemari e Robotham. Spirits o f th e Passage: th e Transatlantic Slave Trade i n the Seventeenth Century. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997 . Ferguson, Leland. Uncommon Ground: Archaeology and Early African America, 1650-1800. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institutio n Press , 1992 .

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To Make Our World Anew Franklin, John Hope, and Lore n Schweninger. Runaway Slaves: Rebels on the Plantation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999 . Frey, Sylvia. Water from th e Rock: Black Resistance in a Revolutionary Age. Princeton, N.J. : Princeton Universit y Press, 1991. Frey, Sylvia, and Bett y Wood. Come Shouting to Zion: African American Protestantism in the American South and British Caribbean to 1830. Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1998 . Gomez, Michael A. Exchanging Our Country Marks: Th e Transformation o f African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South. Chapel Hill : University o f North Carolin a Press, 1998. Higginbotham, A. Leon, Jr. In th e Matter o f Color: Race and th e American Legal Process: The Colonial Period. New York: Oxford University Press, 1978 . Holloway, Josep h E., ed. Africanisms i n American Culture. Bloomington: Indiana Univer sity Press, 1990. Johnson, Charles, Patrici a Smith , and th e WGB H Researc h Team . Africans i n America: America s Journey Through Slavery. New York: Harcourt Brace , 1998. Jordan, Winthrop D . White Over Black: American Attitudes toward the Negro, 1550-1812. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolin a Press , 1968 . Kaplan, Sidney, and Emma Nogrady Kaplan. The Black Presence in the Era of the American Revolution. Rev. ed. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press , 1989 . Kolchin, Peter. American Slavery, 1619-1877. New York: Hill & Wang, 1993. Mullin, Michael . Africa i n America: Slave Acculturation an d Resistance in th e American South and the British Caribbean, 1736-1831. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992. Piersen, William D . From Africa t o America: African American History from th e Colonial Era to the Early Republic, 1526-1790. New York: Twayne, 1996. Raboteau, Albert J. Slave Religion: The "Invisible Institution" i n the Antebellum South. New York: Oxford University Press, 1978. Scherer, Leste r B . Slavery an d th e Churches in Early America, 1619-1819. Grand Rapids , Mich.: William B. Eerdmans, 1975. Smith, Billy G., and Richar d Wojtowicz. Blacks Wh o Stole Themselves: Advertisements for Runaways i n th e Pennsylvania Gazette, 1728-1790. Philadelphia : Universit y o f Pennsylvania Press, 1989. Stuckey, Sterling. Slave Culture: NationalistTheory an d th e Foundations of Black America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Thomas, Hugh . Th e Slave Trade. Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1997 . Regional Studies Breen, T. H., an d Stephe n Innes . "Myne Owne Ground": Race and Freedom o n Virginia's Eastern Shore, 1640-1676. New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1980 . Greene, Lorenz o Johnston . Th e Negro i n Colonial New England. New York: Columbi a University Press, 1942 . Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo. Africans i n Colonial Louisiana: The Development o f Afro-Creole Culture i n th e Eighteenth Century. Bato n Rouge : Louisian a Stat e Universit y Press , 1992. Hanger, Kimberl y S . Bounded Lives, Bounded Places: Free Black Society i n Colonial New Orleans, 1769-1803. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1997.

Further Reading 29 Hodges, Graha m Russell . Slavery an d Freedom i n th e Rural North: African Americans i n Monmouth County, New Jersey, 1665-1865. Madison, Wis. : Madiso n House , 1997 . Holton, Woody. Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Slaves, and th e Making of the American Revolution in Virginia. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1999 . Ingersall, Thomas N . Mammon an d Manon i n Early Ne w Orleans: The First Slave Society in the Deep South, 1718-1819. Knoxville: University o f Tennessee Press, 1999 . Landers, Jane. Black Society i n Spanish Florida. Urbana: University of Illinois Press , 1999 . Littlefield, Daniel . Rice and Slaves: Ethnicity and th e Slave Trade i n Colonial South Carolina. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981. Morgan, Edmun d S . American Slavery, American Freedom: Th e Ordeal o f Colonial Virginia. New York: Norton, 1975 . Morgan, Phili p D . Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture i n th e Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake and Lowcountry. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1998 . Olwell, Robert . Masters, Slaves, and Subjects: Th e Culture of Power in th e South Carolina Low Country, 1740-1790. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Universit y Press, 1998 . Piersen, Willia m D . Black Yankees: Th e Development o f a n Afro-American Subculture i n Eighteenth-Century Ne w England. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988 . Sensbach, Jo n F . A Separate Canaan: The Making o f a n Afro-Moravian World i n North Carolina, 1763-1840. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1998 . Sobel, Mechal. Th e World They Made Together: Black an d White Values i n EighteenthCentury Virginia. Princeton, N.J. : Princeton Universit y Press, 1987 . Tate, Tha d W, Jr . Th e Negro i n Eighteenth-Century Williamsburg. Charlottesville: Uni versity Press of Virginia, 1966 . Usner, Danie l H. , Jr . Indians, Settlers, and Slaves i n a Frontier Exchange Economy: The Lower Mississippi Valley Before 1783. Chapel Hill: University o f North Carolina Press , 1992. Williams, Willia m H . Slavery an d Freedom i n Delaware, 1639-1865. Wilmington, Del : Scholarly Resources , 1996 . Wood, Betty. Slavery in Colonial Georgia, 1730-1775. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984. Wood, Peter H. Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion. New York: Knopf, 1974 . Biographies and Literature Edwards, Paul, ed. Equiano's Travels. London: Heinemann, 1967 . Gordon-Reed, Annette. Thomas Jefferson an d Sally Hemings: An American Controversy. Charlottesville: Universit y Press of Virginia, 1997 . Grant, Douglas. Th e Fortunate Slave: An Illustration of African Slavery i n th e Early Eighteenth Century. New York: Oxford University Press , 1968 . Shields, John C., ed. Th e Collected Works ofPhillis Wheatley. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988 . Yates, Elizabeth. Amos Fortune, Free Man. New York: Dutton, 1950 .

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To Make Our World Anew Chapter 3 The American Revolution Berlin, Ira. Many Thousands Gone: Th e First Tw o Centuries of Slavery i n North America. Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1998 . Berlin, Ira , and Ronal d Hoffman , eds . Slavery an d Freedom i n th e Age o f th e American Revolution. Charlottesville: Universit y Press of Virginia, 1983 . Davis, David Brion . Th e Problem of Slavery i n th e Age o f Revolution, 1770-1823. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Universit y Press, 1975 . Flexner, James T. George Washington: Anguish an d Farewell (1793-1799). Boston : Little , Brown, 1972. . George Washington in the American Revolution (1775-1783). Boston : Little , Brown, 1968 . Frey, Sylvia R. Water fro m th e Rock: Black Resistance in a Revolutionary Age. Princeton , N.J.: Princeton Universit y Press, 1991 . Greene, Jac k P . All Me n Ar e Created Equal: Some Reflections o n th e Character of th e American Revolution. Oxford: Clarendon Press , 1976. Hirschfeld, Fritz . George Washington and Slavery: A Documentary Portrayal. Columbia : University of Missouri Press , 1997. Horton, James Oliver, an d Loi s E. Horton. In Hope o f Liberty: Culture, Community, an d Protest Among Northern Free Blacks, 1700-1860. New York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1997. Kaplan, Sidney, and Emm a Nogrady Kaplan. The Black Presence in the Era of th e American Revolution. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press , 1989 . Morgan, Edmun d S . The Birth o f th e Republic, 1763-89. Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1992. Nash, Gary. Race and Revolution. Madison, Wis. : Madison House , 1990 . Quarles, Benjamin . Th e Negro i n th e American Revolution. Chape l Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1961. Wood, Gordon. Th e Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press , 1969 . Revolution in France and Haiti Cole, Hubert. Christophe: King of Haiti. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1967 . Pick, Caroly n E . Th e Making o f Haiti: Th e Saint Domingue Revolution from Below. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press , 1990 . Geggus, David P. Slavery, War, and Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint Domingue, 1793-1798. Oxford: Clarendon Press , 1982 . Hunt, Alfre d N . Haiti's Influence o n Antebellum America: Slumbering Volcano i n th e Caribbean. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988 . James, C. L. R. The Black Jacobins: ToussaintL'Ouverture and th e San Domingo Revolution. Rev. ed. London: Allison & Busby, 1980. Korngold, Ralph. Citizen Toussaint: A Biography. Ne w York: Hill & Wang, 1965 . Logan, Rayford W. Th e Diplomatic Relations of th e United States with Haiti, 1776-1891. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolin a Press , 1941 .

Further Reading 29 McCloy, Shelby T. The Negro in the French West Indies. Lexington: Universit y of Kentucky Press, 1966 . Ott, Thoma s O. Th e Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804. Knoxville : Universit y o f Tennesse e Press, 1973 . Rude, George. Revolutionary Europe, 1783-1815. New York: Harper, 1964 . African-American

Culture and Society

Andrews, Willia m L . T o Tell a Free Story: The First Century o f Afro-American Autobiography, 1760-1865. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986. Berlin, Ira. Slaves Without Masters: Th e Free Negro in th e Antebellum South. Ne w York : Oxford Universit y Press, 1974 . Bolster, W. Jeffrey . Black Jacks: African American Seamen i n th e Age o f Sail. Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press, 1997 . Chaplin, Joyce E. An Anxious Pursuit: Agricultural Innovation an d Modernity i n the Lower South, 1730-1815. Chapel Hill: University o f North Carolina Press, 1993 . Egerton, Douglas R. Gabriel's Rebellion: The Virginia Slave Conspiracies o f 1800 and 1802. Chapel Hill: University o f North Carolina Press , 1993 . Fitts, Leroy. A History o f Black Baptists. Nashville, Tenn.: Broadman Press, 1984. Fitts, Leroy , and Charle s T . Davis. Th e Slave's Narrative. Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1985 . Gewehr, Wesley M. The Great Awakening in Virginia, 1740-1790. Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1965 . Hall, Gwendoly n Midlo . Africans i n Colonial Louisiana: The Development o f Afro-Creole Culture in the Eighteenth Century. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1992. Hatch, Natha n O . Th e Democratization o f American Christianity. Ne w Haven : Yal e University Press , 1989 . Hodges, Graham Russell . Root and Branch: African Americans in New York and East Jersey, 1613-1863. Chapel Hill : Universit y of North Carolin a Press , 1999. . Slavery and Freedom in the Rural North: African Americans in Monmouth County, New Jersey, 1665-1865. Madison, Wis.: Madison House , 1997 . Isaac, Rhys . Th e Transformation o f Virginia: Community, Religion, an d Authority, 1740-1790. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1982. Jordan, Winthrop D. White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward th e Negro, 1550-1812. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1968 . Kulikoff, Allan . Tobacco an d Slaves: Th e Development o f Southern Cultures in th e Chesapeake, 1680-1800. Chapel Hill : Universit y of North Carolin a Press , 1986 . Littlefield, Daniel C. Rice and Slaves: Ethnicity and th e Slave Trade i n Colonial South Carolina. Baton Rouge : Louisian a Stat e University Press , 1981 . Miller, Floy d J . Th e Search for a Black Nationality: Black Colonization an d Emigration, 1787-1863. Urbana: Universit y o f Illinois Press , 1975 . Morton, Louis . Robert Carter ofNomini Hall: A Virginia Tobacco Planter of the Eighteenth Century. Charlottesville: Universit y Press of Virginia, 1941 . Mullin, Gerald W . Flight and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in Eighteenth-Century Virginia. New York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1972. Mullin, Michael. Africa i n America: Slave Acculturation an d Resistance in th e American South and the British Caribbean, 1736-1831. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992.

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To Make Our World Anew Nash, Gar y B . Forging Freedom: Th e Formation o f Philadelphia's Black Community, 1720-1840. Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press, 1988 . Nell, William C . Th e Colored Patriots of th e American Revolution. 1855 . Reprint , Salem , N.H.: Ayer, 1986 . Payne, Daniel A. History o f th e African Methodist Episcopal Church. 1891. Reprint, Ne w York: Arno, 1969 . Porter, Dorothy, ed. Early Negro Writing, 1760-1837. Boston: Beaco n Press, 1971 . . Negro Protest Pamphlets: A Compendium. Ne w York: Arno, 1969 . Raboteau, Albert J. Slave Religion: The "Invisible Institution" i n the Antebellum South. New York: Oxford University Press, 1978 . Robinson, Willia m H . Black Ne w England Letters: Th e Uses o f Writings i n Black Ne w England. Boston: Trustees of the Publi c Library, 1977. . Early Black American Prose: Selections with Biographical Introductions. Dubuque, Iowa: William C . Brown, 1971 . Ruchames, Louis. Racial Thought in America: A Documentary History. Volume I: From the Puritans to Abraham Lincoln. Amherst: Universit y of Massachusetts Press , 1969 . Sernett, Milton C . Black Religion and American Evangelicalism: White Protestants, Plantation Missions, an d th e Flowering of Negro Christianity, 1787—1865. Metuchen , N.J. : Scarecrow Press, 1975. Sidbury, James . Ploughshares into Swords: Race, Rebellion, and Identity i n Gabriel's Virginia, 1730-1810. New York: Cambridge Universit y Press, 1997. Simms, Jame s M . Th e First Colored Baptist Church i n North America. Constituted a t Savannah, Georgia, January 20, A.D. 1788. 1888. Reprint , Ne w York: Negr o Univer sities Press, 1969 . Smith, Charles S. A History of th e African Methodist Episcopal Church. Reprint New York: Johnson, 1968 . Sobel, Mechal. Trabelin' on : The Slave Journey to an Afro-Baptist Faith. Westport, Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1979. Stuckey, Sterling. Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory an d th e Foundations of Black America. New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1987. Walls, Willia m J . Th e African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church: Reality o f th e Black Church. Charlotte, N.C. : A.M.E. Zion Publishing House , 1974 . Wilmore, Gayrau d S . Black Religion an d Black Radicalism: A n Interpretation o f th e Religious History o f Afro-American People. 2n d ed . Revised an d enlarged . Maryknoll , N.Y.: Orbis, 1983 . Wood, Gordo n S. The Radicalism of th e American Revolution. New York: Knopf, 1992 . Yentsch, Ann e Elizabeth . A Chesapeake Family an d their Slaves: A Study i n Historical Archaeology. New York: Cambridge University Press , 1994 . Slavery and the British Empire Drescher, Seymour . Capitalism an d Antislavery: British Mobilization i n Comparative Perspective. Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1987 . Fyfe, Christopher. A History of Sierra Leone. London: Oxford Universit y Press , 1962 . Porter, Dale H. Th e Abolition of th e Slave Trade i n England, 1784-1807. New York: Archon Books, 1970 . Wilson, Ellen Gibson. Th e Loyal Blacks. New York: G. P. Putnam, 1976 .

Further Reading Winks, Robi n W . Th e Blacks i n Canada: A History. Ne w Haven : Yal e Universit y Press, 1971. Biographies Bedini, Silvio A. Th e Life o f Benjamin Banneker. New York: Scribner, 1972. Crawford, George W. Prince Hall and His Followers. Being a Monograph o n the Legitimacy of Negro Masonry. 1914 . Reprint, New York: AMS Press, 1971 . George, Carol V. R. Segregated Sabbaths: Richard Allen and th e Rise o f Independent Black Churches, 1760-1840. New York: Oxford University Press, 1973. Hodges, Graham. Black Itinerants o f th e Gospel: Th e Narratives of John Je a and George White. Madison, Wis. : Madison House , 1993 . Robinson, William H. Phillis Wheatley an d Her Writings. New York: Garland, 1984 . Thomas, Lamon t D . Rise to Be a People: A Biography o f Paul Cuffe. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1986 . Chapter 4 Slavery and Free Blacks

Berlin, Ira. Slaves Without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South. New York: Random House , 1974 . Blassingame, Joh n W . Th e Slave Community: Plantation Life i n th e Antebellum South. Revised. New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1979 . Botkin, B. A., ed. Lay My Burden Down: A Folk History of Slavery. Chicago: Universit y of Chicago Press, 1945. Genovese, Eugene . Roll, Jordan, Roll: Th e World th e Slaves Made. Ne w York : Rando m House, 1974. Gutman, Herbert . Th e Black Family i n Slavery an d Freedom, 1750-1925. Ne w York : Pantheon, 1976 . Johnson, Michael , and Jame s L. Roark. Black Masters: A Free Family o f Color in th e Old South. New York: Norton, 1984 . Kolchin, Peter. American Slavery 1619-1877. New York: Hill & Wang, 1993 . Lebsock, Suzanne. The Free Women of Petersburg: Status and Culture in a Southern Town, 1784-1860. New York: Norton, 1984 . Litwack, Leo n F . North o f Slavery: Th e Negro i n th e Free States, 1790-1860. Chicago : University of Chicago Press , 1961. Meier, August, and Ellio t M. Rudwick. From Plantation t o Ghetto: An Interpretive History of American Negroes. 3rd ed. New York: Hill & Wang, 1976 . Nash, Gar y B. Forging Freedom: The Formation of Philadelphia's Black Community, 1720-1840. Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press, 1988 . Osofsky, Gilbert, ed . Puttin O n Ole Massa. Th e Slave Narratives of Henry Bibb, William Wells Brown and Solomon Northup. New York: Harper & Row, 1969 . Richardson, Marilyn, ed . Maria W . Stewart, America's First Black Woman Political Writer: Essays an d Speeches. Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press, 1987 . Sweet, Leonard L. Black Images o f America, 1784-1870. New York: Norton, 1976 . White, Deborah Gray. Ar'n't I a Woman? Female Slaves in the Plantation South. New York: Norton, 1985 .

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296

To Make Our World Anew Williamson, Joel . Ne w People: Miscegenation an d Mulattoes i n th e United States. Ne w York: Free Press, 1980 . Biographies and Autobiographies Andrews, William L , ed. The Oxford Frederick Douglass Reader. New York: Oxford Uni versity Press, 1996 . Douglass, Frederick . Narrative o f th e Life o f Frederick Douglass, an American Slave. New York: St. Martin's, 1993 . Gilbert, Olive. Narrative ofSojourner Truth. New York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1991 . McFeely, William S . Frederick Douglass. New York: Norton, 1991 . Chapter 5 General Histories of the Civil War and Reconstruction Bercaw, Nancy D . Gendered Freedoms: Race, Rights, an d th e Politics of Household i n th e Delta, 1861-1875. Gainesville: Universit y Pres s of Florida, 2003 . Edwards, Laura F. Gendered Strife an d Confusion: Th e Political Culture o f Reconstruction. Urbana: Universit y o f Illinois Press , 1997 . Foner, Eric . Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877. Ne w York : Harper & Row, 1988 . McPherson, Jame s M. Battle Cr y of Freedom: Th e Civil War Era. New York: Oxford Uni versity Press, 1988 . African Americans During the Civil War Era Bardaglio, Peter. "The Childre n o f Jubilee: African American Childhoo d in Wartime." I n Divided Houses: Gender an d th e Civil War. Edited b y Catherin e Clinto n an d Nin a Silber. New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1992 . Berlin, Ira , et . al. Free At Last: A Documentary History o f Slavery, Freedom, and th e Civil War. New York: New Press , 1992 . Billington, Ra y Allen, ed. Th e Journal of Charlotte L. Forten: A Free Negro in the Slave Era. New York: Dryden Press , 1953 . Daniels, Dougla s Henry . Pioneer Urbanites: A Social and Cultural History o f Black Sa n Francisco. Philadelphia: Templ e Universit y Press , 1980 . Davis, Ronald L. F. Good and Faithful Labor: From Slavery to Sharecropping i n the Natchez District, 1860-1890. Westport, Conn. : Greenwood, 1982 . Du Bois , Willia m E . B . Black Reconstruction i n America, 1860-1880. Ne w York : Atheneum, 1962 . Foner, Eric . Freedom's Lawmakers: A Directory o f Black Officeholders During Reconstruction. New York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1993 . Frankel, Noralee . Freedom's Women: Black Women an d Families i n Civil Wa r Er a Mississippi. Bloomington : Indian a University Press , 1999 . Franklin, Joh n Hope . Reconstruction After th e Civil War. Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1961 . Gerteis, Louis S . From Contraband t o Freedman: Federal Policy toward Southern Blacks, 1861-1865. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1973 .

Further Reading Glatthaar, Joseph I. Forged i n Battle: The Civil Alliance of Black Soldiers and \Vhite Officers. New York: Free Press, 1990. Holt, Thomas . Black over White: Negro Political Leadership i n South Carolina during Reconstruction. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977. Horton, James Oliver, and Loui s E. Horton. Black Bostonians: FamilyLife an d Community Struggle i n the Antebellum North. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979 . Jaynes, Gerald David . Branches Without Roots: Genesis o f th e Black Working Class i n th e American South, 1862-1882. New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1986 . Katzman, David M . Before th e Ghetto: Black Detroit i n th e Nineteenth Century. Urbana: University o f Illinois Press, 1973. Kolchin, Peter . First Freedom: Th e Responses o f Alabama's Blacks t o Emancipation an d Reconstruction. Westport, Conn. : Greenwood, 1972 . Leckie, William H . Th e Buffalo Soldiers: A Narrative o f th e Negro Cavalry i n th e West. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press , 1967. Litwack, Leon E. Been in th e Storm S o Long: The Aftermath o f Slavery. Ne w York: Knopf, 1979. McPherson, Jame s M. Marching toward Freedom: Blacks i n the Civil War, 1861-1865. New York: Facts on File , 1991. . The Negro's Civil War: How American Negroes Felt and Acted during the War for the Union. New York: Vintage, 1965 . Miller, Edward A. Gullah Statesman: Robert Smalls from Slavery t o Congress, 1839-1915. Columbia: University of South Carolin a Press , 1995. Mohr, Clarence L . On th e Threshold o f Freedom: Masters an d Slaves in Civil War Georgia. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1886 . Pearson, Elizabet h Ware , ed . Letters from Port Royal, 1862-1868. Ne w York : Arno , 1969. Quarles, Benjamin . The Negro i n the Civil War. Boston: Little, Brown, 1969 . Rabinowitz, Howard N. Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890. New York: Oxford University Press, 1978 . Ransom, Robert L., and Richar d Sutch. One Kind of Freedom: The Economic Consequences of Emancipation. New York: Cambridge Universit y Press, 1977 . Rawick, Georg e P . Th e American Slave: A Composite Autobiography. Westport, Conn. : Greenwood, 1972 . Schwalm, Leslie . A Hard Fight For We , Women's Transition from Slavery t o Freedom i n South Carolina. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997. Shaffer, Donal d R . After th e Glory: Th e Struggle of Black Civil Wa r Veterans. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004.

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Picture Credits

Courtesy America n Antiquaria n Society : 96; Archivo Genera l d e la Nacion d e Mexico: 32; Courtesy of the Bill y Graham Center: 188; Boston Athenaeum: 211; By Permission of the Britis h Library: 167; Chicago Historical Society: 64, 83, 174, 200, 222, 232; Courtesy of th e Charlesto n Museum , Charleston , S.C. : 202; Giraudon/Art Resource , NY : 43; Courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library at Brown University: 115 ; Library Company of Philadelphia: 21, 126, 191; Library of Congress: 28, 70, 87, 91, 110, 111, 130, 152, 177, 241, 249 , 269, 272; Maryland Historica l Society , Baltimore , Md. : 157; Metropolitan Museum o f Art , Rogers Fund , 194 2 (42.95.19): 147 ; Moorland-Spingarn Researc h Center, Howard Universit y Archives: 274; Museo de America, Madrid: 46; Collection o f the Ne w York Historica l Society : 100, 184, 186; New Yor k Publi c Library , I. N. Phelp s Stokes Collection, Miriam an d Ir a D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs : 35, 61; Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox, an d Tilde n Foundations : ii , 7 3 (Slavery-Document s Collection) , 164 , 170 (Slavery-Labor Collection) , 23 0 (Organizations-U.N.I.A.) ; Courtes y Gar y Tong : 6 , 12; Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University: 262.

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Contributors

The Editors Robin D. G. Kelley i s Professo r o f Anthropolog y an d African-America n Studie s a t Columbia University . Author o f severa l prize-winnin g books , includin g Race Rebels: Culture, Politics and th e Black Working Class and Yo ' Mama's DisFunktionaU: Fighting the Culture Wars i n Urban America. Hi s mos t recen t publicatio n i s Freedom Dreams: Th e Black Radical Imagination. He lives in New York City. Earl Lewis is Provost and Asa Griggs Candler Professor of History and African-America n Studies a t Emory University. He is the autho r o r edito r o f seven books, amon g the m I n Their Own Interests: Race, Class and Power in Twentieth-Century Norfolk, Virginia; Love on Trial: An American Scandal in Black and White (with Heidi Ardizzone); and Defending Diversity (wit h Patricia Gurin and Jeffre y Lehman) . The Authors Noralee Frankel is assistant director o n women, minorities , and teaching at the American Historica l Association. Sh e i s co-edito r o f Gender, Class, Race, and Reform i n th e Progressive Era and autho r of Freedom's Women: Black Women and Families in Civil War Era Mississippi. I n addition , she has published severa l articles dealing with th e issue s of race and gender. Daniel C. Littlefield is Carolina Professor of History at the University of South Carolina . He i s th e autho r o f Rice an d Slaves: Ethnicity an d th e Slave Trade i n Colonial South Carolina. Colin A. Palmer i s Distinguishe d Professo r o f Histor y a t th e Graduat e Schoo l an d University Cente r o f th e Cit y Universit y o f Ne w York. He wa s previously th e Willia m Rand Kenan, Jr., Professor of History at the University of North Carolin a at Chapel Hill, where h e chaire d th e histor y department , an d Africa n an d Afro-American . He i s th e author o f Passageways: A History of Black America to 1865; Slaves of the White God: Blacks in Mexico, 1570-1650; an d th e forthcomin g Africa's Children: Th e Pre-emancipation Experiences o f Blacks i n th e Americas, among other publications .

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Contributors Deborah Gray White i s professor of history at Rutgers University. She holds a Ph.D. from the Universit y of Illinoi s a t Chicago . Dr . White i s th e autho r o f "Ar'n't I A Woman?" Female Slaves i n th e Plantation South, fo r which sh e wo n th e Letiti a Brow n Memoria l Book Prize , and To o Heavy a Load: Black Women i n Defense o f Themselves, 1894-1994. She ha s als o contributed article s to Before Freedom Came: African-American Life i n th e Antebellum South, and Visible Women: New Essays o n American Activism. Peter H. Wood i s a Rhodes Scholar and Harvar d Ph.D . who teache s early American his tory a t Duk e University . His firs t book , Black Majority., examine d slaver y i n colonia l South Carolina and received a National Book Award nomination. Wood i s the co-autho r of Powhatans Mantle: Indians i n th e Colonial Southeast and Created Equal: A Social and Political History o f th e United States. In 200 4 he publishe d Weathering the Storm: Inside Winslow Homers 'Gulf Stream,' a boo k explorin g on e o f th e grea t blac k image s i n American art .

Index

Abolition in England, 106-8 , 123-28 , 237 in France , 127 , 161-62 in Unite d State s colonial, 105 , 108-1 3 pre-Civil War, 128-41 , 210-18 racism and , 214-15 "Abroad" marriage, 19 5 Adams, Abigail, 98-99, 11 3 Adams, John , 97 , 99, 163 Affleck, Thomas , 187 Africa. Se e also specific countries civilization i n early, 4-7, 11 1 political divisio n in , 13-1 4 proposed colonizatio n of , 112 , 138-41, 142 , 161,212-14 , 219-20 slave trad e and , 7-14 , 51 , 66-67 African-Americans. Se e also Free blacks; Slave s during Reconstructio n freedom define d during , 236-4 3 as officeholders, 243-44 , 248-54 African Churc h o f Philadelphia , 142-43 African Episcopa l Church of St. Thomas, 145 African Methodis t Episcopal church , 146, 27 8 Agricultural work , 256-5 9 of slaves , 24-25, 79, 80-81, 175-7 6 Alabama cotton in, 153 economy in, 17 1 resistance in , 225 secession of , 226 Ala^ovas, Treaty of , 9-10 Alaska, 78 Albornoz, Bartolome de, 47 Allen, Richard, 141-46, 151 , 15 5 Allston, Adele Pettigru, 19 3 Allston, Robert, 179 Amancebado (concubinage) , 3 3 American Antislaver y Society, 210, 211,214 American Colonizatio n Society , 21 2 Anderson, Elijah, 21 9 Anderson, Jourdon, 238 , 239 Anderson, Mandy , 238, 239

Anderson, Robert , 22 6 Andrew (slave) , 97 Angola, 12-14,23 , 154 Antislavery movement . Se e Abolition Arizona, 5 4 Arkansas African-American officeholder s in, 250 economy in , 17 1 secession of , 226 suffrage in , 245-46 Artisans, slave s as, 23-24, 25, 80 Asbury, Francis, 151 Asiento (contract), 11,1 5 Attucks, Crispus, 97-98 , 109 Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, 53 Balafo (xylophone) , 8 6 Ball, Charles, 18 0 Baltimore, Maryland, 218, 220 Banjo, 8 6 Banneker, Benjamin, 156—5 8 Baptist church , 132 , 149-51 , 209, 278 Barbados, 65-66, 71,77 Barber, Molly , 95 Battle of Bunke r Hill , 11 4 Battle of Great Bridge , 11 6 Bayoman, Isaiah, 98 Bell, Phillip A., 217 Benevolent societies , 207-9 , 211 Benezet, Anthony, 98 , 110-11, 118 , 124, 14 8 Bigamy, 33-34 Black Carolina Corps , 121 Black Codes, 242-43, 247, 248, 256 Boardman, Cato , 9 8 Boat-building trade , 80 Bolivia, 1 7 Bomefree, Isabella . Se e Truth, Sojourner Booth, Joh n Wilkes, 246 Boston, John , 229 Boston, Massachusetts , 97 , 146 , 148 , 160-61 Boston Massacre , 97, 109 Botts, Ellen , 187 Boyd, Henry, 20 4 Bozales, 29-30 Braddock, Edward, 93

Bradley, Aaron, 252 Brazil, 26, 40, 44, 62 emancipation in , 46, 48 work o f slave s in, 20, 22-23 Bridges, Harry , 236 Brooks, Preston , 240 Brown, Clara, 262 Brown Fellowshi p Society, 156 , 208, 209 Brown, Henry "Box" , 194 Brown, John,'193-94, 224 Brown, William Wells , 215 Bruce, Blanch e Kelso, 250 Bryna, Andrew, 14 9 Burns, Anthony, 21 9 Butler, Benjamin, 230 Byrd, William 11,7 4 Cabeza d e Vaca, Alvar Nufie/, , 5 4 Cabral, Pedro Alvares , 22 California admitted t o Union , 21 8 integration in , 276 settlement of , 78 Calvin, John, 58 Canada, 71,94 Capital punishment , 92, 18 1 Cardozo, Francis L., 239, 251 Carleton, Guy, 121 , 12 3 Carter, Robert , 117 , 133 Cartier, Jacques, 56 Catholic church. Se e Roman Catholi c Church Celes, Jan, 61 Charles II , King of England , 66 Charleston, Sout h Carolina , 77, 99, 155-56, 166 free black s in, 206 , 218, 224 Chaugham, James, 95 Children. Sec also Families apprenticing of , 268, 271 infanticide, 19 7 Chile, 18 Christianity. Se e Protestantism; Religion; specific denominations Christophe, Henri, 16 5 Cimarroncs, 40-45, 59 Cincinnati Colonizatio n Society , 214

301

302

Index

Civil Rights Act of 1866 , 242, 246 Civil War black military service during, 227, 231-36,244 plantation lif e during, 228-31, 233 start of, 226 states' rights and, 227-28 Clark, Maria, 263-64 Clarkson, John, 127 Clarkson, Thomas, 111, 124-26 Clay, Berry, 184 Clay, Henry, 212 Cleveland, Ohio, 220 Clinton, Henry, 120 Clothing, 88, 186, 267 Cocke, Joh n Hartwell, 179 Coker, Daniel, 150 Colonization. Se e Africa, propose d col onization of Colonoware, 82 Colorado, 276 Columbia, 42 Compromise o f 1850 , 218, 240 Confiscation Act, 230 Confradia, 36 , 49 Congo, 12-13 , 154 Congressional Reconstruction, 239-42,247,248,268,271, 274 Connecticut, 114 , 276 Constitution, o f United States compromises and , 135-36 , 212, 213 13th Amendment to, 240, 242 14th Amendment to, 240, 247 15th Amendment to, 240, 247, 276 Contraband camps , 230-31 Cornish, Samuel, 208 Coronado, Francisc o Vazquez de, 55 Cortes, Hernan , 1 8 Cotton, 152-54, 169-71, 175, 176 Covey, Edward, 192 Craft, Ellen, 194 Craft, William, 194 Creole, 30, 33, 34, 45, 152 Criolks, 30 Cuba, 17 , 40,46 revolt of slaves in, 41, 42, 44, 166 work of slaves in, 20, 24 Cuffe, John , 10 9 Cuffe, Paul , 109, 156, 158-60, 213 Cunningham, Adeline, 172 Dahomey, 13,1 4 Daniel, Peter V., 223 David (preacher) , 99 Davis, Jefferson, 226 , 239, 250 Davis, Joseph, 239 De Soto, Hernando, 55-56 Deadfoot, Peter, 88 Death from middl e passage , 14-16 capital punishment, 92 , 181 from work , 19,23,37 , 172

Declaration of Independence, 102 , 119,130 Delaney, Martin, 254 Delany, Martin, 215, 217, 219-20 Delaware, 129, 133 Delaware Society for the Abolition of Slavery, 158-59 Democrats, 223 Reconstruction and, 244, 247, 248, 253-54, 257-58 Denmark, 17 Denton, Vachell, 75 Deslondes, Charles , 197 Dessalines, Jacques, 165 Dixon, Maggie, 229 Dixon, Sally, 240 Domestic workers, 24, 80, 147, 148, 175,177-78,262 "Double consciousness", 141 Douglass, Frederick, 190-92, 204, 210, 215,219,225 philosophy of, 216-17 quoted, 211-12, 228,245 Douglass, Lewis, 263 Dowan, Rose, 270 Draft, during Civil War, 231 Drake, Sir Francis, 59-60, 65 Drivers, on plantations, 178-80 DuBois,W. E. B., 141 Du Pratz , Le Page, 92 Duarte Coelhos , 22 Dunmore, Lord, 101-2,115,116-17,120 Durkee, Robert, 94-95 Easterbrooks, Prince, 98 Eaton, Isabel, 291 Education for fre e blacks , 260, 261, 273-75 hostility toward, 275 institutions of higher, 274 by slave families, 186 Egypt, 5, 6 Ellicott, Andrew, 156, 158 Elliott, Robert P., 250 Ellison, April, 199 Ellison, William, 199 , 201, 202-3, 206-7, 209, 225 Emancipation Proclamation, 236-37 Emigration. See Africa, proposed colo nization of Encomienda, 26 England abolition in , 106-8, 123-28, 237 colonies of , 62-63, 65-67 cotton and , 170 emancipation and , 46,99 fugitive slave s and, 121-2 3 Revolutionary War and, 95-102, 117,119-21 Saint Domingue and, 165 seizure of New York City by, 62 slave trade and, 10-11, 58-59, 71 slavery laws in, 1 7

Somerset cas e in, 105 , 123 war with France, 93-95, 106 war with Spain, 93-94 Enlightenment, 107, 108, 113 Episcopal church, 145-46, 209. See also African Methodis t Episcopa l Church Eppes, Edwin, 178 Equiano, Olaudah, 76-77, 80, 91, 97, 125 Escape. See Runaway slaves Ethiopia, 4 Families. See also Children; Marriage of free d blacks , 148 , 154-55 during Reconstruction, 259, 263-71 of slaves, 85-86,172,173, 183-87 Farming. See Agricultural work; Sharecropping Fay, Amanda, 265 Feaster, Gus, 185 Ferdinand, Kin g of Spain, 18-1 9 First African Baptis t Church o f New Orleans, 265 First African Baptis t Church o f Savanna, 149 Flora, William, 117 Florida African-American officeholder s in, 250 cotton in , 15 3 Reconstruction in, 242 resistance in, 19 7 secession of, 226 settlement of, 53-54, 55 slave trade and, 7 1 Foner, Eric, 251 Forrest, Nathan Bedford, 243 Fort Mose, Florida, 93, 94 Fort Pillow, Tennessee, 234, 243 Fort Wagner, South Carolina, 233-34 Forten, Charlotte, 273 , 279 Forten, James, 172,212 Forten, Margaretta, 207 Fortune, Amos, 79 France abolition in , 127 , 161-62, 164 emancipation and , 46 explorations of , 56 revolution in , 127 , 161-62, 164 slave trade and, 10-1 1 slavery laws in, 17 war with England, 93-95, 106 Franklin, Benjamin, 148 Free African Unio n Society in Newport, Rhode Island , 138-39, 144 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 141, 143, 207 Free blacks, 199-210, 218. See also African-Americans benevolent societie s of , 207-9 John Brown and, 224

Index insecurity of , 17 2 laws about, 204- 5 protests of , before Civil War, 210-26 racism and , 200-201, 203, 205-6 religion and , 207 work of, 203-4, 206 Freedman's Bureau care of elderly slaves and, 270 education and , 273-74 founding of , 242 Andrew Johnson and , 246 marriage record s of , 264, 265 work of , 243, 255, 273 Freedom early struggle for , 38-49, 95-102 defining, afte r Civi l War, 236-43 Freedom's Journal, 208, 213 Freemasons, 139 , 160, 208 French an d India n War, 93-94 French Revolution , 127 , 162, 164 Friendly Moralis t Society , 208 , 209 Fugitive Slav e Law, 212, 218, 224, 240 proposed repeal of, 222 resistance to , 219-20 Gabriel (slave) , 167-68 Gage, Thomas, 99, 101 , 113 , 120 Galpin, Jesse, 149 Gambia, 1 3 Garnet, Henry Highland, 21 5 Garrison, Willia m Lloyd , 214 , 215 Gates, Horatio, 11 4 Gender, 25 George III , King of England, 94, 95 Georgia abolition in , 133 African-American officeholder s in, 252 cotton in, 153 freed slave s in, 239 resistance in, 197 Revolutionary War and, 116 , 117 runaways in, 101 , 11 8 secession of , 226 settlement of , 78 slave trade and, 119 , 151 work o f slaves in, 80, 176 Gerry, Elbridge, 135 Ghana, 5, 9, 13 , 14 Godwyn, Rev. Morgan, 68 Gomez, 55-56 Conceives, Antao, 9 Gourds, 81-8 2 Grant, Ulysse s S., 227-28 Great Awakening, 90, 104-5, 108, 149 Greensted, William, 68 Griggs, Aaron, 202 Guadaloupe, 161 , 166 Guinea-Bissau, 13 Haiti, 225 . See also Hispaniola; Sain t Domingue revolution in, 46, 161—68 , 212

Haley, Alex, 71 Hall, Prince, 139, 160-61, 207-8 Harassment, sexual , 268, 272 Harper, Williams, 17 3 Hastings, Salina , 104, 105 Hawkins, John, 59 Hayes, Rutherford B., 254 "Headright," in Virginia, 70 Henry, Prince of Portugal, 9 Higginson, Humphrey , 68 Hispaniola. See also Haiti; Saint Domingue Indians in, 27 slaves in, 7-8, 16 , 17, 39, 40-42 work of slaves in, 18-19 , 20, 24-25 Hobbs, Elizabeth , 199 Holland colonies of , 65—6 6 slave laws in, 1 7 slave trade and, 10-11 , 53, 58-62 Honduras, 18,4 1 Hudson, Henry , 60 Hughes, Louis , 187 Humane Brotherhood , 208 , 209 Hundley, Daniel R. , 179 Hunt, Henry, 74 Hunt, William, 74 , 75 Hunter, Rev. William H. , 271 Hutchinson, Thomas , 10 9 Illinois, 134,205,275-7 6 Indentured servants , 65, 66, 67, 147-48 Indiana slavery in, 134,20 5 suffrage in , 221 Indians. See Native Americans Indigo, 15 3 Infanticide, 19 7 Ingenio (suga r mill), 20 Inquisition, 33 Iowa, 275 Islam, 7, 34, 74, 89 Jack, Gullah, 198 Jackson, Andrew, 197 , 212 Jamaica, 17 , 44, 71, 106 , 121 , 178 escape fro m slaver y in, 40 work o f slaves in, 20 , 24 Jamison, Mary, 95 Jay, John, 132 Jefferson, Hattie , 267 Jefferson, Thomas , 84 , 86, 144 , 15 6 Declaration of Independence and , 102, 119,13 0 emancipation and, 140 Gabriel's uprisin g and , 168 Napoleon and , 163 , 165 racism of , 129-30 settlement o f West and, 134 slavery and, 82 , 114 , 117 , 132 , 136 Wheatleyand, 105 Jenkins, William, 259

303

Jennings, Elizabeth, 219 Jeremiah, Thomas, 9 9 Jesup, Thomas, 197 Job ben Solomon , 74-7 6 Johnson, Andrew, 239, 242, 246-47, 255 Johnson, Benjamin , 195 Johnson, Jane, 179 Jones, Absalom, 141-46 , 155,207,21 1 Jonkonnu, 88 Jope (Dutc h captain), 53 Julian, George, 222 Kane, Elizabeth, 233 Kansas, free black s in, 276 Kansas-Nebraska Act, 223, 224 Keckley, Elizabeth, 206 Keckley, James, 199 Kemble, Fanny, 201 Kemble, Frances, 184 Kentucky Civil War and, 228 cotton in , 15 3 proposed emigratio n from , 221 work of slave s in, 17 6 Kenya, 4 Key, Elizabeth, 68 Key, Francis Scott, 212 Key, Thomas, 6 8 Kidnapping, 66, 218 King, Boston, 122-23 , 126-2 7 King, Violet, 123 Kofi,159 Ku Klu x Klan , 243, 251-52, 258, 275 Labor. See Work Ladinos, 29-30 Lamson, David , 98 Land. See Property Languages groupings of , in Africa, 4- 5 spoken by slaves, 30 , 87-88 Las Casas, Bartolome de, 27-29 Laurens, Henry, 116 , 121-2 2 Laurens, John, 116 , 151-52 Laws. See also Black Codes; Fugitive Slave laws; United States, legislation o f about fre e blacks , 204-5 about slavery , 17-18, 29, 47, 72, 81, 180-81 Leclerc, Charles, 165-66 Lee, Robert E. , 227 Legge, William, 103 Leslie, Alexander, 121 Liberty party, 210 Liele, George, 90, 149 Lincoln, Abraham blacks and , 223 , 225-26 Civil War and, 227-28, 234, 236-37 death of , 246 election t o Presidenc y of, 218 runaway slave s and, 23 0

304

Index Lincoln, Abraham (cont.) H. B. Stowe and, 220 suffrage pla n of, 245-46 Lincoln, Mary Todd, 199 London, England, 123 Long, Edward, 105— 6 Louisiana African-American officeholders in, 248, 250 Civil War in, 233-34 cotton in , 153 economy in , 17 1 purchase of, 16 5 resistance in, 197 secession of, 226 settlement of , 78 slave laws in, 181-8 2 slave revolt in, 92—9 3 slave trade and, 71, 82 suffrage in , 245-46 work o f slaves in, 80 , 17 6 Love, Nat, 261 Loyal League, 251, 279 Lundy, Benjamin, 21 4 Luther, Martin, 58 Lymus (slave), 113 Lynch, James, 250-51 Lynch, John R. , 250 Madison, James, 212 Mali empire, 5- 6 Mansa Musa, King of Mali, 5- 6 Mansfield, Chief Justice Lord, 105 Marion, Francis, 118 Maroons, 40-42, 44-45 Marriage. See also Families "abroad", 19 5 of fre e blacks , 49, 173, 265-66 interracial, 38, 56, 57, 62, 72, 95, 156, 159,243,268 licenses for, 242 of slaves, 31-34, 36, 85, 185-86, 264 Martinique, 161 Maryland black soldiers in, 11 6 cotton in , 154 economy in , 171 , 17 2 emancipation in , 129 , 133 proposed emigration from, 221 rebirth of intolerance in , 168 settlement o f West and, 134-37 slave laws in, 68 , 72, 156, 159 slave revolt in, 93 suffrage and , 205 work of slaves in, 79, 82 Mason, John, 219 Massachusetts emancipation and, 137 integration in , 276 petitions for freedom in , 99, 109,112

Revolutionary War and, 97-98 settlement of , 62-63 slave laws in, 72 , 15 9 slavery prohibited in, 110 , 11 2 work of slaves in, 79 Mather, Cotton, 72 McClellan, George , 227 McLaurin, Levi, 229 Mendoza, Antonio de , 19 , 54 Menendez, Francisco, 93 Mercado, Tomas de, 47 Mercantilism, 107 Mestizos, 17,2 9 Methodist church , 104, 111, 132, 143-46,149-51,207, 209, 276. See also African Methodist Episcopal Church Mexico escape fro m slaver y in, 40, 41 Indian slaver y in, 25-26, 57-58 Inquisition in , 33 marriage in, 33 religion in , 36 slave revolt in, 42, 44-45 slave trade and, 3 slavery in, 17 , 18, 37-39, 48-49 work o f slaves in, 19 , 20-22, 23,24 Michigan, 205, 276 Middle passage, 14-16, 74-75 Military, after Civi l War, 262 Civil War, 231-36, 244 colonial expeditions , 1 8 suffrage and , 245 Millennialism, 107 Milliken's Bend, Louisiana, 233-34 Mining, 19 , 20, 23, 25, 39, 49 Minnesota, 275 Mississippi African-American officehold ers in, 249, 250 apprenticed childre n in , 271 Civil War in, 234 cotton in , 153 economy in , 171 Reconstruction in , 242, 258 secession of, 226 violence in , 252 Missouri, 221,22 8 Missouri Compromise , 223 Mita, 26 Monroe, James , 168 Montesinos, Antonio de, 27 Montesquieu, Baron Charles de, 108 Montufar, Alonso de, 47 Moore, Francis, 76, 185 Morgan, Dr. John H., 196 Moses, Ruth, 159 Mozambique, 13

Mulatto, 29, 49 Music, of slaves, 85-87, 188-8 9 Names of fre e blacks , 201,23 8 of slaves , 30,88, 155 Napoleon Bonaparte , 165-6 6 Narvaez, Panfilo de , 53 Nash, William B. , 245 Nashville, Tennessee, black population in , 218 National Equal Rights League, 244 National Negr o Labo r Union, 263 Native Americans, 17 1 African slave s and, 38, 81-82 colonial settlers and , 54 enslavement of , 8, 25-30, 38, 66,81 exploration and, 55-57 in Massachusetts, 62-63 music of, 86 runaway slaves and, 95, 101 work of, 19-21,23 Negretto, Pedro, 61 Negro Electio n Days, 88 Nevada, 276 New England Antislavery Society, 214 New Hampshire, 110 , 113 New Jersey, 128-29, 131 , 132 New Mexico, 57-5 8 New Orleans, Louisiana , 156 New York (city) settlement of , 60-62 slavery in, 92, 93, 129, 146, 148 New York (state) black soldiers in, 11 6 emancipation in, 128-29, 131, 132 New York Manumission Society , 132 Newport, Rhod e Island , 138 Newspapers, black, 215-16 Nicholas V (Pope), 9 Nigeria, 13 Niza, Marcos de, 54-55 North Carolin a economy in , 172 emancipation in , 12 9 rebellion in , 101 Revolutionary War and, 120 secession of , 226 slave trade in, 11 9 work of slaves in, 80, 17 6 North Star, 210 Northrup, Solomon, 171, 17 8 Nova Scotia , Canada, 126-27 Obrajes, 2 3 Oglethorpe, James, 75 Ohio, 205, 275-76 Onate, Don Jua n de, 57-58 Oregon, 205, 276

Index Otis, James, 108 Ovando, Nicolas de, 40 Overseers, on plantations, 178-80 , 221 Palmares, Brazil, 44 Palmetto trees , 81 Panama, 41, 42, 59 Paris, Treaty of, 1783, 121 Paul, Robert, 233 Pearl-fishing, 23, 25 Pendelton, E . M., 197 Pennsylvania, 110-12 , 137 Pennsylvania Societ y for th e Abolition o f Slavery, 148 Pensions, military, 266 Peronneau, John, 152 Peru escape from slaver y in, 41 Indian slavery in, 25-26 marriage in , 33 medical care in, 37-38 slave revolt in , 44-45 slavery in, 17 , 18, 37-39, 48-49 work of slaves in, 18 , 19, 20, 24 Peters, John, 148 Peters, Thomas, 127 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania , 111 , 146-48, 205, 206 integration in , 276 rebirth of intolerance in , 168 religion in , 141^6 slavery in, 13 1 Philipsburg Proclamation , 12 0 Pinchback, Pinckney B. S., 250 Pinckney, Charles Coatesworth , 136-37 Pitt, William, 124,12 7 Pizarro, Francisco, 1 8 Plantations economy of , 82, 153-54 life on, 176-90 , 228-31 promised t o freed slaves , 239-40 Poison, 196 Politics, during Reconstruction , 243-254, 279-80 Poll tax, 253 Polygyny, 34 Pompy, 98 Ponce d e Leon, Juan, 53 Pontiac's Rebellion, 94 Poor, Salem, 98, 114 Port Hudson, Louisiana, 233-34 Portsmouth, Virginia, 15 0 Portugal colonies of, 65 Indian slaver y and, 26—27 slave trade and, 7-14 slavery laws in, 17-18 , 47 tradition o f slavery in, 106- 7 work of slaves and, 19-25 Potama, Job, 98 Poyas, Peter, 198

Presbyterian church, 209 Presidential Reconstruction, 242, 246-47,268,271 Prince, Garshom, 94 Proclamation Line , 95 Property, 66, 218 promised t o free d slaves, 239-40, 255 slaves as, 116 , 121-22 , 135 , 180 vs. human rights , 128-31, 135-36 Prosser, Gabriel, 169, 171, 175 , 197 Protest. See also Resistance, of slaves before Civi l War, 210-18 during Reconstruction, 258 Protestantism, 62, 76, 89-90, 104, 132-33. See also Reformation; specific denominations Providence, Rhod e Island , 139-40 Puerto Rico , 17 , 20, 41, 42, 46 Pyke (English captain), 74, 75 Quakers, abolition and , 98, 108, 110-11, 124,129 , 137, 141,142,145 Quamino, John , 11 2 Quilombos, 44 Race discrimination on basi s of, 4, 29-30, 129-30 , 155-6 1 enslavement o n basi s of, 63-78, 133 Racism abolition and, 214-15 biological claim s and, 8 skin color and, 209 Rainey, Joseph H. , 250 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 59 Randolph, Edmund, 13 5 Ransier, Alonzo J., 250 Rapier, James T., 250 Rapier, John, 221 Raynor, Marmaduke, 53 Reconstruction Congressional, 239-42, 247, 249, 268, 270, 274 employment during, 254-63 freedom define d during, 236-43 life during , 263-80 politics of, 243-54, 279-80 Presidential, 242, 246-47, 268, 270 Reformation, 58-59, 78 Religion. See also specific religions black separatist, 141-46, 149 evangelical, 90, 104-5, 107, 108, 109 of fre e blacks , 207-9

as means of social control , 187-89 during Reconstruction, 278-79 slaves' interpretation of , 18 9 Repartimiento, 26 Republican party, 222-23, 225 Reconstruction and, 243, 244-45, 247, 248, 252-54, 261-62, 275-76, 279 Resistance, of slaves, 90-95, 169-70, 180, 190-98 Revels, Hiram, 250 Revolution. See also Revolutionary War (U.S.) of blacks in Haiti, 162-68 in France , 127, 162, 16 4 Revolutionary War (U.S.) , 106 , 127, 162 blacks fight in, 113-2 1 blacks seek freedom during, 118-19 years preceding, 95-102, 10 8 Reynolds, Mary, 194 Rhode Island, 63 black soldiers in , 114 , 115-16 integration in, 276 prohibition o f slave trade in, 119 Rice, 82, 153,154 , 175, 176 Richmond, Virginia, 167-68, 206, 219 Roanoke Island, 59, 60 Robinson, Sarah, 270 Rochambeau, Jean Baptiste, Comte de, 16 6 Rochester, New York, 219 Roman Catholi c Church , 57, 278 condones slavery, 9 evangelism of , 34-37 freedom i n exchange for conversion to, 65, 68 Indians and, 27 Reformation and , 58-59, 78 slave marriage and, 31-34 Royal African Company , 66 , 67, 75-76, 86 Runaway slaves, 191-92. See also Fugitive Slave Law Civil War and, 193-95, 228-32 Rush, Benjamin, 105 , 148 Russwurm, John, 208, 213 St. Augustine, Florida, 56-57, 60, 93, 94 Saint Domingue, 106, 127, 132 , 144, 161-6 8 St. George's Methodist Church , 142, 143, 144 Salem, Peter, 98, 11 4 Samba Bambara, 92 Sambo (slave) , 99 San Francisco, California, 276

305

306

Index San Lorenzo de los Negros, Mexico, 3, 42 Sanders, Daniel, 267 Savannah, Georgia, 149 Schuyler, Philip, 114 Scott, Dred and Harriet, 223 Scott, Hannah, 18 7 Scott v. Sanford (Dre d Scott case), 223-24 Segregation during Reconstruction, 276-78 in Union Army, 233 work and, 262-63 Senegal, 13 Senegambia, 9, 13, 154 Separate but equa l doctrine , 276-77 Separatism emigration and , 219-20 religious, 141-46, 149 self-reliance and, 217 Sepulvida, Juan Gines de, 27, 29 Servants. See Domestic workers ; Indentured servants Seven Years' War, 106 Seward, William, 222 Sexual harassment, 268, 27 2 Sharecropping, 259-61, 272 Sharp, Granville, 105, 123, 125 , 126, 139, 144 Shaw, Helen Thomas, 270 Sherman, William Tecumseh, 237, 239 Sickle cell, 81 Sierra Leone resettlement in, 123-27, 139, 213 slave trade and, 13, 14 Sierre Leone Company, 126 Siete Partidas, Las, 17 , 47 Silver Bluf f Baptis t Church, 90, 149 Simpson, John, 101 Sims, Thomas, 219 Skipwith, George, 179 Slave patrols, 193 Slave trade, 3-16, 173 cotton and, 154 death rates of, 14-15 distribution pattern s of, 16, 71 domestic, 171-72, 222 profitability of, 50, 66-67 prohibited i n United States , 119,212 Slavery. See also Abolition; Slaves justifications for , 173-75, 178 laws about, 17-18, 29, 47, 72, 81, 180-81 profitability of, 50, 82, 84, 131 reaffirmed afte r Revolution , 151-54, 169-75 Republican party and, 222-23

resistance to, 39-45, 90-95, 121 13th Amendment and , 240, 240-41, 257 transition t o hereditary, racebased, 60, 63-78 Slaves, 27. See also Fugitive Slave Law; Plantations ; Slavery birthrates of , 173, 183 care of elderly, 271 communities of , 181-90 culture of, 25-38, 84-90, 152, 187-90 diet of , 37, 81-82,173, 193 early struggles for freedom of, 38-49 emancipation of , 236-37 families of , 85, 172, 173 , 263-64 punishment of , 177-81, 192, 194,198 resistance of, 90-95,169-70, 180,190-98 runaway, 191-92, 193-95, 228-32 work of, 18-25, 37 , 49-50, 78-84,153-55, 172-73, 181-82 Slocum, John, 159 Smallpox, 10 2 Smalls, Robert, 243-44,253 Smeathman, Henry , 123 Smith, Adam, 108 Smith, Gerrit, 214 Smith, John, 63 Smith, William, 86 Society for Abolition o f the Slav e Trade, 124-25 Society for Relief in Case of Seizure, 208 Society of the Friend s of the Blacks, 127, 162 Somerset, James , 99, 105 South Carolin a African-American officehold ers in, 248, 250 Civil War in, 233-34 cotton in , 153 early Negroes in, 53, 74 economy in , 171 , 172 emancipation and , 133 free black s in, 205, 239 land ownershi p in , 254 petition for freedom in , 99, 101 revolt in, 93,94 Revolutionary War and, 116, 117 runaways in, 102,118 secession of , 226 slave laws in, 86 slave trade and, 151 U.S. Constitution and , 135

vigilantism in, 252 work during Reconstruction, 25 8 of slaves , 79, 80, 82, 176 Spain colonies of , 65 emancipation and , 46, 48 explorations of, 53-54, 55-5 8 Indian slaver y and, 26-29 slave laws of, 17-18 , 29, 31, 47 slave trade and, 3, 7-14, 58-59 tradition o f slavery in, 106-7 war with England , 93-9 4 work of slaves and, 19-25 Spencer, Peter, 151 Springfellow, Thorton, 17 5 Stanton, Edwin, 237 States' rights, 227-28 Stedman, Cato , 98 Stevens, Thaddeus, 24 0 Stewart, Maria, 172 , 215, 216 Still, William, 195 Stone, James, 66 Stono Rebellion , 93 Stowe, Harriet Beecher , 220 Suffrage denial of, 137 15th Amendment and , 240-41 for fre e blacks , 205, 221 Reconstruction and , 244-49 taxation and , 109,110 Sugarcane cultivation, 20-23 , 39, 49, 106,175 , 176 Suicide, of slaves, 92 Sullivan, John, 113-1 4 Sullivan's Island, Georgia, 77, 102 Sumner, Charles, 222 , 240 Suriname, 44 Surnames. Se e Names Taney, Roger B., 223 Tanzania, 4 Tappan, Lewis, 214 Taxation, 96, 109,160 Taylor, Philip, 66 Tennessee cotton in, 15 3 proposed emigratio n from , 221 resistance in , 19 7 secession of , 226 suffrage in , 205,245-46 Texas, 54 admitted to Union, 210 Civil War and, 228 economy in, 171 resistance in , 221,225 secession of , 226 slaves in, 17 2 Textile factories, 19-20 , 23, 49 Thomas, Alfred , 227 Thompson, Massachusetts, 112 Thornton, William, 138-3 9 Tilden, Samuel}., 254 Tobacco, 133 , 154, 175, 263

Index Toller, Isabella, 266 Tolsey, Alexander, 7 5 Tordesillas, Treaty of, 10 , 104 Toussaint L'Ouverture , Francois Dominique, 161 , 164-65, 201,273 Trades (work ) of slaves, 23-24, 48, 79, 80 Tristao, Nuno, 9 Truth, Sojourner, 199 , 201, 206-7 Tubman, Harriet, 194-95, 219, 235 Turner, Nat, 197-98 Turner, West, 179 Tybee Island, Georgia , 101 Underground Railroad , 194-9 5 Union Leagues, 244 Unions. Se e Labor union s United States, 236-37. See also Civil War; Constitution; Reconstruction; Revolutionary War colonial abolitionist movemen t in , 108-13 early Negroes in, 53-6 0 slave trade, 3, 16 slavery in, 65 emancipation in , 128-41 legislation of Articles of Confederation, 13 4 Declaration of Independence, 102 , 119, 130 Emancipation Proclamation, 236-37 Enforcement Acts, 252 Homestead Act , 261 Land Ordinance o f 1784, 134, 13 5 Northwest Ordinance of 1787, 134,20 5 Wade-Davis Bill , 246 prohibition o f slave trade by, 71, 11 9 rebellion in , 167-68 Saint Domingue and, 165 secession from , 226 Western settlement of, 134-37, 154,261-62,275-76 Utah, 218

Varick, James, 146 Venezuela, 17,41,4 4 work o f slaves in, 20, 23, 24 Vermont, 110 , 112 Verrazzano, Giovanni da , 56 Vesey, Denmark, 197-9 8 Vigilantism, 243, 251-53. See also Ku Klux Klan Villamanrique, Marques de, 19 Virginia black soldiers in, 11 6 cotton in , 154 early Negroes in , 53 economy in , 171 , 17 2 emancipation in , 129 , 130 , 133 byDunmore, 101-2, 115, 116-17 proposed emigratio n from , 221 rebirth o f intolerance in, 168 resistance in , 198 Revolutionary War and, 117, 120 secession of , 22 6 slave laws in, 72 , 74, 86 slave resistance in, 67, 93-94, 169 slave revolt in, 167-6 8 slave trade in, 119 , 171 slavery in, 68, 70 U.S. Constitution and , 135 work of slaves in, 82, 17 6 Voting rights. See Suffrag e Waggoner, Molly, 155 Walker, David, 216 Walker, Quok, 110 Waring, Richard, 12 2 Washington, Booker T, 237, 274-75 Washington, D.C., 218,222 Washington, George , 84 African churc h and, 144 black soldiers and, 102 , 114-15, 120 fugitive slave s and, 122 slavery and, 82, 132, 13 6 Washington, Henry, 127 Watkins, William, 214 Watson, Henry, 180

Webster, Daniel, 212 Wesley, John, 111 , 14 5 Westbrooks, Lucinda , 265 Wheatley, John, 104 Wheatley, Nathaniel, 105 Wheatley, Phillis, 103-6 , 109 , 112-13, 148-49 , 158 Wheatley, Susannah, 104 Whipper, William, 21 5 White, George, 146 Whitefield, George, 104 Whitemore, Cuff, 9 8 Whitney, Eli, 153 Wilberforce, William, 124-27 Williams, Mollie, 229 Williams, Nathan, 265 Williams, Peter, 214 Wilmington, North Carolina, 97 Winthrop, John , 62 Wisconsin, 20 5 Women childbearing of, 196-97 during Civil War, 231,233, 264 denied suffrage , 240 , 24 5 politics and, 279 resistance of, 195-97 as runaways, 195 work of in families , 259, 260, 267, 271 in 19t h century, 206 as slaves, 80-81, 177 Woolman, John, 98 Work domestic, 24, 80, 147 , 148, 175 , 177-78,262 in 19t h century, 203-4, 206, 254-63 of slaves , 18-25, 49-50, 78-84, 147-49, 153-55 , 172-73 , 181-82 Wright, Richard R., 289 Wright, Theodore, 21 4 Yamma, Bristol, 11 2 Yanga (Cimarrones leader), 42 Zambos, 38 Zuni indians, 55

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